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Journal articles on the topic 'Africa and the Americas'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Poesche, Jurgen. "Coloniality in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Americas." Journal of Developing Societies 35, no. 3 (September 2019): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x19868317.

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The objective of this article is to contribute to the development of a common narrative on coloniality in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Americas. Since scholars tend to focus on either Sub-Saharan Africa or the Americas, a gap between these important regions has emerged in the literature on coloniality. This article seeks to bridge this gap by providing a comparative perspective on coloniality, and this hopefully will enhance Indigenous African nations’ and Indigenous American nations’ understanding of what needs to be done to overcome coloniality. The article explores three key theses. First, in spite of the differences in the extant societal power structures in the postcolonial African states and the former settler colonial states in the Americas, this article argues that the continued dynamics of coloniality are similar in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Americas. The minority status of Indigenous American nations throughout the Americas renders addressing coloniality more challenging than in Sub-Saharan Africa where Indigenous African nations are in the majority although they generally do not have effective sovereignty. Second, the extant societal power structures associated with both coloniality and occidental modernity have weaponized occidental jurisprudence, natural science and social science to defend and proliferate the status quo assisted by state sovereignty. Addressing coloniality effectively therefore requires a renaissance of Indigenous African and Indigenous American cosmovisions unaffected by modernity. Third, addressing coloniality in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Americas requires the recognition of the comprehensive and supreme sovereignty of the Indigenous African nations in all of Sub-Saharan Africa, and Indigenous American nations in all of the Americas.

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2

Gouveia, Mateus H., Victor Borda, Thiago P. Leal, Rennan G. Moreira, Andrew W. Bergen, Fernanda S. G. Kehdy, Isabela Alvim, et al. "Origins, Admixture Dynamics, and Homogenization of the African Gene Pool in the Americas." Molecular Biology and Evolution 37, no. 6 (March 3, 2020): 1647–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msaa033.

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Abstract The Transatlantic Slave Trade transported more than 9 million Africans to the Americas between the early 16th and the mid-19th centuries. We performed a genome-wide analysis using 6,267 individuals from 25 populations to infer how different African groups contributed to North-, South-American, and Caribbean populations, in the context of geographic and geopolitical factors, and compared genetic data with demographic history records of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. We observed that West-Central Africa and Western Africa-associated ancestry clusters are more prevalent in northern latitudes of the Americas, whereas the South/East Africa-associated ancestry cluster is more prevalent in southern latitudes of the Americas. This pattern results from geographic and geopolitical factors leading to population differentiation. However, there is a substantial decrease in the between-population differentiation of the African gene pool within the Americas, when compared with the regions of origin from Africa, underscoring the importance of historical factors favoring admixture between individuals with different African origins in the New World. This between-population homogenization in the Americas is consistent with the excess of West-Central Africa ancestry (the most prevalent in the Americas) in the United States and Southeast-Brazil, with respect to historical-demography expectations. We also inferred that in most of the Americas, intercontinental admixture intensification occurred between 1750 and 1850, which correlates strongly with the peak of arrivals from Africa. This study contributes with a population genetics perspective to the ongoing social, cultural, and political debate regarding ancestry, admixture, and the mestizaje process in the Americas.

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3

Whitten, Norman E. "African Roots/American Cultures: Africa in the Creation of the Americas.:African Roots/American Cultures: Africa in the Creation of the Americas." American Anthropologist 105, no. 3 (September 2003): 677–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2003.105.3.677.

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4

Coulleri, Juan P., David O. Simelane, Ketani Mawela, and María S. Ferrucci. "Climatic Niche Dynamics of Three Widespread Cardiospermum (Paullinieae, Sapindaceae) Species Revealed Possible Dispersal Pathways." Systematic Botany 45, no. 4 (December 8, 2020): 879–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1600/036364420x16033962925312.

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Abstract—The genus Cardiospermum comprises eight species distributed in the American continent, from central-eastern United States of America to central Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile; C. corindum, C. grandiflorum, and C. halicacabum are distributed worldwide. How these species spread to the African continent from the Americas and from Africa to the rest of the world remains to be understood. Two hypotheses were tested in this study: the species would have colonized the African continent either naturally, through extreme long-distance dispersal, or via human activities. Our work considers the niche conservatism principle, which states that a species tends to retain aspects of its fundamental niche over space and time; however, a deviation (i.e. niche shift) may be detected, indicating that the ecological and evolutionary traits of the species change in response to environmental modifications. We compared the niche of each of the three species based on their known occurrences, both in the Americas and in the rest of the world, and on climatic variables. We performed an environmental niche modelling analysis for three periods: Holocene, Last Glacial Maximum, and the present. In addition, a Principal Components Analysis of climatic variables associated with known occurrences was performed through the COUE scheme. Our results suggest an early migration of C. corindum and C. halicacabum from the Americas to Africa; therefore, these two species would be native to these ranges, as proposed in previous studies. In addition, a recent introduction event of C. grandiflorum to Africa, and from Africa to India, Asia, and Oceania, was detected, which confirms the invasive status of this species outside the Americas.

