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Journal articles on the topic 'Afghanistan 2001 to 2017'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Tehseena Usman and Minhas Majeed Khan. "Pak-Afghan Relations (2001-2017): A Prisoner’s Dilemma Analysis." Strategic Studies 37, no. 1 (April 10, 2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.01.00228.

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Pak-Afghan relations in post-Taliban era are a narration of mistrust and a display of the Prisoner’s Dilemma. Despite Pakistan’s efforts to maintain good neighbourly relations, it is being blamed for chaotic situation in Afghanistan, providing safe havens for miscreants in FATA, sponsoring terrorism and suicide bombing in the latter. On the other hand, Pakistan is also suspicious of Afghanistan’s India-centric policies, which results in insurgency and unrest in FATA, Balochistan and different parts of the country. Despite several commonalities and both being allies in the war against terrorism, the trust gap however is so broad that both the countries cannot decipher their disagreements bilaterally. Resultantly, both have become a recipe of never ending violence and allowing regional powers to interfere in their affairs and exploit the situation to their own advantage. Pak-Afghan relations cannot afford mistrust and hostility, which has repeatedly caused negative repercussions on their relations. The paper employs Prisoner’s Dilemma approach to examine the nature of Pak-Afghan relations and draw a conclusion for trust building via its repeated reciprocal strategies. In addition, the theoretical framework explains that reciprocal strategies, if adopted, will enable Pakistan and Afghanistan to break Prisoner’s Dilemma, sustain trust and convert their limited cooperation into full cooperation based on mutual trust.
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2

Foot, Peter. "Afghanistan 2001–2014: The Enduring Literature?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 13, no. 2 (2014): 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.13.2.07.

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3

Khalid, Ijaz, Bushra Qureshi, and Shazia Hassan. "US Afghan Strategy: Policy Responses of China and Pakistan (2001-2017)." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).04.

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This paper attempts to explore the level of variations in the pattern of foreign policies of Pakistan and China to US Afghan strategy. To investigate this question, the paper examines US strategy in Afghanistan. The current administration under Trump and announcement of China Pakistan Economic Corridor further complicated the US presence in Afghanistan. The study analyses the factors that are responsible for differences between Pakistani and Chinese stance. About the results, China's response was an outcome of their foreign policy principles, that is not to indulge in direct clash with the US and Western world. The interests of China in Afghanistan are linked to that of Pakistan, South and Central Asia. China does not want to wage unilateral talks with Taliban at the cost of Pakistan's interests. While on the other hand, post 9/11 2001, Pakistan could not resist the pressure of US policies in Afghanistan because it was heavily dependent on the US, economically, militarily, politically and diplomatically. The respective Political structure and culture; their foreign policy priorities, goals, and tradition; perception of threat and resulting priorities; political and economic dependence; location, policy options and decision-making and professional capabilities of decision making were jointly responsible for their differences.
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4

Härtel-Petri, R., J. Steinmann, M. Wolfersdorf, and H. Schulte-Wefers. "Rauschgifttodesfälle in Bayern und Deutschland von 2003 bis 2006." Nervenheilkunde 27, S 01 (2008): S28—S29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1627272.

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ZusammenfassungVorgestellt wird die Zahl der Drogentoten in Bayern von 2003 bis 2006, gegliedert nach den Polizeipräsidien und offiziellen Angaben. Ergebnisse: Es konnte im Vergleich zu früheren Untersuchungen eine signifikante Abnahme der Drogenmortalität beobachtet werden. 2006 sank die Zahl erstmals wieder auf das Niveau zu Beginn der 1990er-Jahre. Verschiedene Interpretationen werden kritisch gewürdigt. Seit Implementierung der Substitution als antragsfreie Kassenleistung konnte ab 2001 ein Anstieg der Substitutionspatienten verzeichnet werden. Durch fehlende Zulassung der Heroinsubstitution, abnehmende Zahlen substitutionswilliger Ärzte sowie der Verfügbarkeit billigen Heroins aus Afghanistan ist nach 2007/2008 prognostisch mit einem Anstieg der Drogentoten zu rechnen.
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5

Saboor, Abdul, Sardar Ahmed, and Taha Shabbir. "Post Withdrawal Situation of us Troops from Afghanistan: Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)." Global International Relations Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2021(iv-iv).05.

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The study of international relations has been re-examined in light of a global perspective on politics since the conclusion of World War 2 and the September 11 terrorist attacks. Examining Afghanistan's connection with the SCO is a relatively new subject of study. Between 2001 and 2011,China intervened strategically and economically in Afghanistan in the Bonn talks between Afghanistan, China, and the SCO. Afghanistan was awarded observer status by the SCO in 2012 in order to facilitate the integration of the broader area into the SCO and diminish US-NATO influence in the nation where Russia's key geostrategic interests lay. For China, Afghanistan's natural riches are particularly valuable. Despite the United States' exit from Afghanistan, the Taliban maintains total control of the country, and international governments refuse to recognize them.The country's position is deteriorating due to the government's lack of legitimacy. Both Moscow and Beijing want to put an end to the situation.
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6

Mitrofanenkova, Olga. "INTERNATIONAL ANTI-DRUG POLICY IN AFGHANISTAN (2001-2019)." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2020): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-02-085-102.

