Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Afghanistan 2001 to 2017'
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1
Hanagan, Deborah Lynn. "NATO and coalition warfare in Afghanistan, 2001-2014." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/nato-and-coalition-warfare-in-afghanistan-20012014(1284a4bd-94af-4726-93fc-26b13997d4cb).html.
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This thesis analyzes the involvement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. Specifically, it analyzes multinational military adaptation and change at the operational level within the ISAF coalition which operated in the midst of a complex conflict that changed in character over time. NATO was not initially involved in military operations, but this changed slowly over time. First, it decided to take over ISAF in Kabul, and then it expanded ISAF, both geographically and operationally. ISAF then surged, followed by an organized withdrawal. Why did this happen and how did ISAF maintain coalition cohesion throughout the campaign in Afghanistan? Despite a multitude of forces that should have frayed coalition cohesion, such as intra-alliance friction over burden-sharing, operational inefficiencies related to national caveats, reluctance to commit forces, especially to engage in combat, and a widespread perception the war was a failure, the ISAF coalition did not fall apart and contributing nations did not abandon their partners. Instead, cohesion endured, the coalition increased in size and expanded what it did, and NATO members and partners stayed engaged for some thirteen years. This thesis proposes an analytical framework comprised of two drivers, political will and organizational capacity, to explain this puzzle.
2
Leclerc, Matthieu. "La structure juridique du système interétatique à la lumière de la reconstruction de l’Etat afghan (2001-2007)." Caen, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008CAEN0083.
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L'analyse classique du processus de reconstruction de l'Etat afghan défaillant souffre d’une opposition paradigmatique des fondements du droit international que constitueraient la souveraineté et les droits de l’homme. Une démarche structurale permet, au contraire, de considérer l’Etat comme l'unité fondamentale du système interétatique, généré par une dynamique de répartition du pouvoir politique sur un espace social et structuré par un ordre juridique qui, en tant que tel, comprend les lois de totalité, de transformation et d'autoréglage. La comparaison entre le fait étatique et sa représentation juridique impose de rechercher les constantes et les variables de l'Etat, nécessaires pour envisager le transfert de droit qui s'opère entre l’Occident et l’Afghanistan. Les quêtes d'unité et de justice, ramenées à la nationalisation et à '’institutionnalisation du pouvoir, confirment ici l'importance du respect de la souveraineté du peuple comme condition d'une démocratisation réussie. Il ordonne les rapports entre ordres juridiques, en supposant des mécanismes d'ouverture et d’adaptation réciproques nécessaires au bon transfert de leurs produits. L'amélioration de ce système permet encore d'envisager le principe de subsidiarité comme favorable à l'effectivité et la légitimité de l'activité de la communauté internationale en Afghanistan et, d'une manière générale, dans le cadre de l'institutionnalisation des rapports de coexistence, coopération et intégration. La démarche structurale permet de comprendre, en définitive, les conditions de l'objectivisation et de l'appropriation de la forme d'organisation sociale que constitue l'Etat par des sociétés diverses
3
Turk, Kubra. "Testing The Eu-nato Relations Through The Case Of Afghanistan (2001-2011)." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614411/index.pdf.
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The thesis aims to chart the relations of the EU and NATO through the case of Afghanistan. It examines the role of ISAF in conjunction with PRTs and EUPOL to evaluate the relations between the EU and NATO. The involvement of the ISAF and EUPOL missions from their establishment to evolution and the limitations of both missions in accordance with the management of the US in the &ldquoWar on Terror&rdquo
are examined. The implications of American policies on the missions of both parties are explored, from the first term of Bush to the Obama administration. The thesis argues that while there has been cooperation between the EU and NATO without structural cooperation, thus being ad hoc cooperation, the US has been benefiting from this cooperation from the second term of the Bush administration to the Obama administration, thereby rehabilitating the tense relations between the EU and the US. In the final analysis, it may be said that this cooperation did not result in a success story in the case of Afghanistan.
4
Yildirim, Yesim. "Nato And The Fight Against Transnational Terrorism:2001-2010." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612544/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the evolution of the policies, strategies and actions of NATO within the context of the fight against transnational terrorism. The thesis focuses on the post 9/11 period. After the 9/11 events, the security perceptions of NATO changed dramatically and the threat of transnational terrorism emerged as a prominent challenge to the security of all members of NATO so the fight against terrorism became a key priority for NATO. Consequently, the NATO experienced a significant transformation since 2001 in order to have an effective and active role in the fight against transnational terrorism. In this thesis, Afghanistan operation of NATO is evaluated in terms of NATO&rsquos readiness to deal with soft security threats such as transnational terrorism effectively. The thesis argues that despite the significant achievements of NATO in the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan, NATO has not yet become quite effective in dealing with transnational terrorism since the Alliance is still primarily designed to deal with conventional hard security threats. This thesis has five main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. In the second chapter NATO&rsquo
s security concerns and its stance with regard to terrorism in the Cold War and post-Cold War era is discussed. The third chapter continues with the examination of NATO&rsquo
s transformation after the 9/11 attacks in terms of fight against transnational terrorism. The fourth chapter explores the Afghanistan operation of NATO. The fifth chapter is the conclusion.
5
Baczko, Adam. "La guerre par le droit : justice, domination et violence en Afghanistan (2001-2018)." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH165.