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5

Mintz, Sidney W. "Institutional mysteries." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 82, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002466.

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[First paragraph]Africa and the Americas: Interconnections During the Slave Trade. José C. Curto & Renenée Soulodrere-La France (eds.). Trenton NJ: Africa World Press, 2005. vii + 338 pp. (Paper US$ 29.95)Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas. Gwenendolyn Midlo Hall. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005. xxii + 225 pp. (Cloth US$ 34.95)The forced movement of enslaved Africans to the New World – before the nineteenth century, surely the largest and longest such uprooting and transfer of people in global history – resulted over time in a vast corpus of research and publication, of which these two books are a part. The first is an edited collection of twelve essays, preceded by a slightly giddy preface; the second is its author’s attempt to widen her research on African ethnic groups in the Americas, so as to demonstrate their existence. The themes of both books exemplify recent thinking among scholars of the African-American experience.

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6

Navia, D., GJ Moraes, and RB Querino. "Geographic pattern of morphological variation of the coconut mite, Aceria guerreronis Keifer (Acari: Eriophyidae), using multivariate morphometry." Brazilian Journal of Biology 69, no. 3 (August 2009): 773–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1519-69842009000400004.

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The coconut mite, Aceria guerreronis Keifer, has become one of the most important pests of coconut in the Americas and Africa and recently in Southeast Asia. Despite the great economic importance of this mite, there is a lack of information on its origin and invasion history that are important to guide the search of biological control agents as well as the adoption of quarantine procedures. This study evaluates morphometric variation among A. guerreronis populations throughout its occurrence area, relates this variation with historical sequence of records, looking for information on its biogeography. Samples of 27 populations from the Americas, Africa and Asia were analysed using Principal Component Analysis and Canonical Discriminant Analysis. Results showed significant morphometric variability of A. uerreronis throughout its distribution area, with a high variability among American populations and otherwise a high similarity among African and Asian populations. The geographic pattern of variation of mite populations observed supports the hypothesis that A. guerreronis originated in the Americas and was introduced into Africa and Asia. Some inferences related to taxonomy of Eriophyoidea mites were included.

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7

Killingray, David. "THE BLACK ATLANTIC MISSIONARY MOVEMENT AND AFRICA, 1780s-1920s." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 1 (2003): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603765626695.

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AbstractOver a period of 150 years African American missionaries sought to spread the Christian Gospel in the 'Black Atlantic' region formed by the Americas, Africa and Britain. Relatively few in number, they have been largely ignored by most historians of mission. As blacks in a world dominated by persistent slavery, ideas of scientific racism and also by colonialism, their lot was rarely a comfortable one. Often called, by a belief in 'divine providence', to the Caribbean and Africa, when employed by white mission agencies they were invariably treated as second-class colleagues. From the late 1870s new African American mission bodies sent men and women to the mission field. However, by the 1920s, black American missionaries were viewed with alarm by the colonial authorities as challenging prevailing racial ideas and they were effectively excluded from most of Africa.

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8

Lipski, John M. "Trinidad Spanish: implications for Afro-Hispanic language." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002023.

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[First paragraph]The question of Spanish language usage among African-born slaves (known as bozales) and their descendents in Spanish America is the subject of much controversy, and has had a major impact on theories of Creole formation and the evolution of Latin American dialects of Spanish, Portuguese and French. Briefly, one school of thought maintains that, at least during the last 150-200 years of African slave trade to Spanish America, bozales and their immediate descendants spoke a relatively uniform Spanish pidgin or creole, concentrated in the Caribbean region but ostensibly extending even to many South American territories. This creole in turn had Afro-Portuguese roots, derived from if not identical to the hypothetical maritime Portuguese creole (sometimes also identified with the medieval Sabir or Lingua Franca) claimed to be the source of most European - based Creoles in Africa, Asia and the Americas.1 The principal sources of evidence come in 19th century documents from the Caribbean region, principally Cuba and Puerto Rico, where many (but not all) bozal texts share a noteworthy similarity with other demonstrably Afro-Portuguese or Afro-Hispanic Creoles in South America, Africa and Asia.

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9

Smith, Katherine. "African Religions and Art in the Americas." Nova Religio 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2012.16.1.5.

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This print symposium of Nova Religio is devoted to African religions and arts in the Americas, focusing specifically on devotional arts inspired by the Yoruba people of West Africa. The authors presented here privilege an emic approach to the study of art and religion, basing their work on extensive interviews with artists, religious practitioners, and consumers. These articles contribute an understanding of devotional arts that shows Africa, or the idea of Africa, remains a powerful political and aesthetic force in the religious imagination of the Americas.