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After the fall of Taliban in 2001 crisis in Afghanistan entered a new stage of its evaluation. The drug production broke all previous records. Afghanistan became a drug state that attracted attention of international community. The fight against drugs in Afghanistan is considered in the article.
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7

Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen, and Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, no. 4 (January 19, 2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.

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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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8

Umarov, Akram. "Assessing China’s New Policy in Afghanistan." Central Asian Affairs 4, no. 4 (November 25, 2017): 384–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00404004.

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Prior to 2001, Beijing faithfully observed the principles of neutrality and non-interference regarding Afghanistan, yet it has become one of the key actors in appeasing the conflict, especially since 2014. Numerous scholars suggest that China’s U-turn is related to the potential threat posed by the Uygur separatists in Afghanistan. This study suggests an alternate motive; namely, that Afghanistan’s strategic location—the heart of Central and South Asia, the Middle East, and East Asia—drives China’s increased interest.
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9

Murtazashvili, Jennifer Brick. "Afghanistan in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.187.

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Hopes for national unity and stability in Afghanistan were dashed in 2015 as the government lost control of significant territory to insurgents. Kunduz City fell briefly to the Taliban, the first major city to fall to them since 2001. The ANSF experienced heavy casualties, at a time when nearly one-fifth of the country’s districts were either controlled or heavily contested by the Taliban.
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10

Tariq, Muhammad, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Ahmed Saeed Minhas. "An Analysis of Insurgency in Afghanistan (2001- 2016)." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. II (June 30, 2018): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-ii).09.

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Afghanistan has been wrapped in insurgency since the Russian withdrawal in 1979, followed by civil war. The emergence of Taliban to power with their self-styled type of imposition of Islamic law compelled the great powers to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. September 2001 was a turning point in the history of Afghanistan as the NATO forces made their entry under the garb of security. The establishment of a democratic government in the country could not help in uprooting terrorism and insurgency from the country. Since the period of Russian Withdrawal, the country witnessed different eras of Taliban and the democratic governments coupled with the NATO mission. It is a fact that during the long stay of the presence of coalition forces in Afghanistan, insurgency could not be completely uprooted since new threats from different groups of insurgents have overpowered the country. Some of the provinces are hit hard by insurgency and terrorism. Efforts to hold peace talks were always dashed to the ground when the ISAF started its military operations against the terrorists.
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11

Burke, Edward. "Unwinnable: Britain’s War in Afghanistan, 2001–2014." RUSI Journal 163, no. 3 (May 4, 2018): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2018.1495365.

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12

Colley, Thomas. "UK communication strategies for Afghanistan, 2001–2014." Defence Studies 16, no. 2 (February 19, 2016): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2016.1150785.

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13

Bury, Patrick. "Unwinnable: Britain’s war in Afghanistan 2001–2014." Defence Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2017.1382311.

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14

Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. "Unwinnable: Britain's war in Afghanistan 2001–2014." International Affairs 94, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iix273.

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15

Jalal, Syed Umair, Nargis Zaman, and Muhammad Usman Ullah. "Dialogues and Peace Treaties in Afghanistan: An Analysis from 2010 to 2019." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-i).09.

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After the American invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the war-torn nation confronted numerous hardships and adversities in the following decade. US-led NATO forces overthrown the Taliban regime on 13 November 2001. The Taliban encountered severe blows from the US and allied forces, which constrained them to take shelter in the neighbouring countries, besides the hilly areas of Afghanistan (Afridi, Afridi, & Jalal, 2016). The region has witnessed a fierce fight between the Taliban and the NATO troops till 2010. Afterwards, a new phase in the Afghan conflict has begun; a progression of table talks and negotiations was initiated at various fronts. This particular research will focus on the dialogues, treaties, and negotiations among the conflicting parties to find a peaceful solution to the Afghan war.
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16

Jones, Kelly A., Nisara S. Granado, Besa Smith, Donald J. Slymen, Margaret A. K. Ryan, Edward J. Boyko, Gary D. Gackstetter, Christopher J. Phillips, and Tyler C. Smith. "A Prospective Study of Lupus and Rheumatoid Arthritis in Relation to Deployment in Support of Iraq and Afghanistan: The Millennium Cohort Study." Autoimmune Diseases 2011 (2011): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4061/2011/741267.

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The objective of this study was to prospectively assess the association between deployment in support of the operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and newly reported lupus and rheumatoid arthritis while also considering the effects of demographic, behavioral, and occupational characteristics. A total of 77,047 (2001–2003) and 31,110 (2004–2006) participants completed the baseline Millennium Cohort questionnaire and were resurveyed approximately every 3 years. Longitudinal analyses were used to assess the adjusted association between deployment to Iraq and Afghanistan with and without combat exposures and newly reported disease. After adjusting, deployment was not significantly associated with newly reported lupus compared with nondeployers. However, compared with nondeployers, deployers with and without combat exposures were significantly less likely to newly report rheumatoid arthritis. Women, non-Hispanic black, and Hispanic participants had a significantly elevated risk for both diseases. Overall, deployment was not associated with an increased risk of newly reported lupus or rheumatoid arthritis.
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17

Scobell, Andrew. "China Ponders Post-2014 Afghanistan." Asian Survey 55, no. 2 (March 2015): 325–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.2.325.