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À l’inverse de la perception dominante, les guerres civiles ne sont pas des situations de non-droit, mais de compétition entre systèmes juridiques. Cette thèse retravaille les approches sociologiques du droit et de l’État pour penser l’établissement de tribunaux par un mouvement armé. À travers une enquête de terrain conduite entre 2010 et 2016, j’analyse les implications sociales et politiques de la formation d’un droit par l’insurrection Taliban en Afghanistan. Dans un contexte où rendre justice est indissociablement une activité juridique, un instrument de contrôle social et un enjeu de la guerre, comment un mouvement armé peut-il faire reconnaître les décisions de ses juges comme autant d’actes juridiques et non politiques ? Autrement dit, comment le juge Taliban, qui est Taliban autant que juge, parvient-il à se faire reconnaître dans sa fonction par la population ? Les Taliban mettent en place leurs tribunaux dans un contexte d’incertitude juridique radicale causé par des décennies de guerre civile et alimenté, après 2001, par l’intervention militaire occidentale. En vue d’assurer l’impartialité de ses juges, l’insurrection les intègre dans un système institutionnel et encadre leurs pratiques par des procédures rudimentaires d’objectivation. Tout en restant pris dans la guerre, ce système juridique permet au mouvement armé de régler des conflits privés et, par là, de légitimer son emprise territoriale et d’appliquer son programme politiqueContrary to the dominant perception, civil wars are not caracterized by lawlessness, but by competition between legal systems. This dissertation rely on the sociological approaches of law and the State to conceptualize the establishment of courts by an armed movement. Based on fieldworks carried out between 2010 and 2016, I analyze the social and political implications of the formation of law by the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan. In a context in which justice is indissociably a legal activity, an instrument of social control and a stake in the war, how can an armed movement make the decisions of its judges recognized as legal and not political acts? In other words, how does a Taliban judge, who is a Taliban as much as a judge, manage to be recognized in his function by the population? The Taliban have set up their courts in a context of radical legal uncertainty caused by decades of civil war and fueled, after 2001, by Western military intervention. In order to ensure the impartiality of its judges, the insurgency have integrated them into an institutional framework and regulate their practices by rudimentary procedures of objectivization. While remaining caught up in the war, this legal system has allowed the armed movement to settle disputes, and thereby legitimize its territorial hold and apply its political agenda
6
Walsh, Matthew. "The role of PMCs (Private Military Companies) in counter-insurgency combat in Afghanistan (2001 to 2010)." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11958.
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"The Role of PMCs (Private Military Companies) in Counter-insurgency Combat in Afghanistan (2001 to 2010)" aims to identify the primary combat roles which PMCs played while in support of U.S. forces during the counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan from 2001-2010. It first provides background on a number of issues, including U.S. legal and policy themes regarding PMCs, their previous use in combat situations while supporting U.S. foreign policy goals, and the insurgency and counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan.
7
Cawkwell, Thomas William. "UK strategy in Afghanistan, 2001-2014 : narratives, transnational dilemmas, and 'strategic communication'." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17181.
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The difficulties faced by the United Kingdom in realising its stabilisation objectives in the War in Afghanistan (2001-2014) have precipitated a change in rhetorical approach by successive British Governments, from one based on liberal normative principles to one that emphasises traditional, rationalist precepts of ‘national security interests’. This transformation of ‘narrative’ is identified in this work as chronologically analogous with the institutionalisation of ‘strategic communication’ practices and doctrine emanating from the defence establishment of the British state. In this work, I argue that changes in narrative approach and the emergence of strategic communication can be understood as a consequence of an overburdened British state attempting to free itself from a ‘transnational dilemma’ (King 2010): that is, to find a means of appealing coherently and succinctly to the benefits of participation in collective security whilst avoiding threatening the viability of collective security membership by acknowledging its costs. This transnational dilemma has been exacerbated by intra-state competition over the material and ideational aspects of British strategy in Helmand, and is traceable by close empirical analysis of three competing ‘policy narratives’ for Afghanistan: stabilisation, counter-narcotics, and counter-terrorism, respectively. Intra-state competition can, in turn, be conceptualised as the result of embedded inter-state relationships of political obligation and military cooperation referred to by Edmunds (2010) as the ‘transnationalisation’ of defence policy. UK policy in Afghanistan has been guided by transnational issues, specifically the maintenance of NATO as a collective security apparatus and of the ‘special relationship’ with the United States, through which Britain secures and projects its national interest. I argue that the UK’s grand strategic commitment to transnationalisation underscores an ‘unstatable’ ultimate policy of meeting the expectations of the United States and NATO, and that the development of various policies and narratives for Afghanistan can be understood primarily in such terms. In Afghanistan, transnationalisation and the concordant pursuit of satisfying American and NATO expectations has come at the cost of a significant divestment of strategic autonomy, which has uprooted traditional, nationally-based concepts of strategy and policy to the transnational level and resulted in a strategic vacuum wherein intra-state competition has flourished. This, I argue, has compromised the ability for Britain to link policy to operations (to ‘do’ strategy)d in Afghanistan, a point which can be empirically measured by reference to the discordant and contradictory aspects of aforementioned policy narratives, which have been rooted in the institutional interests of various elements of the state. Strategic communication has arisen out of this situation as a means for the state to overcome the transnational dilemma by promoting a unified ‘strategic narrative’ for Afghanistan that has reconfigured the narrative for the conflict to one that emphasises the conflict not in terms of collective security but in ‘national’ terms. This work concludes by arguing that, in sidestepping rather than confronting the core dilemmas of British strategy, the emergence of strategic communication can be seen as posing as many problems as solutions for the UK state.
8
Morgan, Edwards Lucy Helen. "Western support to warlords in Afghanistan from 2001-2014 and its effect on political legitimacy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/25388.
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This is an integrative paper aiming to encapsulate the themes of my previously published work upon which this PhD is being assessed. This work; encompassing several papers and various chapters of my book are attached behind this essay. The research question, examines the effect of Western support to warlords on political legitimacy in the post 9/11 Afghan war. I contextualise the research question in terms of my critical engagement with the literature of strategists in Afghanistan during this time. Subsequently, I draw out themes in relation to the available literature on warlords, politics and security in Afghanistan. I highlight the value of thinking about these questions conceptually in terms of legitimacy. I then introduce the published work, summarising the focus of each paper or book chapter. Later, a ‘findings’ section addresses how the policy of supporting warlords has affected legitimacy through its impact on security and stability, the political settlement and ultimately whether Afghans choose to accept the Western-backed project in Afghanistan, or not. I argue that this issue is important as it has security implications not just in the immediate region, but increasingly, throughout the Middle East and possibly further.
9
Sangar, Kanshko. "Russia and the international struggle around Afghanistan, 2001-2012 : competition and co-operation in historical perspective." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10052118/.