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10

Pažoutová, Sylvie, Ranajit Bandyopadhyay, Debra E. Frederickson, Peter G. Mantle, and Richard A. Frederiksen. "Relations Among Sorghum Ergot Isolates from the Americas, Africa, India, and Australia." Plant Disease 84, no. 4 (April 2000): 437–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis.2000.84.4.437.

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Sorghum ergot, initially restricted to Asia and Africa, was recently found in the Americas and Australia. Three species causing the disease have been reported: Claviceps sorghi in India, C. sorghicola in Japan, and C. africana in all ergot-positive countries. The objective of our study was to study the intraspecific variation in C. africana isolates in the Americas, Africa, India, and Australia. We confirmed C. africana, C. sorghi, and C. sorghicola as different species using differences in nucleotide sequences of internal transcribed spacer 1 and 5.8S rDNA regions. Sequences of this region obtained from the representative American, Indian, and Australian isolates of C. africana were identical. In addition, random amplified polymorphic DNA (RAPD) banding patterns of sorghum ergot pathogen isolates from the United States, Mexico, Puerto Rico, Bolivia, Australia, and India were evaluated with nearly 100 primers. A total of 65 primers gave identical patterns for all isolates, which confirmed that all were C. africana. The identity of RAPD pattern and rDNA sequence of Indian isolates with those of C. africana confirmed that the species is now present in India. Only 20 primers gave small pattern differences and 7 of them were used for routine testing. All of the American isolates were identical and three isolates of the same type were also found in South Africa, suggesting Africa as the origin of the invasion clone in the Americas. Australian and Indian isolates were distinguishable by a single band difference; therefore, migration from the Asian region to Australia is suspected. Another distinct group was found in Africa. Cluster analysis of the informative bands revealed that the American and African group are on the same moderately (69%) supported clade. Isolates from Australia and India belonged to another clade.

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11

CARNEY, JUDITH A. "AFRICAN RICE IN THE COLUMBIAN EXCHANGE." Journal of African History 42, no. 3 (December 2001): 377–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701007940.

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Most studies of the Columbian Exchange have not appreciated the significance of Africans in establishing plant domesticates in the Americas. African plants traversed the Atlantic as provisions aboard slave ships and slaves proved instrumental in their establishment in the New World as preferred food staples. This paper identifies the diverse crops domesticated in Africa, the intercontinental plant exchanges between Africa and Asia that occurred in the millennia before the Columbian Exchange and the role of African indigenous knowledge in establishing rice in the Americas.

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12

Jordan, Bertrand. "Les traces génétiques de la traite des esclaves." médecine/sciences 36, no. 10 (October 2020): 945–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/medsci/2020169.

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More than 10 million enslaved Africans were transported to the Americas between 1500 and 1900. Recent genetic studies investigate regional African ancestry components in present-day Africa-Americans, and allow comparison with the extensive records documenting these deportations. The genetic evidence generally agrees with the historical records but brings additional insights in this dark episode of human history.

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13

Inikori, Joseph E. "Africa and the globalization process: western Africa, 1450–1850." Journal of Global History 2, no. 1 (March 2007): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002045.

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The article examines the debate on globalization as a historical process and provides a context for the assessment of western Africa’s long-run contribution to the process, the main subject of the article. It argues that the process began in the Atlantic basin in the sixteenth century; in the nineteenth, it gave rise to an integrated Atlantic economy, the nucleus of the modern global economy. The process involved the transformation of the predominantly subsistence economies of the Atlantic basin in 1450 to market-based economies before their integration by the Atlantic market could occur. Large-scale specialization of the plantation and mining economies of the Americas was central to the transformation process. Because of abundant land, large-scale plantation agriculture in the Americas was made possible by coerced African labour. In the end, the unique characteristics of the export slave trade that supplied coerced African labour to the Americas retarded the development of the market economy in western Africa and kept the region’s economies out of the integrated commodity production processes of the Atlantic economy until that trade ended in the mid-nineteenth century. The analysis of the commercializing process in the Atlantic basin and its causal link to England’s Industrial Revolution, with its new technologies, and to the establishment of the integrated nineteenth-century Atlantic economy presents a powerful argument that places Africa at the centre stage of the globalization process

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14

Uchechukwu, Purity. "A Proposal for Afro-Hispanic Peoples and Culture as General Studies Course in African Universities." Humanities 8, no. 1 (February 23, 2019): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010034.