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Since 2001, China has warily watched the U.S. military presence in Afghanistan and associated footprint in Central Asia. In 2014, Beijing grew alarmed that a U.S. exit would prompt a resurgence of violence and Islamic radicalism in Afghanistan that could spill over into neighboring states, including China.
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18

Desportes, Vincent, and Boris Eisenbaum. "Politiques et stratégies américaines en Afghanistan 2001/2011." Les Cahiers de l'Orient 104, no. 4 (2011): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lcdlo.104.0053.

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19

Cook, James L. "The Wrong Enemy: America in Afghanistan, 2001–2014." Journal of Military Ethics 13, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 298–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15027570.2014.975942.

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20

Chin, Warren. "Anglo American military cooperation in Afghanistan 2001–2014." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 15, no. 2 (January 9, 2017): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2016.1268790.

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21

Alizai, Ghulam Shah Adel. "UNDERSTANDING LEGAL BARRIERS TO FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN AFGHANISTAN: A CASE STUDY IN HERAT INDUSTRIAL ZONE." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, no. 12 (December 28, 2020): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i12.2020.2515.

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Since a century ago, there have been many efforts to attract foreign investment in Afghanistan. These efforts include the codification of laws and policies and the provisionof facilities for participation of foreign companies in the Afghan economy through partnership with the government and partnership with private sector in this country. Since 2001, with the support of the market economy system in Afghanistan's constitution and the reform of some governmental institutions, these efforts have been accelerating, hoping thatencouraging foreign investors and their presence in the market will improve the economic situation. Unfortunately, these efforts have failed to meet the market expectations and the Afghanistan’s government purposes in order to attract foreign investment in Afghanistan. Even in 2014, and after that, the outflow of capital (domestic and foreign) has also beenreported from the economy of Afghanistan. Various variables can be considered as an obstacle to the development of foreign investment in Afghanistan, war, corruption, lack ofinfrastructure, lack of energy, lack of trained workforce and non-accountability of the legal system are in this category. In this research, it was assumed that the existing challenges in different sectors of legal framework of foreign investment in Afghanistan are the main obstacles to the growth of foreign investment in this country. In order to prove the hypothesis, the study was carried out using the experimental research method by referring to the investors and experts in the economic zone of Herat in western Afghanistan. The research results indicate that in some sectors, the legal system needs to be reformed, but in general and by comparing the legal system with other variables, the measure of investors' satisfaction is satisfactory, and regulations are not as the main obstacle to the growth of foreign investment in Afghanistan, thus based on the analysis of data, the existing challenges in the laws and policies is not the main obstacle to the growth of foreign investment in Afghanistan. Therefore, it is necessary for Afghanistan's government to take into account the challenges such as security problems, corruption, lack of infrastructure, lack of energy and lack of trained workforce and take steps to address them.
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22

Ottosen, Rune. "The Norwegian Media Image of the War in Afghanistan." Nordicom Review 26, no. 1 (May 1, 2005): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0249.

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Abstract This article analyzes the framing of Norwegian media coverage of the war against terror in Afghanistan with special emphasis of the coverage of the Norwegian military presence in Afghanistan. Two main issues are discussed: 1. How was the start of the war covered in the media in October 2001? 2. In what context was the Norwegian military presence covered? The two newspapers analyzed are Aftenposten and VG. The choice of these two newspapers was made to include Norway’s largest and potentially most influential morning paper (Aftenposten) and its largest tabloid, as well as largest newspaper (VG). Quantitative as well as qualitative methods are used to analyze the coverage. Both Aftenposten’s and VG’s coverage on the first day of the war in Afghanistan are dominated by pro-US framing and the use of Western sources. The pro-US framing is more obvious in Aftenposten than in VG.
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23

Sangar, Kaneshko. "Afghanistan’s significance for Russia in the 21st Century: Interests, Perceptions and Perspectives." Politics in Central Europe 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2016-0004.

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AbstractSince President Barack Obama set the end of 2014 as the deadline to complete the planned troop withdrawal from Afghanistan, numerous commentators have sought to assess Russia’s Afghan policy since September 11, 2001 and anticipate Moscow’s strategy in ‘post-2014’ Afghanistan. This paper maintains that an assessment/evaluation of Afghanistan’s significance for Russia in the current system of international relations is needed to understand Moscow’s current and future Afghan strategy. Hence, the aim of this study is to identify and analyse the major factors, which lead to a conceptualization of Russia’s interests in Afghanistan. When assessing Russia’s interests in Afghanistan, one must take into account a plethora of significant issues, including Putin’s ‘great-power’ rhetoric; geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic rivalries in the wider region; security threats such as the illegal narcotics emanating from Afghanistan and global terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism; the rivalry and competition for energy resources; and control over pipeline routes and energy corridors. The analysis of these substantiating factors demonstrate why in the 21st century the Afghan problem remains a significant challenge to Russia’s ‘great power’ identity, to its international strategy abroad, to its strategically important ‘near abroad,’ and to the country’s domestic socio-economic policy
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24

Mahmood, Tahir, Afaq Ali Muluk, and Seema Zubair. "Afghanistan’s Food Security: Evidence from Pakistan and Afghanistan Wheat Price Transmission using Threshold Vector Error Correction Model (TVECM))." Journal of Applied Economics and Business Studies 5, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.34260/jaebs.511.