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This PhD thesis makes numerous original contributions to the sphere of knowledge on the topic of Russian foreign policy in Central Asia and Afghanistan, and this is achieved by its research questions, framework, methodology and approach, structure and main findings. It is the first and only study that attempts to examine in sequence Russia’s relations on Afghanistan with a group of states in 2001-2012 in a historical and geopolitical context as well as Russia’s role and interests in Afghanistan from early 19th century until Taliban and post-Taliban periods. The thesis is guided by following research questions: (a) why, from Russia’s perspective, has Afghanistan historically been significant in Russia’s struggle against its adversaries, and why is this central when researching these issues; (b) what are Russia’s main interests in 21st century Afghanistan, a country bordering its “backyard” and “underbelly,” the strategically-important Central Asia; (c) what are the specifics of Russia’s relations with key players in Afghanistan, and to what extent has Russia succeeded in defending its national interests in Afghanistan and the wider region?; and, (d) how can Russia’s involvement in Afghanistan and its ties with all major regional powers explain Russian’s broader foreign policy approaches since 2001? The study’s main finding is that Russia’s relations with key players and other countries in their dealings with Afghanistan frequently go against the wider relationship with these countries. This is due to a number of significant motives that are explored in this thesis. Firstly, while Central Asian dominance played a crucial role in Russia’s self-perception as a “Great Power” throughout the history examined in this study the construct of Afghanistan as a buffer zone and as a region to pressure Russia’s Central Asian “soft underbelly” is deeply entrenched in Russia’s geopolitical culture and strategic-thinking. Thus, the history of Russia’s engagement with the West plays an integral role in Moscow’s foreign policy articulations vis-à-vis Afghanistan and major regional geo-political actors. In the 21st-century, in addition to becoming a source of a security threats, Afghanistan became critical for Moscow because it was of great significance to Russia’s “Great Power” identity, to Moscow’s approaches to the strategically-important “near abroad,” and to the country’s domestic socio-economic policies due to increasing use of illicit drugs emanating from Afghanistan. Furthermore, the landlocked country became a critical factor in Moscow’s relationship with all other geo-political players in Eurasia, predominantly the United States but also China, India, Pakistan, Iran and the five Central Asian states. In a detailed and in-depth empirical investigation of Russia’s bilateral and multilateral relationships not only with Afghanistan itself but also with the other active players in Afghanistan this study also demonstrates that Russia is a declining “Great Power” in terms of its influence in the region; this thesis also contends that Russia’s foreign policy did not follow a strategy between 2001 and 2012 – it was situational and tactically driven and Russia did not plan a neo-imperial expansion since Putin’s rise. Finally, this study concludes that Russia often trumpets (Pokazukha) its foreign policy, creating the illusion of a “Greatpowerness.” Indeed, on the regional level, Russian foreign policies were situational and Moscow's initiatives would focus on issues and problems that the Kremlin found beneficial at that particular moment. The Russian authorities, in other words, would be occupied with issues that were beneficial from a PR and political technology perspective, e.g. demonstrating to the Russian people that Moscow is a significant regional player and impressing Russia’s rivals and enemies - if there were no such component, Moscow would simply ignore the matter and consequently avoid involvement.
10
Muttaqi, Farid [Verfasser], Klaus [Akademischer Betreuer] Schlichte, Klaus [Gutachter] Schlichte, and Mushtaq [Gutachter] Kaw. "Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan (2001-2014) / Farid Muttaqi ; Gutachter: Klaus Schlichte, Mushtaq Kaw ; Betreuer: Klaus Schlichte." Bremen : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1193177057/34.
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11
Lafaye, Christophe. "Le génie en Afghanistan : adaptation d'une arme en situation de contre-insurrection (2001-2012) : hommes, matériels, emploi." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1041.
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Cette recherche doctorale en histoire immédiate, s'inscrit dans une réflexion plus large sur l'étude de nouveaux conflits, la culture et l'emploi des forces armées françaises sur le terrain, en prenant l'exemple de son engagement en Afghanistan. Elle porte particulièrement sur l'emploi de l'arme du génie dont nous postulons à la grande importance de ses savoir-faire sur le terrain, en situation de contre-insurrectionThis doctoral research takes part on the study of the new conflicts, by taking the example of the French engineers in Afghanistan. We postulate for the big importance of these combat support units in situation of counterinsurgency
12
Fescharek, Nicolas. "European role convergence by default ? : the contributions of the EU Member States to security provision and Security Sector Reform during the military intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2014)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0009/document.
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Basé sur un engagement collectif qui a débuté en 2001, cette thèse se penche sur le rôle des États membres de l'Union européenne (UE) dans la stabilisation de l’Afghanistan pendant l'intervention militaire de 2001 à 2014. La thèse analyse les contributions nationales et collectives des Etats membres à la stabilisation et la sécurité nationale de l'Afghanistan, de la réforme du secteur de sécurité à la formation de l'armée et de la police, du maintien de la paix aux combats et aux initiatives diplomatiques. La thèse montre que le Etats membres ont joué un rôle important dans les prestations de sécurité, mais leur impact collectif est en grande partie le résultat de synergies entre des contributions nationales, et ces synergies ont été réalisées en dehors des dynamiques ou des politiques européennes. Le leadership américain a été un facteur important dans l’émergence d’un rôle européen collectif par défaut. La thèse avance également un argument théorique-conceptuel : Loin d'être un obstacle à un rôle européen de sécurité et de défense, l'absence d'une politique ou d'un projet européen a agi comme un important catalyseur de la convergence des comportements, une fois qu’un leadership américain pouvait être invoqué. Cette convergence de comportements en matière de sécurité et de défense a eu lieu en dépit de la grande divergence des cultures stratégiques entre les Etats membres. Elle a été réalisée à partir d’actions conjointes mais sélectives qui furent insérées dans le cadre du leadership américain. Une politique collective et européenne n’a pas été nécessaire pour réaliser ce rôleBased on a collective engagement that has lasted since 2001, this thesis looks at the role(s) of the EU Member States (MS) in the provision of security during the intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2014). It analyzes their national and collective contribution(s) to Afghanistan’s post-2001 national security and Security Sector Reform (SSR), from military and police training to peace keeping, war fighting and diplomatic initiatives. The dissertation shows the MS played an important role in security provision, but their collective impact was largely the result of synergies between national contributions that occurred outside of European dynamics or policy planning. US campaign leadership was an important enabler of this collective European role by default. The dissertation also advances a theoretical-conceptual argument: Far from being an impediment to a European role in security and defense, the absence of a European policy or project acted as an important enabler of behavioral convergence once a US lead could be relied upon. This behavioral convergence in security and defense occurred despite the great strategic cultural divergence between the MS. It consisted of, and was driven by, joined-up action on an opt-in/opt-out basis, while a collective European policy was not necessary
13
Mielcarek, Romain. "L'influence limitée de la communication militaire française sur le récit médiatique de la guerre en Afghanistan (2001-2013)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG003/document.