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After centuries of denial, suppression and marginalization, the contributions of Afro-Hispanics/Latinos to the arts, culture, and the Spanish spoken in the Americas is gradually gaining recognition as Afro-descendants pursue their quest for visibility and space in Spanish America. Hand in hand with this development is the young generation of Afro-Latinos who, are proud to identify with the black race. Ironically, the young African student has very little knowledge of the presence and actual situation of Afro-descendants in Spanish-speaking America. This is because many African universities still follow the old colonial system which excludes knowledge of the presence and cultures of the once enslaved Africans in the Spanish speaking world. Thus, while Afro-descendants are fighting for visibility and recognition in Spanish America, they remain almost invisible in the African continent. The aim of this paper is to propose a curriculum, Afro-Hispanic Peoples and Culture, as a general studies course in African universities. Such a curriculum would create in Africa the much-needed visibility and contributions of Afro-descendants in Spanish-speaking America, and also foster collaborative works between young African academics and their counterparts in the Americas.

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15

Ezra, Kate, J. Kenneth Moore, and Heidi King. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 51, no. 2 (1993): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3269025.

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16

LaGamma, Alisa, Heidi King, and Julie Jones. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 56, no. 2 (1998): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3269047.

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17

Jones, Julie, J. Kenneth Moore, and Alisa LaGamma. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 58, no. 2 (2000): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3269098.

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18

King, Heidi, Julie Jones, Alisa LaGamma, Eric Kjellgren, and Virginia-Lee Webb. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 61, no. 2 (2003): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3269119.

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19

Jones, Julie, Kate Ezra, Heidi King, Florina H. Capistrano, Susan Bergh, Jane Whitney, and Morgan Whitney. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 50, no. 2 (1992): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3269248.

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20

LaGamma, Alisa, J. Kenneth Moore, Michael Gunn, and Julie Jones. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 53, no. 2 (1995): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3269260.

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21

Benzel, Kim, Kate Ezra, J. Kenneth Moore, Heidi King, and Julie Jones. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 52, no. 2 (1994): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3258876.

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22

Koda, Harold, Virginia-Lee Webb, Eric Kjellgren, Alisa LaGamma, and Emily Martin. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 59, no. 2 (2001): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3258904.

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23

LaGamma, Alisa, J. Kenneth Moore, Julie Jones, and Eric P. Kjellgren. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 57, no. 2 (1999): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3259916.

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24

LaGamma, Alisa, Michael Gunn, Julie Jones, and Harold Koda. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 54, no. 2 (1996): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3262711.

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Jones, Julie, J. Kenneth Moore, Heidi King, Eric Kjellgren, Alisa LaGamma, and Virginia-Lee Webb. "Africa, Oceania, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 60, no. 2 (2002): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3263910.

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26

Bolgherini, Silvia. "Elezioni nel mondo – Luglio-Dicembre 2008." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 62, no. 2 (December 30, 2009): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-10155.

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27

Derby, Lauren. "Sorcery in the Black Atlantic: The Occult Arts in Comparative Perspective." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 44, no. 2 (August 2013): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00538.

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Three recent volumes—Parés and Sansi (eds.), Sorcery in the Black Atlantic; Paton and Forde (eds.), Obeah and Other Powers; and Sweet, Domingos Álvares, African Healing, and the Intellectual History of the Atlantic World—set a new bar for scholarship about Caribbean and Latin American sorcery, stressing its contingency as well as its transnational and cosmopolitan aspects. Their richly contextualized case studies of African-derived practices related to illness and health, as well as the quotidian experience of slaves outside the plantation, challenge the most entrenched assumptions about sorcery and extend its use to a range of social actors, not just slaves. In the process, they serve to relocate the practice of sorcery in Latin America within a broad comparative framework that includes Europe and the Americas as well as Africa.

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Kaschula, Ronald Otto Christian. "The Pediatric Autopsy in Africa." Archives of Pathology & Laboratory Medicine 137, no. 6 (June 1, 2013): 756–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5858/arpa.2011-0589-ra.

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Context.—Within the continent of Africa few countries have been able to practice pathology at the levels present in Europe and the Americas, and pediatric pathology does not exist as a stand-alone specialty. The author was invited by a colleague from Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts, to join a group of North American pathologists in presenting a course on the Contribution of Anatomic Pathology for advancing the health of women and children in Africa. The course was held in Ethiopia in June 2011, to review the current state of pediatric pathology in Africa and to provide resources/teaching for improving pediatric pathology services in low-resource settings. Objective.—To provide a succinct description of applicable autopsy techniques and the interpretation of gross, microscopic, and ancillary findings with respect to Africa's need to enhance the health of women and children. The author makes suggestions for obviating possible problems in anticipation of increased demands by national authorities and of public expectations of pathologists who usually have had only general training. Data Sources.—This article is based upon the author's personal experience of practicing pathology in Africa for the past 51 years, which has included visiting pathology laboratories in 9 African countries and interacting with colleagues in 18 additional African countries. The contents of this article are derived from personal observations, recent publications, and information gleaned from Internet sources. Conclusions.—Even without specific training in pediatric pathology, it is possible for pediatric autopsies to be undertaken in Africa and other resource-poor settings, in a manner that facilitates sound decision making for improving the health of women and children.