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Afghanistan's food security mainly depends on Pakistan's wheat prospect, circumstances, agriculture policies, and market price dynamics. This study explores the price transmission mechanism of the wheat flour and wheat grain between Pakistan and Afghanistan using monthly price pairs from January 2003 through October 2017. The paper investigates the existing knowledge of how Pakistan’s agricultural policy and wheat market affects the wheat market and food security of Afghanistan. The results confirm that the wheat flour price of Pakistan is found to be driving the price of wheat flour of Afghanistan. This implies that wheat flour price of Pakistan evolves independently, and that wheat flour price of Afghanistan balances any divergence in the long-run relationship between the two markets prices. The policy implication is to eradicate transaction costs as well as procuring timely wheat grain and flour, in order to maintain price stability between Pakistan and Afghanistan wheat markets.
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25

Patterson, Eric. "The Afghanistan War and Jus Post Bellum." Washington University Review of Philosophy 2 (2022): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wurop202224.

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How should we think about justice at war’s end (jus post bellum) in the case of Afghanistan in 2022 and beyond? The basic principles of jus post bellum include order, justice, and conciliation; and there have been numerous policy attempts to realize these principles since the fall of the Taliban and flight of al Qaeda in December 2001. With the precipitous abandonment of Afghanistan by the Biden Administration and other allies in 2021, we have a sober opportunity to reflect on three periods of jus post bellum efforts: an initial humanitarian and human security phase (2002–2005); the surprising resilience of the Taliban and efforts at some sort of national grand bargain circa the 10-year mark (2009–2012); and now a future based upon Western withdrawal and the re-emerging dominance of the Taliban.
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26

Borisov, Denis A., and Asliddin (Marat) M. Safarov. "The Western Model of Settling the Afghan Conflict: The Rise and Fall of the “Bonn Track” (2001-2014)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 466 (2021): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/466/9.

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The article discusses the evolution of the Western model of settling the Afghan conflict in the period from 2001 to 2014. On the basis of the case-study method, the authors analyse the international community's main goals and objectives in the settlement of the Afghan conflict. Through the lens of documents of international conferences on Afghanistan, the development stages, participants' motives, contradictions and constraints in the development of the Afghan diplomatic process are highlighted. The path from the romantic-idealistic to the pragmatic-realistic approach in resolving the Afghan conflict by the international coalition is traced. The authors come to the following conclusions during the study. First, there was an application of the “western model” of state building in Afghanistan at the first “romantic” stage from 2001 to 2006. However, ignoring the specifics of the country of Afghanistan helped create only a visibility of democratic institutions and of the rule of law. The emphasis on forceful methods of resolving the Afghan conflict excluded influential social actors from the political process. At the same time, it was not possible to create a combat-ready national army of Afghanistan, and maintaining security in the country became the responsibility of the international military. This situation discredited the new authorities of Afghanistan. Second, there was an attempt to ensure sustainable economic development as the basis for the reconstruction of Afghanistan at the second “transitional” stage from 2006 to 2009. However, the asymmetry in favor of military spending, the bureaucratic nature of economic assistance mechanisms, and the conniving attitude to financial control mechanisms failed to reverse the negative trends in the country's socioeconomic development. The high intensity of clashes nullified the minimum achievements of socioeconomic development. Moreover, the increase in losses among international military contingents, the reputation losses of the newly created democratic institutions forced the international community to qualitatively review approaches to the Afghan diplomatic process. Third, the international community embarked on an honorary exit from Afghanistan at the third “pragmatic” stage from 2009 to 2014. The stake was made on a gradual transit of responsibility from the international coalition to the leadership of Afghanistan while keeping the image of international structures. The self-reliance of Afghanistan was becoming the main ideological pattern of this stage. Planning horizons of the Afghan conflict were shifted for an indefinite 2024. The international financial obligations became a kind of pay for distancing Afghan peacebuilding. However, international financial assistance remains a significant way of financial flow into the country and is an important factor in maintaining power in Kabul. The Afghan peace process, as a collective security project of the international community, began to break up into individual national initiatives by global actors.
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27

Danishyar, Ahmad Shah. "Afghanistan and European Union Relations from 2001- 2019 the Challenges and Opportunities." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 9, no. 6 (June 22, 2021): 266–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2021.v09i06.009.

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This research paper sought to ascertain the Afghanistan and European Union relations from 2001- 2019 the challenges and opportunities, from the Perspective of the EU involvement during two decades of their presence in Afghanistan, The success of the European Union in the field of peace and convergence in recent decades has led some to introduce this institution as a good model for achieving peace and security in conflict areas in the world (Federiga & Irina , 2012). The European Union had the opportunity to play a greater role in international affairs after the Cold War. Relying on its historical experiences and based on liberal approaches, this institution has tried to help a large number of struggling communities to fight extremism and achieve peace. Afghanistan, as a perfect example of a crisis-ridden, conflict-ridden, bankrupt state, has posed one of the most important security issues to the international community over the past twenty years. The European Union, along with other international actors, after the fall of the Taliban government in Afghanistan, tried to learn the principles and concepts of liberal peace theory and provide various financial, military, technical and ... assistance to the country towards peace. Guide and erase the roots of the conflict in this country. The main aim of this research paper is to State the relations of Afghanistan and the European Union from 2001 to 2019, from the Perspective of the EU mission and the hypothesis is the strategy that the EU follows in terms of the Cooperation’s, The relationship between both parties was examined from the point of view of the influential notions such as political, security, economics, Cooperation and history. To answer the question: "Given the 20-year presence of the European Union in Afghanistan with the aim of establishing peace in this country, to what extent has this institution succeeded in achieving its goals?" The present article states that after more than two decade of EU..........
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28

Ishaque, Waseem. "Prospects of Enduring Peace in Afghanistan: Avoiding Zero Sum Game in Af-Pak Region." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).09.