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L’Afghanistan a été au début du XXIème siècle l’opération majeure des armées françaises. C’est aussi une période tout au long de laquelle la stratégie de communication de cette institution se développe. La communication militaire, partagée entre un volet opérationnel sur le théâtre, un volet institutionnel au sein des armées et un volet politique au cabinet du ministre, s’est avérée un exemple original en matière de relations publiques. Nourris d’éthique et d’une forte conviction, les communicants ont opté pour une pratique plus tournée vers l’ouverture d’un dialogue avec les journalistes plutôt que vers la quête de résultats. En résulte une satisfaction relative du travail accompli dans ces deux groupes, sans que l’un ou l’autre n’ait dû renoncer à remplir sa propre mission. Le récit médiatique est relativement équilibré, même s’il est de plus en plus négatif au fil des années qui passent. Mais il contient également toute la symbolique valorisante de soldats dévoués et persévérants, soucieux de remplir leur missionIn the early XXIst century, Afghanistan was the major operation for french armed forces. All along that period, communication strategy of that institution has evolved, to face the standards of time and requirements of a professionalizing force. Military press relations, shared between communication about operations on the field, institutionnal communication inside the armies and a political communication in the minister’s office, has been an original example of public relations. Fostered by ethic and a strong conviction, press officers have opted for an open dialogue with journalists rather than for a search of outcomes. The result is a relative satisfaction of work done in those two groups, without any obligation for both of them to renounce to its own objective. Ensue a media narrative relatively balanced, even if it goes more and more negative over the years. Journalists reach that way their information duty by disclosing dysfunctions of this operation. But it also contains every positive symbols about devoted and persistents soldiers, concerned with fulfilling their mission
14
Axelson, Klara. "Den humanitära stormakten på imperiernas kyrkogård : En studie om Utrikesdepartementets syn på Sveriges engagemang i ISAF 2001-2014." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9737.
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Berry, Philip Andrew. "The U.S. and the UK's war on the Afghan opium industry : a critical evaluation of Anglo-American counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan 2001-2011." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2015. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/2d223112-6dea-4718-9f75-d364bf7e54cb.
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Western counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan failed dismally after opium cultivation surged to unprecedented levels. At the centre of this failed battle against illegal narcotics was the Anglo-American partnership. Far from working harmoniously, the alliance was separated by competing and opposing views of how to address the opium problem. These disputes led to open diplomatic clashes and friction within the wider Anglo-American relationship. This work provides the first definitive account of the United States’ and United Kingdom’s counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan and details the inside story of the policy-making process which underpinned their formulation and implementation. Through interviews with key policy practitioners on both sides of the Atlantic, this study reveals the complex picture of counter narcotics policies; highlighting key points of cooperation and contention and detailing the often contradictory and competitive objectives of the overall war effort in Afghanistan. An integral part of that explanatory analysis is also a more comprehensive account of the development of British counter narcotics policies than hitherto available. Building on the limited volume of work by previous scholars, this study presents previously unknown details regarding the decision-making process that underpinned key policies, including: compensated eradication (2002); UK appointment as ‘G8 lead nation’ (2002); and the transition of the UK’s role as ‘partner nation’ to the UNODC (2011). Furthermore, the study provides unique coverage of Anglo-American discord over aerial eradication (2004-2008). This issue was been covered by many academic and media reports over the course of the conflict but no research has provided in-depth analysis of events from policy makers’ perspectives in both governments within the context of their wider special relationship.
16
Lessard, Caroline. "L'expérience de guerre en Afghanistan de trois fantassins canadiens et leur retour au pays." Thesis, Université Laval, 2012. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2012/29380/29380.pdf.
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Mirwais, Kanishka Verfasser], Dominik [Gutachter] [Maltritz, and Achim [Gutachter] Kemmerling. "The Impact of Economic Growth on Poverty in Afghanistan during 2001 to 2016 / Kanishka Mirwais ; Gutachter: Dominik Maltritz, Achim Kemmerling." Erfurt : Universität Erfurt, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1225305675/34.
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Henrotin, Joseph W. C. H. G. "Hypertrophie de la stratégie des moyens et révolution dans les affaires militaires: la technologisation, dérive de l'innovation dans le discours politico-stratégique américan ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210564.
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Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
19
Heinonen, K. (Krista). "From strategy to tactics:the United States’ counterterrorism towards al-Qaeda in Afghanistan in 2004–2011." Bachelor's thesis, University of Oulu, 2016. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201605111701.
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Why has this particular counterterrorism mission led to an international conflict? How come neither of the sides seems to be winning the War on Terror? From the viewpoint of these questions, I examine the counterterrorism policies and practices that the United States has aimed at al-Qaeda since the beginning of the War on Terror. I examine how, why and for what purposes has the war been fought on behalf of the United States and why they have chosen the strategic turns that they have. In addition to this, I assess what are the main differences of the warfare and ideology of al-Qaeda and the United States and whether there is something about this particular enemy that has required an armed conflict and does the US-strategy somehow contribute to the inability to end the War on Terror. Thematically formed chapters examine these questions starting from the rise of terrorism, al-Qaeda ideology and counterterrorism as war, continuing to examine the actual conflict and its possible outcomes.
20
Beautement, Mark. "Peace in whose time? : ripeness and local negotiated agreements : the Sangin Accord, Helmand Province, Afghanistan, 2006-2011." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/peace-in-whose-time-ripeness-and-local-negotiated-agreements(00f70640-4212-4ee9-a6a0-df1e4170012c).html.