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Reid, Richard. "Images of an African Ruler: Kabaka Mutesa of Buganda, ca. 1857–1884." History in Africa 26 (January 1999): 269–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172144.

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There can be few areas of the world which have been more systematically misrepresented than Africa, especially that part of the continent south of the Sahara. For centuries, and certainly since the Midas-like Mansa Musa sat astride West Africa on the maps of fourteenth-century Spain, the weird and wonderful imagery of Africa has flooded Europe's vision of that continent. Much of this imagery has been generated by Europeans, and even where it has been generated by Africans themselves, the original meaning and intention is often difficult to discover. The imagery has, to the non-African world, become Africa; this is the case to the point where, at the end of the twentieth century, almost every adjective placed before the name “Africa” is loaded, has some ideological or political currency, and indeed has a history of its own.Most famously, perhaps, Africa was for a long time “dark”, and still that image periodically appears in assorted Western media, a comforting crutch to an audience which remains somewhat confused as to what to make of the continent. Africa is often supposed to have a “heart,” in a way that neither Europe nor North America does. This is perhaps related to the continent's geographical shape, for it is rather more self-contained than Europe, Asia, or the Americas. It is more likely, however, that an African “heart” is sought precisely because it cannot, using the clumsy surgical tools of Western culture, be found. In more recent times, Africa's “dark heart” has been replaced by its “troubled heart;” but the idea remains unchanged.

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Antón Sánchez, John Herlyn. "Latin American International Law and Afro-Descendant Peoples." AJIL Unbound 116 (2022): 334–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.51.

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After the Third World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance, held by the United Nations in Durban, South Africa, in 2001, an important movement emerged. The African diaspora communities in the Americas, or “Afro-descendants,” as they prefer to self-identify, began to seek legal recognition in the context of international human rights law, and especially within the inter-American human rights system. Progress has been remarkable, including the rulings of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, changes in the constitutional and legal systems of Latin American countries, and a UN draft of a Declaration of the Rights of People of African Descent, as part of the International Decade for People of African Descent (2015–2024). However, conceptual, technical, and doctrinal issues still exist in defining the legal agency of people of African descent under international law. Who are Afro-descendants in legal terms, and how do we understand “Afro-descendance” within the context of Indigenous and tribal peoples? In this essay, I explain how different regional bodies in Latin America have interpreted Indigenous rights progressively to overcome the marginalization of Afro-descendants, and address some important questions that remain unclear despite this welcome evolution.

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31

Tuffnell, Stephen. "Engineering inter-imperialism: American miners and the transformation of global mining, 1871–1910." Journal of Global History 10, no. 1 (February 18, 2015): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000369.

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AbstractThis article examines the transnational circulation of American mine engineers between the United States, southern Africa, and the Americas in the late nineteenth century. Technology and knowledge was diffused worldwide with the circulation of American engineers who styled themselves as expert race managers as they compared the labour practices of mines across the world. The article's focus is the extension of the United States’ global footprint to South Africa, where an expatriate ‘colony’ of American engineers created a resilient form of Anglo-American inter-imperial collaboration. As they worked the Rand, American engineers made transnational comparisons of South African and North and South American mines. In the process, they led a global discussion of the efficiency of mining labour that reified white management of other races. After leaving the Rand, American engineers migrated across the globe, many to Mexico, where the interwoven networks of expert knowledge, industrial capitalism, and transnational race-making that characterized late nineteenth-century global mining followed.

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32

Cowan, Benjamin A. "Sheila S. Walker, African Roots/American Cultures: Africa in the Creation of the Americas." Journal of African American History 89, no. 1 (January 2004): 82–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4134049.

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33

Corwin, Jay. "History, Mythology, and 20th Century Latin American Fiction." Theory in Action 14, no. 4 (October 31, 2021): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2126.

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The history of the Americas from the colonial period is marked by a large influx of persons from Europe and Africa. Fiction in 20th Century Latin America is marked by ties to the Chronicles and the history of human melding in the Americas, with a natural flow of social and religious syncretism that shapes the unique literary aesthetics of its literatures as may be witnessed in representative authors of genuine merit from different regions of Latin America.

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34

Sundiata, Ibrahim K. "Africanity, Identity and Culture." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502285.