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Afghanistan has witnessed a turbulent history of long and devastating war due to Soviet unabated invasion of Afghanistan of ten years producing unbearable losses of life, institutions and society. The United States along-with the support of majority of Muslim countries supported Jihad to defeat communism. This victory was, however, short-lived as infighting among Afghan war lords later entangled the entire country with even graver consequence. The emergence of Taliban and resultant occupation of 70% of Afghanistan had brought some degree of stability by providing good governance and expeditious justice system, but failed to pragmatically adjust to international environment. The unfortunate incidents of 9/11 changed the world for foreseeable time with even harsher fall out for Afghan nation as unleashing of the war of terror destroyed the left over Afghanistan. The instability in Afghanistan has caused negative effects on Pakistan as next door neighbour, which has rendered all sorts of humanitarian, diplomatic and moral support to Afghan cause since Soviet invasion and has also suffered most in the process due to spill-over effects. The democratic government is incharge in Afghanistan after fall of Taliban regime in 2001 and several state institutions are also in place albeit at infancy stage, especially the security institutions, yet the prospects of enduring peace and stability are distant reality. More than three million Afghan refugees are still in Pakistan with very dim prospects of honourable return due to persisting instability. This paper highlights the causes of instability in Afghanistan with spill-over impact on Pakistan and suggests a course of action for enduring stability.
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29

Reyes, Antonio. "Bush, Obama." Journal of Language and Politics 13, no. 3 (December 11, 2014): 538–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.3.08rey.

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This paper, framed under the scope of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), explains social processes by analyzing discourse practices. It proposes (para)linguistic variables employed in the creation of (in)formality in discourse in relation to two Aristotelian persuasive modes: Ethos and Pathos (Kennedy 1991). These modes of persuasion reveal different ways to convey a political message in the current U.S. political scene. This paper compares the stylistic differences in speeches given by George W. Bush and Barack Obama to justify escalating troops in the conflicts of Iraq (2007) and Afghanistan (2009), respectively. I propose (para)linguistic indicators of formality associated with Aristotelian modes at the level of linguistic choices (“lexical variables” [Schilling-Estes 2004] and “marked register usages” [Myers-Scotton 2001]), textual organization (structure and predictability), non-verbal communication (i.e. laughter; Jefferson, Sacks & Schegloff 1987), and intertextuality (Blackledge 2005; Fairclough 1992, 2003) by means of new voices (Bakhtin 1981) into the here-and-now moment of discourse.
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30

AVERYANOV, LEONID V., MAXIM S. NURALIEV, TATIANA V. MAISAK, ANDREY N. KUZNETSOV, and SVETLANA P. KUZNETSOVA. "Didymoplexis holochelia (Orchidaceae, Gastrodiinae), a new species from northern Vietnam." Phytotaxa 405, no. 1 (May 29, 2019): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.405.1.5.

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Didymoplexis Griffith (1844: 383) belongs to a group of morphologically close genera, which also includes Asian genera, Gastrodia R.Brown (1810: 330), Didymoplexiella Garay (1954: 33) and Didymoplexiopsis Seidenfaden (1997: 13). All these plants are small, terrestrial, leafless mycoheterotrophic herbs forming the core of the subtribe Gastrodiinae Lindley (1840: 383) of tribe Gastrodieae Lindley (1821: Appendix), subfamily Epidendroideae Lindley (1821: Appendix). Two-lipped flower and column lacking distinct wings or appendages are main generic characters that distinguish Didymoplexis from related genera of this subtribe. Didymoplexis comprises about 20 species distributed mostly in tropical Africa, Asia, Australia and the Pacific Islands (Zhou et al. 2016, Govaerts et al. 2018). All species of this genus are miniature ephemeral herbs with small, unattractive fugacious flowers opening in one or two in succession and lasting commonly only one day, often only in the morning hours. As a result, representatives of this genus are easily overlooked in botanical surveys, poorly represented in herbaria (where they are often hardly recognized without additional spirit or photographic material) and remain infrequently inventoried in local floras throughout its range. According to available records (Fig. 1), the highest species diversity of Didymoplexis is observed in Java with 6 species (Comber 1990). Thailand (Pedersen et al. 2014) and Borneo (Wood & Cribb 1994, Tsukaya & Okada 2012, Tsukaya et al. 2014, Suetsugu et al. 2017) are inhabited by 5 species each. Three species were hitherto recorded in China (Chen et al. 2009, Lin et al. 2016, Zhou et al. 2016) and Vietnam (Averyanov 2011). Two species were found in Sri Lanka (Fernando & Ormerod 2008) and Laos (Averyanov et al. 2016, 2018). Floras of most other Asian regions such as Afghanistan, India, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Japan, Peninsular Malaysia, Sumatra and the Philippines include only one species (Garay & Sweet 1974, Seidenfaden & Wood 1992, Comber 2001, Pearce & Cribb 2002, Kress et al. 2003, Rokaya et al. 2013, Islam et al. 2016). The presence of several species of Didymoplexis in Cambodia is highly possible, despite none of them were recorded there to date. One more species new to science that clearly differs from all hitherto known species of this genus was recently discovered in northern Vietnam, close to the Laos border. Here we describe and illustrate this remarkable plant as Didymoplexis holochelia.
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Idrees, Muhammad, and Manzoor Ahmad Naazer. "The dynamics of Pak-Afghan relations: an analysis of (mis)trust between the two countries from 2001-2018." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 525–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/3.1.36.