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Sangin District, in Helmand Province, was once described by US Defense Secretary Robert Gates as “the most dangerous not only in Afghanistan but maybe the whole world.” Nevertheless, Afghan Government officials received a written offer of peace from the principal local grouping aligned to the Taliban on the 29th May 2010, before NATO’s surge, or Sangin’s handover from U.K. to U.S. forces. This offer evolved into the local negotiated agreement known as the Sangin Accord, announced in January 2011. This is the first academic study of that agreement. This work also considers relationships between motivations for negotiation at the local level, and international policy and actions: military power, stabilisation activities, and reconciliation (including the co-option and legitimation of enemies). It compares explanations for negotiated agreements from academic theory and military doctrine, especially I. William Zartman’s ripeness theory and its evolutions, and offers suggestions for other local reintegration or reconciliation scenarios. The conclusions offer observations on applying Ripeness theory when intervening to seek political reconciliation in a local area removed from centralised authority, and without a permanent military advantage – which I term ‘fringe areas’. It highlights the impact of history (both received and remembered), and traumatic experiences, on memory, perception and rationality; vital factors for Ripeness theory. Finally, it explores the paradox between policymakers’ desire to negotiate from a position of strength, and Ripeness theory’s contradictory requirement for a mutually perceived hurting stalemate – simultaneously alongside a political Way Out – as essential preconditions to genuine negotiation.
21
Masson, Anne-Sophie. "Le droit de la guerre confronté aux nouveaux conflits asymétriques : généralisation à partir du conflit Afghan (2001-2013)." Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMLH03.
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Le conflit afghan (à partir de 2001) peut être considéré comme un nouveau conflit asymétrique reprenant les caractéristiques des conflits asymétriques classiques (rapport de force disproportionné entre les belligérants) à l’exception de la territorialisation, remplacée par l’appartenance à une idéologie commune. En conséquence, le champ de bataille y est devenu secondaire, la guerre est devenue cognitive. La séparation entre la paix et la guerre s’est atténuée à tel point qu’il est devenu impossible de compartimenter le droit de la guerre en fonction de l’intensité du conflit ou de son internationalisation. Faute de s’y être adapté, le droit de la guerre a cessé de faciliter le rétablissement de la paix et a été perçu par les militaires occidentaux comme une entrave aux combats. C’est pourquoi, certains belligérants ont tenté de s’en affranchir en ayant recours à des méthodes de combats illégitimes. Ces effets ont été médiatisés et ont participé à la perte de légitimité des Etats occidentaux allant jusqu’à remettre en question la division du monde en Etats souverains. L’absence de résolution de ces conflits pourrait conduire à une guerre civile globalisée. En réponse, l’harmonisation du droit de la guerre autour de la garantie inconditionnelle des droits inaliénables doit être affirmée par les Etats et les nouveaux acteurs internationaux. Elle pourrait émerger d’un « Parlement mondial », garant du droit international. De plus, l’irréprochabilité morale des belligérants est attendue. Le droit et la place des armées au sein de la société doivent le refléterThe Afghan war (since 2001) may be seen as a new asymmetric conflict. It has all characteristics of the former asymmetric conflicts except territoriality, which has been replaced by ideology. Therefore, the battlefields have been displaced to the cognitive war. The distinction between war and peace became so small that it is now impossible to distinguish the law of war in regard to its intensity or to the implication of several states. The law of wars, due to its lack of adaptation stopped to ease the peace recovery, becoming a hindrance to combat. In consequence, some warriors have been tempted to use forbidden combat methods. Whose effects have been mediatized and took part of the western states legitimacy crisis (and questionning the World division in sovereign states). The lack of conflicts settlement could lead to a worldwide civil war. Unless, law of wars are harmonized through universal core rights mandatory for states and new international actors; a “World Parliament” could protect them. Furthermore, moral integrity of warriors is expected, it may be reflected into the military laws and their position into the civil society
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Haddad, Rayan. "Les processus d'insertion de conflits exogènes dans un espace public communautarisé : captations libanaises des crises du Kosovo, du 11 septembre, d'Afghanistan, et d'Irak." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0044.
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Cette recherche se propose d’examiner les contours de l’adaptation de l’espace libanais « post-anomique » à la contextualité mondiale au-delà des points de repère westphaliens, et de voir plus précisément comment l’espace sociétal d’un Weak State gère des cas de « turbulence » issus de la scène mondiale, et par quels processus certaines crises exogènes s’y insèrent en tant que partie intégrante du débat « local ». L’imbrication des dynamiques de « localisation » et de « globalisation » est incontestable ici ; elle ne signifie pas que l’on doit s’abstenir (de tenter) de dégager la prédominance particulière en œuvre (dans telle ou telle situation) au niveau des dynamiques d’interaction en question. Nous avons donc jugé utile d’opérer une distinction (souple) entre deux concepts : la « sensibilité » libanaise (en tant que désignant le rapport intéressé à certains événements internationaux tumultueux) et la « vulnérabilité » libanaise (en référence aux convulsions dangereuses de l’environnement immédiat du pays des Cèdres). La première est liée de manière prédominante (et processuelle) à l’activisme normatif efficient de divers entrepreneurs identitaires dans « l’espace public » (touché par une crise simultanée de l’Etat et de la société civile). La seconde est principalement la résultante du jeu de « forces géopolitiques » bien peu soucieuses de la défense des droits humains fondamentaux au Moyen-Orient et du devenir de ses peuples. Les deux concepts obéissent à des dynamiques enchâssées que nous essayons de repérer et d’expliquer à travers les représentations et les politiques de divers acteurs, à l’échelle locale et globaleThis research examines the adaptations of the Lebanese “post-anomic” public sphere to the world political context beyond the Westphalian coordinates. It highlights how the societal sphere of a Weak State deals with cases of “turbulence” emerging from the world scene. More specifically, it identifies the processes through which specific “exogenous” crises are incorporated into the “local” Lebanese debate. The intertwinement of the dynamics of “localization” and “globalization” is here clearly illustrated; but this does not preclude any attempt to assess (on a case by case basis) the relative and differing importance of these dynamics within the interaction. We have hence deemed useful to make a (loose) distinction between two concepts: Lebanese “sensitivity” (designating the “local” relation – not devoid of interest - to certain tumultuous international events) and Lebanese “vulnerability” (referring to the dangerous convulsions in Lebanon’s immediate environment). The former concept is predominantly (and processually) related to an efficient normative activism on the part of identity entrepreneurs in the “public sphere” (affected by a simultaneous crisis of state and civil society). The latter concept is foremost the consequence of the interplay of “geopolitical forces” that are not guided in their policy-making by considerations pertaining to fundamental human rights in the Middle East nor to the future of the region’s peoples. The two abovementioned concepts follow intertwined dynamics that we attempt to identify and explain through the analysis of the representations and the policies of various actors at the local and global levels
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Fazli, Estabragh Rose. "L'Etat Taliban en Afghanistan 1996-2001." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0041.