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What is the meaning of the term “African Diaspora” and what is its extent? What is its future? Although the term has long been used for the scattered daughters and sons of Africa in the Americas, little attention has been devoted to delimiting its boundaries. From the fifteenth century onward, over ten million forced migrants left the African continent to people both of the Americas and the islands of the Caribbean. Their culture was never static; it involved syncretistic reformation, subsumption/transmogrification and reintegration/reassertion.

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35

Johnson, J. G., and A. C. Lenz. "Eoplicoplasia, a new genus of Silurian–Lower Devonian ambocoeliid brachiopods." Journal of Paleontology 66, no. 3 (May 1992): 530–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022336000034077.

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The genus Plicoplasia Boucot, 1959 (type species P. cooperi Boucot, 1959), embraces certain Lower Devonian brachiopods of the subfamily Ambocoeliinae, family Ambocoeliidae. The geographic range of Plicoplasia includes North America (Eastern Americas Realm) and South America and South Africa (Malvinokaffric Realm).

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Bolgherini, Silvia. "Elezioni nel mondo – Luglio-Dicembre 2010." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 66, no. 2 (December 30, 2011): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9805.

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Europe: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Czech Republic, Latvia, Moldova, Sweden; Africa: Burkina Faso, Egypt; Americas: Brasil, United States of America, Venezuela; Asia: Japan; Oceania: Australia.

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Walvin, James. "Rethinking Atlantic History." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2009): 290–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002455.

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[First paragraph]Shaping the Stuart World 1603-1714: The Atlantic Connection. Allan I. Macinnes & Arthur H. Williamson (eds.). Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2006. xiv + 389 pp. (Cloth US$ 135.00)Slavery and the British Empire: From Africa to America. Kenneth Morgan. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. x + 221 pp. (Paper US$ 32.00)Although an important debate continues about the concept itself, the use of “the Atlantic” has embedded itself in scholarly vernacular. The scholarly output directly spawned by an engagement with the concept continues apace. That ocean, and the peoples who lived and traded along its edges, and who finally moved across it, have provided an important geographical focus for some major reconsiderations of modern history. Prompted by the Macinnes/Williamson volume, I returned to my own undergraduate and graduate notes and essays from courses on Stuart Britain: the Atlantic was totally absent – not even present as a distant speck on our intellectual map. We studied, and debated, the formal histories of migrations to the Americas (i.e. Europeanmigrations) but there was no mention of Africa or Africans. And no sense was conveyed that the European engagement with the Americas (in their totality – as opposed to North America) was a two-way, mutual force: that the European world was influenced, indeed shaped in many critical regards,by the Americas: by the land, the products, the peoples, and by the markets of that hemisphere. At its most obvious in the ebb and flow of peoples, even that eluded the historians I encountered as a student. It was as if we were talking about a different cosmos; few moved beyond the conventions of European migrations westwards and little attention was paid to that most dominant of migrations – the enforced African migrations to the Americas.

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Hair, P. E. H. "Antera Duke of Old Calabar—A Little More About an African Entrepreneur." History in Africa 17 (January 1990): 359–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171825.

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The reference to Antera Duke of Old Calabar in HA 16 (1989) encourages me to contribute a note on this historical notable.1 A gross imbalance exists in the scholarly study of black slavery. The shelves of academic libraries groan under the weight of books on black slavery in the Americas. Yet for every hundred books on trans-Atlantic black slavery and the Middle Passage, there is at best a single volume on black slavery in Africa. Moreover, the curt preliminary chapter dealing with slavery in Africa mandatory in books on black slavery in the Americas, not uncommonly limits itself to repeating anachronistic moralizing cliches that show little awareness of up-to-date Africanist knowledge of slavery in Africa—and exhibit little empathy with past African enterprise. There is some excuse. Any historical social process shared between preliterate and literate societies will inevitably have fuller and clearer source material in respect of the latter than in respect of the former. Information on black slavery in the Americas, on the Middle Passage, and on the non-African aspects of the procurement of slaves, is relatively abundant; information on the transmission of an individual African from an earlier non-slave situation, through the hands of Africans, to the point where he or she was handed over to non-Africans, is almost nonexistent. This being so, the publication in 1956 of the diary of an African slave trader, Antera Duke of Old Calabar, a diary covering the years from 1785 to 1788, was an outstanding historiographical event.

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Nagahama, Nicolás, and Guillermo A. Norrmann. "Review of the Genus Andropogon (Poaceae: Andropogoneae) in America Based on Cytogenetic Studies." Journal of Botany 2012 (March 5, 2012): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/632547.