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Pakistan and Afghanistan share the contiguity of neighbourhood and bonds of Islam. Despite linguistic, cultural and traditional similarities, their relations have remained in a spin. Pakistan and Afghanistan are geographically so dependent on each other that the effects of war and peace could be felt on both sides of the borders. Many factors are involved in upsetting these relations: the hostility of Afghan rulers and their tilt towards India since Pakistan’s independence; Durand Line and Pakhtunistan issues and Pakistan's role during the Soviet-Afghan war (1979-1989) in supporting the Afghan Jihadists. Pak-Afghan relations remained exemplary during the Taliban rule (1996-2001). The paper explores: a) Pak-Afghan relations during President Hamid Karzai's rule; b) the relations under President Ashraf Ghani; c) India's role in sabotaging the relations; and d) Pakistan's efforts in Afghanistan’s rebuilding and reconstruction process. The study finds that the dynamics of relations in the post-9/11 era were not cordial and there was a great trust deficit between the two countries during different US-led regimes. The paper is based on historical legacies and an analytical understanding of them. The previous research on the subject did not fully explore the era between 2001-2018, which this study aims to fulfil.
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Lafaye, Christophe. "L’armée française en Afghanistan (2001-2012). L’illusion de la pacification." Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains N° 287, no. 3 (July 22, 2022): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gmcc.287.0097.

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33

Dion, Eric. "Canada’sComprehensive Approachin Afghanistan: A Critical Review of Literature, 2001–2011." Defence Studies 14, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2014.891854.

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34

Rosner, R. F. "Carlotta Gall. The Wrong Enemy: America in Afghanistan 2001-2014." Asian Affairs 46, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 332–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2015.1037633.

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35

Grau, Lester W. "The Unfinished War in Afghanistan 2001–2014, by Chandra, Vishal." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 28, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 597–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2015.1061833.

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36

Sabawoon, Mirza. "The European Union’s strategy on Afghanistan. Selected Issues." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 3 (October 2, 2019): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2019.3.9.

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Zamach na World Trade Center z 11 września 2001 roku był dowodem na zwiększające się zagrożenie terrorystyczne dla USA, ale również dla Unii Europejskiej. Nie dziwi zatem, że UE zaczęła walczyć z terroryzmem również poza jej własnym obszarem. Afganistan stanowił na tyle duże zagrożenie, że wspólnota europejska zdecydowała się na czynny udział najpierw w wojnie z talibami, a następnie w misji pokojowej na tamtym terenie. Artykuł pozwala prześledzić ewolucję zaangażowania Unii Europejskiej w pomoc Afganistanowi, w sprawę demokratyzacji, odbudowy kraju i jego struktur, stworzenia społeczeństwa obywatelskiego oraz poprawę jakości życia. Pochylono się też nad zapisami najnowszej strategii UE dla Afganistanu z 2017 roku, która najsilniejszy nacisk kładzie na kwestie przestrzegania praw człowieka, zwiększenia roli kobiet w życiu społecznym oraz zapewnieniu pokoju i stabilności w regionie.
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37

Faisal Javaid. "American Interests in Central Asian Region during 2001-2015: An Analytical Study." Central Asia 89, Winter (March 21, 2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-89.152.

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After 9/11, the Central Asian region got Geo-strategic and geopolitical attention to the United States of America. Initially, Russia, China, and the leaders of regional states criticized the attacks and welcomed America in the region. The landlocked region has enormous energy resources and its border attached to Afghanistan, China, Russia, and the Caspian Sea. American policymakers gave special importance to this region. So, America established Airbases to fight against terrorism in Afghanistan and invested billions of dollars in different areas. After social revolutions in the region, the leaders of Central Asia states, Russia and China viewed America as a threat. This article examines American interests in the Central Asian region after announcing the war against terrorism and also investigates the strategic importance of the Central Asian region for America.
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38

Nohrstedt, Stig A. "New War Journalism." Nordicom Review 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0141.

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Abstract How has war journalism changed since the end of the Cold War? After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was talk of a new world order. The Balkan Wars of the 1990s gave rise to the concept of “new wars”. The 1990-91 Gulf War was the commercial breakthrough for the around-the-clock news channel CNN, and the war in Afghanistan in 2001 for its competitor al-Jazeera. The 2003 Iraq war saw Internet’s great breakthrough in war journalism. A new world order, new wars, and new media – what impact is all this having on war journalism? This article outlines some important trends based on recent media research and discusses the new challenges as well as the consequences they entail for the conditions of war journalism, its professional reflexivity and democratic role.
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Chaturvedi, Vineet, Monika Kuffer, and Divyani Kohli. "Analysing Urban Development Patterns in a Conflict Zone: A Case Study of Kabul." Remote Sensing 12, no. 21 (November 8, 2020): 3662. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs12213662.