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Cette thèse est destinée à appréhender le phénomène Taliban d'un autre point de vue, c'est-à-dire en tantqu'État, durant la période 1996-2001. À cet égard, nous avons utilisé la théorie d'Alain Touraine relative auxmouvements sociaux, distinguant trois grands principes caractérisant un mouvement social : l'identité, l'oppositionet la totalité, ces trois éléments étant interdépendants. Le premier chapitre de cette thèse est destiné à analysercomment les Talibans, en tant que sujet historique, ont été créés dans un contexte de guerre et d'opposition. Sontainsi successivement abordés la guerre avec l'Union soviétique, les Moudjahidins, les guerres civiles, les oppositionsrégionales et le clivage essentiel entre sunnites et chiites. Ensuite, il a été tenté de clarifier la façon dont le caractèretotalitaire de l'identité de l'Etat Taliban est renforcé par ses deux dimensions organisationnelles : l'islamisme et lepachtounisme, ce qui a conduit à confronter le régime des Talibans à la définition du modèle classique de régimetotalitaire concernant les institutions et la domination. La dernière partie aborde la question de la chute de l'EtatTaliban. La contradiction entre l'universalisme idéologique et l'existence des Talibans en tant qu'Etat a conduit àl'isolement sur la scène internationale. Les Talibans échouent par ailleurs à établir une domination intégrale enAfghanistan et se trouvent confrontés à une crise de légitimité interne ouvrant la voie à leur chute. En conclusion, ilest souligné la façon dont les Talibans ont mis en place une centralisation politique, en dépit de la profondeur desclivages tribaux et idéologiques. Pour atteindre leurs buts, ils se sont concentrés principalement sur trois éléments :l'islam fondamentaliste, la conscience nationale et tribale et l'honneur du guerrier. Finalement par le moyen de lathéorie de George Bataille, l'auteur de la présente thèse tente de préciser que les Talibans ont échoué à établir leuremprise totalitaire dans le climat hétérogène de la société afghane, malgré leurs efforts pour imposer les troiséléments d'homogénéisation susmentionnésIn the present thesis, it is intended to survey Taliban phenomenon, as a State, during 1996-2001 from another pointof view. In this regard, it is benefitted from Alain Touraine’s theory on the function of social movements. Hedescribes the function of each movement based on three major principles: Identity, Opposition and Totality, andconsiders the three of them as being interrelated. The first chapter of the present thesis is intended to indicate howTaliban, as a historical subject, is created in the context of war and opposition. For instance, the conflict between theSoviet Union and Mujahidin, civil wars, regional oppositions, as the important cleavage of Sunni-Shiite. Afterwards,it is tried to clarify how the totalitarian aspect of Taliban’s identity is reinforced by its two significant organizingdimensions: Islamism and Pashtunism. Subsequently, we proceed to Taliban’s endeavor to establish an Islamictotalitarian state and also it is tried to reveal the assimilation between the Taliban regime and a classical model oftotalitarian regime regarding institution and domination. Dealing with the fall of Taliban state is done within the lastchapter. It is analyzed how the Taliban’s ideology of universalism confronts the national interests such as any othertotalitarian Stat. The confrontation of ideological universalism and the national interests leads to isolation and fall ofTaliban, in the international stage. Taliban even fails to establish an integral domination within Afghanistan.Therefore, Taliban is dragged into the crisis of internal legitimacy which paved the way to its fall. As a conclusion,it is dealt with how Taliban tried to create political centralization, despite the existence of effective tribal andideological cleavage. To fulfill their aim, they concentrated mainly on three elements of fundamentalist Islam, thenational and tribal consciousness and the honor of the warrior. Eventually, by the means of George Bataille’s theory,the writer of the present thesis tries to clarify that Taliban failed to establish its expected totalitarism in theheterogeneous climate of Afghan society, despite its efforts in imposing the three aforementioned homogenizingelements
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Wise, Jimmie I. "Outsourcing Wars Comparing Risk, Benefits and Motivation of Contractors and Military Personnel in Iraq and Afghanistan (2009-2011)." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7432.
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MBA Professional ReportApproved for public release, distribution unlimited
This project compared risk, insurance benefits and motivation factors for contractors and U.S. Military personnel serving in Iraq and Afghanistan from 2009 to 2011. More contractors were killed than military personnel from January to June 2010 (Schooner and Swan, 2010). Findings revealed the following (1) contractors' medical insurance benefits were equitable to the U.S. Military personnel, (2) real inequity existed between contractor disability compensation insurance and the military personnel's benefits, (3) and real inequity existed between a contractor's death benefits and the U.S. Military personnel's death benefits.
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Pettersson, Patrik. "Sverige i Afghanistan : En analys av relationen mellan den svenska afghanistaninsatsen och svensk säkerhetspolitik under åren 2000 till 2010." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för hållbar samhälls- och teknikutveckling, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-12203.