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Andropogon is a pantropical grass genus comprising 100–120 species and found mainly in the grasslands of Africa and the Americas. In the new world the genus is represented by approximately sixty (diploids or hexaploids) species grouped in three sections. The hexaploid condition occurs only in the Americas and the full process of this origin is still uncertain, although cytogenetic analysis coupled with taxonomic evidence have provided strong support for new hypothesis. Stebbins proposed the first hypothesis suggesting that the origin of polyploidy in species of Andropogon in North America resulted from duplication of the genome of some diploid species, and then by intergeneric crosses with species of a related genus. Since then, numerous studies were performed to clarify the evolutionary history of the genus in America. In this paper, we present a review of cytogenetic studies in the American Andropogon species during the last four decades.

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Brock, Lisa. "Questioning the Diaspora: Hegemony, Black Intellectuals and Doing International History from Below." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502273.

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The recent debates among scholars on hegemony and race in African Studies are very exciting. Realities that African-American intellectuals know quite well—that there was a Black tradition of scholarship on Africa in the Americas long before 1948 and that peoples of African descent have been marginalized within the African Studies establishment—are finally getting a much needed airing. Although some of the opinions, such as those expressed by Phillip Curtin in the Chronicle are difficult to swallow and no doubt the cause of great unease, many of us are not surprised and are in fact elated. Silences on issues of racism are never golden, only a resolve to expose and fight them are.

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Beneventi, Domenico A. "Consecrated Ground: Spatial Exclusion and the Black Urban Body." Scripta 20, no. 39 (December 22, 2016): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2358-3428.2016v20n39p162.

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<p>There has been a long history of discrimination, exclusion, and racial segregation of Canada’s black communities. The establishment and growth of the slave trade, enabled by European maritime technology, made it economically feasible and efficient to establish a trade network of slaves between Africa and the New World. Labour supply in the Americas was affected not only by the lack of Native Americans’ immunity to European diseases, but by European workers’ inability to contend with the extreme heat and tropical diseases in the South American colonies. James Walker argues that contrary to the prevalent understanding that the slave trade was justified by a racialized discourse which constructed the black body inferior to that of whites, “it was the superiority of African labourers in the New World tropics that sealed their fate as slaves” (140).</p>

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Naicker, Previn, and Yasien Sayed. "Non-B HIV-1 subtypes in sub-Saharan Africa: impact of subtype on protease inhibitor efficacy." Biological Chemistry 395, no. 10 (October 1, 2014): 1151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hsz-2014-0162.

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Abstract In 2012, 25 million people [71% of global human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection] were estimated to be living with HIV in sub-Saharan Africa. Of these, approximately 1.6 million were new infections and 1.2 million deaths occurred. South Africa alone accounted for 31% of HIV/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) deaths in sub-Saharan Africa. This disturbing statistic indicates that South Africa remains the epicenter of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, compounded by the fact that only 36% of HIV-positive patients in South Africa have access to antiretroviral (ARV) treatment. Drug resistance mutations have emerged, and current ARVs show reduced efficacy against non-B subtypes. In addition, several recent studies have shown an increased prevalence of non-B African HIV strains in the Americas and Europe. Therefore, the use of ARVs in a non-B HIV-1 subtype context requires further investigation. HIV-1 subtype C protease, found largely in sub-Saharan Africa, has been under-investigated when compared with the subtype B protease, which predominates in North America and Europe. This review, therefore, focuses on HIV-1 proteases from B and C subtypes.

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Longrich, Nicholas R., Jakob Vinther, R. Alexander Pyron, Davide Pisani, and Jacques A. Gauthier. "Biogeography of worm lizards (Amphisbaenia) driven by end-Cretaceous mass extinction." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 282, no. 1806 (May 7, 2015): 20143034. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2014.3034.

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Worm lizards (Amphisbaenia) are burrowing squamates that live as subterranean predators. Their underground existence should limit dispersal, yet they are widespread throughout the Americas, Europe and Africa. This pattern was traditionally explained by continental drift, but molecular clocks suggest a Cenozoic diversification, long after the break-up of Pangaea, implying dispersal. Here, we describe primitive amphisbaenians from the North American Palaeocene, including the oldest known amphisbaenian, and provide new and older molecular divergence estimates for the clade, showing that worm lizards originated in North America, then radiated and dispersed in the Palaeogene following the Cretaceous-Palaeogene (K-Pg) extinction. This scenario implies at least three trans-oceanic dispersals: from North America to Europe, from North America to Africa and from Africa to South America. Amphisbaenians provide a striking case study in biogeography, suggesting that the role of continental drift in biogeography may be overstated. Instead, these patterns support Darwin and Wallace's hypothesis that the geographical ranges of modern clades result from dispersal, including oceanic rafting. Mass extinctions may facilitate dispersal events by eliminating competitors and predators that would otherwise hinder establishment of dispersing populations, removing biotic barriers to dispersal.

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Coates, Oliver. "African American Journalists in World War II West Africa: The NNPA Commission Tour of 1944–1945." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 2, 2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054912.