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A large part of the population in low-income countries (LICs) lives in fragile and conflict-affected states. Many cities in these states show high growth dynamics, but little is known about the relation of conflicts and urban growth. In Afghanistan, the Taliban regime, which lasted from 1996 to 2001, caused large scale displacement of the population. People from Afghanistan migrated to neighboring countries like Iran and Pakistan, and all developments came to a halt. After the US invasion in October 2001, all the major cities in Afghanistan experienced significant population growth, in particular, driven by the influx of internally displaced persons. Maximum pressure of this influx was felt by the capital city, Kabul. This rapid urbanization, combined with very limited capacity of local authorities to deal with this growth, led to unplanned urbanization and challenges for urban planning and management. This study analyses the patterns of growth between 2001 and 2017, and the factors influencing the growth in the city of Kabul with the help of high-resolution Earth Observation-based data (EO) and spatial logistic regression modelling. We analyze settlement patterns by extracting image features from high-resolution images (aerial photographs of 2017) and terrain features as input to a random forest classifier. The urban growth is analyzed using an available built-up map (extracted from IKONOS images for the year 2001). Results indicate that unplanned settlements have grown 4.5 times during this period, whereas planned settlements have grown only 1.25 times. The unplanned settlements expanded mostly towards the west and north west parts of the city, and the growth of planned settlements happened mainly in the central and eastern parts of the city. Population density and the locations of military bases are the most important factors that influence the growth, of both planned and unplanned settlements. The growth of unplanned settlement occurs predominantly in areas of steeper slopes on the hillside, while planned settlements are on gentle slopes and closer to the institutional areas (central and eastern parts of the city). We conclude that security and availability of infrastructure were the main drivers of growth for planned settlements, whereas unplanned growth, mainly on hillsides, was driven by the availability of land with poor infrastructure.
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40

Simpson, Jeremy. "Risk Management Responses to Armed Non-State Actor Risk in Afghanistan." International Review of Social Research 5, no. 3 (October 1, 2015): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/irsr-2015-0015.

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Abstract The article considers responses by different categories of actor to the threat of armed non-state actors in the international intervention in Afghanistan 2001-2015. Concepts from the sociology of risk, in particular risk-management and the distinction between operational and reputational risk, are related to field research in Afghanistan during the intervention. The ‘risk society’ approach of Beck (2009) is critiqued as relatively inapplicable to a discussion of differences in risks to and responses by different categories of actor. The article identifies some convergences of practice across three categories of intervening actor, civil-developmental, counter-insurgent and counter-terrorist, in particular tendencies to risk-transfer and remote-management that draws together theorisation of civil practice by Duffield (2010) and military practice by Shaw (2002). This is problematised relative to difficulties in managing tensions between operational risks to intervening actors and reputational risks vis-à-vis local actors.
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41

Friesendorf, Cornelius, and Thomas Müller. "Human costs of the Afghanistan war." Journal of Regional Security 8, no. 2 (2013): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132ppf34.

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The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues that from the beginning of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, the US conduct of the war posed great dangers for Afghan civilians. It distinguishes between three phases, each of which held distinct risks for civilians. The first phase, from late 2001 to 2009, was marked by the fight against al Qaeda and insurgent forces; the second phase, from 2009- 2010, by counterinsurgency; and the third phase by the transition of security responsibilities from NATO to Afghan security forces. While risk transfer clearly marked the first and third phases, civilians also suffered during the second phase, when the US put a primacy on civilian protection. We argue that neglecting civilian protection has not only been morally problematic but also risks undermining the Western goal of ensuring that Afghanistan will no longer pose a threat to international security.
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42

Wahid, Fazal. "The US War on Terror in Afghanistan and its Impact on FATA in Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. III (September 30, 2019): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iii).03.

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The US counterattack on Afghanistan in October 2001 changed in the overall security structure of the region. The Taliban and Al Qaeda fighters escaped the US bombing of the Tora Bora in Afghanistan and crossed into the FATA region of Pakistan. Pakistan’s military operations against these militants in the FATA provided a boost to the latter’s cause and almost the entire FATA experienced a sort of Talibanization. The US war in Afghanistan had its spillover effect in FATA. Terrorist activities unleashed in the entire Pakistan and turmoil in Afghanistan added fuel to this situation. FATA’s special constitutional status was adding to the woes of Pakistan and subsequently FATA was merged with the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). This paper analyzes the impact of the US war in Afghanistan on the FATA region of Pakistan.
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43

Barrett, Philip. "The fiscal cost of conflict: Evidence from Afghanistan 2005–2017." World Development 157 (September 2022): 105940. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2022.105940.

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44

Stringer, Kevin D. "War, Will, and Warlords: Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan and Pakistan, 2001–2011." RUSI Journal 157, no. 3 (June 2012): 90–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2012.697294.

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45

Berdal, Mats, and Astri Suhrke. "A Good Ally - Norway and International Statebuilding in Afghanistan, 2001-2014." Journal of Strategic Studies 41, no. 1-2 (November 28, 2017): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2017.1390453.