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Denna studie ämnade undersöka relationen mellan den svenska insatsen i Afghanistan och Svensk säkerhetspolitik mellan åren 2000 och 2010. Frågorna som ställdes kretsade kring vilka konsekvenser insatsen har för svensk säkerhetspolitik, om vilken orsaksriktning relationen mellan de två fenomenen kan tänkas ha och dess inverkan på svensk nationell säkerhet. Teoretiskt utgick studien främst från professor Nils Andréns strukturmodell över säkerhetspolitikens mål och medel. Metodologiskt studerades ett antal texter. Dels mediematerial i form av tidningsartiklar som analyserades för att strukturera och kronologiskt kartlägga den svenska Afghanistaninsatsens utveckling under det gångna decenniet. Vidare analyserades innehållet i ett antal försvarspropositioner för att klarlägga utvecklingen av den svenska säkerhetspolitiken under samma tid. Innehållet i dessa sorterades genom att tillämpa Andréns modell. Slutligen studerades de två fenomenen för att söka finna på vilket sätt de interagerade. Slutsatserna av arbetet pekar på att den svenska politiken förändrats i riktning mot att i större utsträckning söka försvara Sverige utanför Sverige. Samt att insatsen i Afghanistan började som en solidaritetshandling men gradvis motiverades med mer säkerhetspolitiska argument. Vidare pekade studien på att förändringen i svensk säkerhetspolitik snarare påverkat utvecklingen i Afghanistan än det omvända.
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Belcher, Oliver Christian. "The afterlives of counterinsurgency : postcolonialism, military social science, and Afghanistan 2006-2012." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/45520.
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This dissertation examines the United States military’s counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan from 2006-2012. In recent years, the U.S. military has relied upon the methods and research of social scientists to model the Taliban-led insurgency in southern Afghanistan in hopes of predicting and mitigating the movement of the insurgency. The U.S. military has also used social scientists to gather “cultural intelligence” for surveying and interpreting the general population in Afghanistan in order to develop methods for “winning the hearts and minds” of civilians. This dissertation makes three central arguments. First, contrary to the “winning hearts and minds” narrative, counterinsurgency in practice has consistently produced two outcomes: the arming local defense forces, and massive population displacement. Second, “cultural intelligence” has been utilized to produce a narrative that Pashtuns in southern Afghanistan are “naturally” inclined towards local tribal structures as the desired mode of political order and legitimacy. Whether or not this is true, the U.S. military has used this Orientalist “local” narrative to set up place-bound tribal strongmen and warlords to counter what is perceived as a transnational, networked, and therefore locally “inauthentic” insurgency. The dissertation identifies this move by the U.S. military as the “weaponization of scale” at both a global and local level. Third, the dissertation examines the worldview that governs the U.S military’s approach to Afghanistan, and argues that it is one where populations are “de-coded” as “networks.” To see like the twenty-first century U.S. military is to see a world of networks. This world of networks is a secular cosmological vision derivative from the human-machine assemblages where U.S. military personnel and institutions are imbricated. These human-machine assemblages have been violently extended within the general Afghan population through new technologies like iris-scan biometrics devices and data-base management. The dissertation draws the important point that many new twenty-first century technologies, like “big data” mining and computational social network analysis, are rooted in colonial practices.
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Johnsson, Magnus. "Strategic Colonels : The Discretion of Swedish Force Commanders in Afghanistan 2006–2013." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-319341.
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This dissertation examines the role of military officers as policy implementers by investigating the discretion of Swedish force commanders in the multinational military campaign in Afghanistan between 2006 and 2013. By developing an analytical framework that takes both an outside-in and an inside-out perspective, and that encompasses both the objective implications that structural factors project on force commanders as well as their subjective perceptions of those structural factors, and applying that framework to a range of official documents as well as unique interview data, the thesis describes the discretion that force commanders have had in interpreting, choosing and shaping their mission and concept of operations. The findings show that Swedish force commanders in the Afghanistan campaign have had considerable discretion in interpreting and framing the principal’s overarching mission, the mission of their own force, as well as their force’s concept of operations. Their discretion can be understood as a combination of structurally induced freedom to make choices, the force commanders’ perceptions of that freedom and their inclination to use it. Circumstances regarding structural factors such as duality of command, passive authority of superiors, non-specific tasks and ambiguous implications of allocated resources has created this discretion and rendered force commanders disproportionately influential in the policy implementation process. Although this influence can be regarded as a manifestation of modern management ideals such as Auftragstaktik and mission command in the military, or management by objectives in government and business, it can also be regarded as a downwards passing of the buck where strategic implementation decisions trickle down to the level of force commanders in the field, making them “strategic colonels”.
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Deliberto, Jacob J. "A tale of two bloody bailouts : a comparative study between the outcomes of the American Surges in Iraq (2006-2009) and in Afghanistan (2009-2013)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6897/.
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During the years from 2006-2009 and 2009-2013, both Iraq and then Afghanistan were under extreme duress, succumbing to the pressures from violent armed non-state groups. This occurred while both cases were already under US occupation. In order to resolve the growing instabilities posed by these non-state groups, the US escalated its initial military efforts first in Iraq and then in Afghanistan. The escalation of military efforts was conceived as a “Surge” strategy. The Iraq Surge was implemented first, starting in 2006. By 2009, the situation in Iraq dramatically changed because there was a significant reduction in the direct violence experienced by Iraqis. Furthermore, the new Iraq government gained political momentum and for a short period, it was able to centralize the states political authority and gain more legitimacy amongst the Iraqi people. Much of the conventional wisdom amongst policy experts and some academics is that the Iraq Surge worked, and the premise for this is the reduction of violence and the growing strength of the Iraqi government from 2006-2009. In light of the success in the Iraq Surge, another Surge was employed in Afghanistan. The Afghanistan Surge started in late 2009 and carried on through 2012. The Afghanistan Surge was conceived using the same political plan, and the same military manuals and tactics deployed during the Iraq Surge. However, Afghanistan did not experience the same radical decline in direct violence that was seen in Iraq.
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Backlund, Karl. "Svenskt offensivt agerande : En enfallstudie av den svenska insatsen i Afghanistan 2009–2012." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7591.
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This case-study examines the Swedish armed forces in Afghanistan between 2009 and 2012. The aim of this study is to explore how it comes that an organization that is promoting security and stabilizing operations in a post conflict setting in northern Afghanistan gaudily turns in to an aggressive fighting force. The analytic framework is based on Theo Farrells theory of military adaption as well as Lauren Wilcox’s theory of the role of gender as an explanation of military organisations offensive bias. The results show that the Swedish behaviour should be understood as a combination of adaption to demands form allied forces, a result of pollical will to achieve national political goals and a strong offensive bias.
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Dyke, John R. Crisafulli John R. "Unconventional counter-insurgency in Afghanistan." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDyke.pdf.