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The National Negro Publishers Association (NNPA) Commission to West Africa in 1944–1945 represents a major episode in the history of World War II Africa, as well as in American–West Africa relations. Three African American reporters toured the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Liberia, and the Congo between November 1944 and February 1945, before returning to Washington, DC to report to President Roosevelt. They documented their tour in the pages of the Baltimore Afro-American, the Chicago Defender, and the Norfolk Journal and Guide. Their Americans’ visit had a significant impact in wartime West Africa and was widely documented in the African press. This article examines the NNPA tour geographically, before analyzing American reporters’ interactions with West Africans, and assessing African responses to the tour. Drawing on both African American and West African newspapers, it situates the NNPA tour within the history of World War II West Africa, and in terms of African print culture. It argues that the NNPA tour became the focus of West African hopes for future political, economic, and intellectual relations with African Americans, while revealing how the NNPA reporters engaged African audiences during their tour.

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BouDagher-Fadel, Marcelle K., and G. David Price. "The Paleogeographic Evolution of the Orthophragminids of the Paleogene." Journal of Foraminiferal Research 47, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 337–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2113/gsjfr.47.4.337.

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Abstract Orthophragminids are larger benthic foraminifera (LBF) and, together with the nummulitids, were the major rock-forming foraminifera from the middle Paleocene to the late Eocene. Today, porous, LBF-bearing, Paleogene limestones, which occur globally from the Pacific and Atlantic margins of the Americas to the Indo-Pacific, form potentially valuable oil reservoirs, and their biota have formed the basis of the definition of three paleobiogeographic provinces, namely those of the Americas, Tethys, and the Indo-Pacific. The orthophragminids of the western part of the Tethyan Province have been studied extensively, however, the other provinces are less well characterized, and until now the origin and paleogeographic development of this group have not been fully articulated. New material described here allows the clear definition of a fourth, South African paleobiogeographic province, and, when combined with refined biostratigraphic dating based on new material from the Americas, Europe, South Asia and SE Asia, enables their paleogeographic and biostratigraphic evolution to be determined. Critically, the occurrence of cosmopolitan planktonic foraminifera (PF) within LBF assemblages enables the first occurrences of various LBF forms within each province to be dated relative to well-calibrated planktonic zones (PZ). From this, we infer that, like the previously studied lepidocyclinids and nummulitids, the orthophragminids originated in the Americas during the Paleocene, probably between the late Danian (PZ P1c, 63.5 Ma) and the early Selandian (PZ P3a, 61.6 Ma). By the middle Paleocene, the orthophragminids had migrated across the Atlantic to the previously isolated West African coast at the extreme of Tethys, probably during global sea-level low stands at 60.3 Ma and again at 56.4 Ma. Subsequently, the American Province again became isolated. In the Tethys, the orthophragminid migrations followed two paths: northeastward through the Tethyan corridor in the late Paleo-cene (Thanetian), and south in the earliest Eocene (Ypresian) to South Africa. The Tethyan forms evolved during the Eocene into many lineages, which in turn migrated, after a few million years of their first appearances into the Indo-Pacific, where they again became isolated and diversified further. Meanwhile the South African forms remained similar to their American ancestors in both small size and external ornamentation, while their internal evolution closely followed that of Tethys forms, as exhibited by three species of Nemkovella and Discocyclina described here from South Africa (Nemkovella mcmilliana n. sp., Discocyclina davyi n. sp. and D. africana n. sp.).

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ADI, HAKIM. "Pan-African Chronology: A Comprehensive Reference to the Black Quest for Freedom in Africa, the Americas, Europe and Asia, 1400–1865. By EVERETT JENKINS, JR. North Carolina: McFarland, 1996. Pp. viii + 440. £44.95 (ISBN 0- 7864-0139-7)." Journal of African History 38, no. 1 (March 1997): 123–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853796626905.

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Everett Jenkins' book is an admirable attempt to present a comparative chronology of events in Africa and throughout the African Diaspora. The volume is divided into five principal chapters, corresponding to the five centuries covered, each preceded by a brief introduction, and includes a short bibliography and guide to sources, as well as an extensive and comprehensive index. In addition to sections on Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas, the author also includes useful sections on ‘related historical events’.

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Jones, Julie, Kate Ezra, and Heidi King. "The Pacific Islands, Africa, and the Americas." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 48, no. 2 (1990): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3258960.

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Buttelmann, Anne. "From Africa via the Americas to Iceland." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 70, no. 4 (October 20, 2017): 661–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2017-0028.

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Torrubia, Rafael. "Black Jews in Africa and the Americas." Nova Religio 18, no. 1 (February 2013): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2014.18.1.130.

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Widgren, Mats. "Furrows in Africa — canals in the Americas?" Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 49, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 524–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0067270x.2014.968389.

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