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46

Safdar, Aasima, Samia Manzoor, and Ayesha Qamar. "British Public Perception towards Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq." Global Regional Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 503–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).37.

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This article seeks to explore the perception of the British informants regarding the Afghanistan war 2001 and Iraq war 2003. Heavy users of British media were interviewed. The present article adopts the qualitative approach and ten in-depth interviews were conducted by the British informants. It was found that the British informants considered the 9/11 attacks as a tragic incident and Al Qaeda was held responsible for this. They supported their governments policies to curb terrorism but they highly condemned human causalities during the Afghanistan and Iraq wars. Particularly, they condemned their governments policy about Iraq war 2003. Regarding, the British media coverage of these wars, there was mixed opinion. Some of them considered that British media gave biased coverage to the wars however; few thought that media adopted a balanced approach. Overall, they stressed that the government should take responsible action against terrorism and human causalities should be avoided.
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47

Rousta, Iman, Haraldur Olafsson, Md Moniruzzaman, Hao Zhang, Yuei-An Liou, Terence Darlington Mushore, and Amitesh Gupta. "Impacts of Drought on Vegetation Assessed by Vegetation Indices and Meteorological Factors in Afghanistan." Remote Sensing 12, no. 15 (July 29, 2020): 2433. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs12152433.

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Drought has severe impacts on human society and ecosystems. In this study, we used data acquired by the Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) and Tropical Rainfall Measuring Mission (TRMM) sensors to examine the drought effects on vegetation in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2018. The MODIS data included the 16-day 250-m composites of the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) and the Vegetation Condition Index (VCI) with Land Surface Temperature (LST) images with 1 km resolution. The TRMM data were monthly rainfalls with 0.1-degree resolution. The relationship between drought and index-defined vegetation variation was examined by using time series, regression analysis, and anomaly calculation. The results showed that the vegetation coverage for the whole country, reaching the lowest levels of 6.2% and 5.5% were observed in drought years 2001 and 2008, respectively. However, there is a huge inter-regional variation in vegetation coverage in the study period with a significant rising trend in Helmand Watershed with R = 0.66 (p value = 0.05). Based on VCI for the same two years (2001 and 2008), 84% and 72% of the country were subject to drought conditions, respectively. Coherently, TRMM data confirm that 2001 and 2008 were the least rainfall years of 108 and 251 mm, respectively. On the other hand, years 2009 and 2010 were registered with the largest vegetation coverage of 16.3% mainly due to lower annual LST than average LST of 14 degrees and partially due to their slightly higher annual rainfalls of 378 and 425 mm, respectively, than the historical average of 327 mm. Based on the derived VCI, 28% and 21% of the study area experienced drought conditions in 2009 and 2010, respectively. It is also found that correlations are relatively high between NDVI and VCI (r = 0.77, p = 0.0002), but slightly lower between NDVI and precipitation (r = 0.51, p = 0.03). In addition, LST played a key role in influencing the value of NDVI. However, both LST and precipitation must be considered together in order to properly capture the correlation between drought and NDVI.
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Gong, Bo, Mohammed F. Mohammed, Savvas Nicolaou, Muazzam Nasrullah, Bruce B. Forster, and Faisal Khosa. "Diagnostic Imaging in Disasters: A Bibliometric Analysis." Disaster Medicine and Public Health Preparedness 12, no. 2 (August 1, 2017): 265–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/dmp.2017.52.

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AbstractObjectiveTo investigate the role of diagnostic imaging in the clinical diagnosis, treatment, and follow-up management of patients in response to disasters.MethodsA MEDLINE (OVID) search of original research articles identified 177 articles on this topic published since 2000. A bibliometric analysis was conducted on the top 100 articles ranked by average yearly citation.ResultsThe most frequently studied disaster categories were disease outbreak (55 articles), armed conflict (23 articles), terrorist incident (10 articles), and earthquake (7 articles). The most studied disasters were the H1N1 influenza outbreak in 2009 (28 articles), Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome outbreak in 2003 (24 articles), War in Afghanistan, 2001-2014 (8 articles), Iraq War, 2003-2011 (6 articles), and the Sichuan earthquake (China) in 2008 (6 articles). Among the first authors, 59 were primarily affiliated with Radiology. The United States of America produced the most articles (25 articles), followed by the People’s Republic of China (24 articles). Eighty-one studies were retrospective, with 19 studies being prospective. Computed tomography was the most investigated modality (52.8%), followed by conventional radiography (33.3%) and ultrasound (9.7%).ConclusionsOur study identifies intellectual milestones in the utility of diagnostic imaging in response to various disasters, and could help guide future research in developing disaster management plans. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2018;12:265–277)
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DENİZ, Müjgan, and Zubeyr Ghulam HAIDAR. "THE EFFECTS OF FOREIGN AID ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFGHANISTAN (2001-2015)." Journal of Research in Economics 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2019): 110–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35333/jore.2019.51.

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50

Farris, Christina M., Nhien Pho, Todd E. Myers, and Allen L. Richards. "Seroconversions forCoxiellaand Rickettsial Pathogens among US Marines Deployed to Afghanistan, 2001–2010." Emerging Infectious Diseases 22, no. 8 (August 2016): 1491–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3201/eid2208.160221.

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