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Östlund, Andreas. "Erhåller svenska förband en relevant utbildning? : en studie av FS 15 utbildning inför Afghanistan 2008." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1219.
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Sverige har en lång tradition i att utbilda soldater och förband för försvar av det egna landet. Dettahar varit i fokus för de svenska förbanden under kalla kriget. Idag ställs svenska förband inför nyauppgifter och i andra miljöer än de traditionella, men framförallt möter de svenska förbanden enmotståndare som har andra drivkrafter, medel och metoder än vad motståndaren hade under detkalla kriget.Uppsatsen syfte är att diskutera huruvida den svenska soldat- och förbandsutbildningen äranpassad för denna motståndare. D.v.s. erhåller de svenska förbanden en relevant utbildning?Denna studie genomförs som en fallstudie av FS 15. Studien leds fram av ett antal studiefrågorsom utgör grunden för de variabler som utgör analysverktyget och som sedan nyttjas för attanalysera utbildningen av soldater och förband.Studien visar att de svenska förbanden erhåller en ändamålsenlig utbildning avseende hur upprorbekämpas med direkta och indirekta metoder. Analysen visar också på en utvecklingspotentialavseende lessons learned processen och i utbildningen avseende fenomenet uppror.Sweden has a long tradition in training soldiers and units for the defense of their ownterritory. This has been the main effort of the Swedish units during the cold war. TheSwedish units of today have to deal with tasks and environments other than thetraditional ones. Moreover, the Swedish units face a belligerent force that has differentmotives, ways and means than the enemy during the cold war.The aim of the thesis is to discuss whether the Swedish soldier and unit training aresuited for this new enemy. Do the Swedish units receive a relevant and proper training?The thesis is accomplished in the form of a case study. The thesis is implementedthrough questions which are the base for the analytical tool. This tool will be used foranalyzing the training of soldiers and units.The thesis shows that the Swedish units receive a relevant training concerningcounterinsurgency with a direct and indirect approach. The analysis also shows apotential for development concerning lessons learned and training in the phenomenainsurgency.
Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09
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DuPee, Matthew C. "The narcotics emirate of Afghanistan examining armed polities and their roles in illicit drug production and conflict in Afghanistan 1980-2010." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5005.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe production of illicit narcotics in low-intensity conflict environments remains a serious concern for U.S.policymakers. Afghanistan is a solid example where the intersection of crime, narcotics production and insurgency has successfully thwarted U.S. stabilization and security efforts despite a 10-year military engagement there. This study seeks to examine the role of crime better, particularly narcotics related criminal enterprise, and its effect on the Taliban-led insurgency in Afghanistan. This study explores political, economic and conflict related factors that facilitate the narcotics industry and forges cooperation between drug trafficking organizations and insurgent movements. A key argument of this study is that nontraditional participants in narcotics production, such as insurgent groups or state representatives and institutions, acquire more than just profit and resources. Participants stand to gain political leverage, the social and political legitimacy derived from "protecting" the livelihoods of rural farmers, as well as "freedom of action;" the ability to operate unimpeded within a given territory or space because of public support. This study also suggests that one additional factor, social control, is a key motivator for an actor's participation in the narcotics industry.
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Dybman, Jennifer. "L'influence dans la doctrine militaire britannique : émergence et institutionnalisation d'un concept (2009-2015)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA135.
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Pour faire face au nouvel environnement stratégique, opérationnel et médiatique né de la fin de la Guerre froide et surtout pour tenir compte des leçons de leur engagement en Irak et en Afghanistan, les militaires britanniques ont fait de l'influence le concept majeur de leurs opérations. En 2009, ils publient ainsi trois doctrines (stabilisation, contre-insurrection et exécution des opérations) qui font de l' « influence » le principe directeur de toute opération militaire, voire leur objectif même. En s'appuyant sur la théorie du changement dans les organisations, cette thèse retrace les raisons (qu'elles soient politiques, qu’elles relèvent de l'opinion publique ou qu’elles proviennent des militaires eux-mêmes) qui expliquent pourquoil'institution militaire à dû innover. À travers les changements introduits dans la doctrine puis dans la formation des militaires et dans le renforcement voire dans la création de nouvelles unités, elle montre l'institutionnalisation de la transformation engagée en 2009. Enfin, elle s'interroge sur les défis que les militaires britanniques doivent encore relever afin de concrétiser cette nouvelle approche des opérationsTo face up to the new strategic, operational and media environments that emerged after the end of the Cold War, and above all to take into account the lessons of their involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan, the British military have turned “influence” into the major concept of their operations. Thus, in 2009, they published three doctrines (stabilisation, counterinsurgency and campaign execution) which establish “influence” as the guiding principle of any military operation, or even as its objective. Through the use of the theory of organisational change, this thesis traces the reasons (whether they are political or stem from the attitudes of public opinion or from the military themselves) that explain why the military had to change. Through the changes introduced in doctrine and then in the formation and training of the military and in the strengthening and even the creation of specialised units, itshows the institutionalisation of the transformation initiated in 2009. Eventually, it focuses on the challenges the British military must still take up so as to make this new approach to operations concrete
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Knittel, Olga [Verfasser]. "Anforderungsanalyse notwendiger Schlüsselkompetenzen im Auslandseinsatz des Sanitätsdienstes : Spektrum der Operationen in der Rettungsstation Kunduz (Role 2) in Kunduz/Afghanistan 2006-2011 / Olga Knittel." Ulm : Universität Ulm, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1219577820/34.
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Fischer, Karl. "Verhandlungen oder militärische Option? : Chancen und Risiken für Afghanistan." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4898/.
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Nach wie vor ist es der internationalen Gemeinschaft nicht gelungen, eine Lösung für die afghanische Krise zu präsentieren. Dabei macht die gegenwärtige Situation eine Beendigung des Kriegszustands sowie die Aufnahme von konstruktiven Verhandlungen unerlässlich. Die Genfer Verhandlungen der 1980er Jahre über den Abzug der Sowjetarmee aus Afghanistan könnten hierbei als Vorbild dienen.
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Kiraly, Attila. "Zwischenruf : Experten." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5135/.
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In den vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnten hieß es, es gebe keine Entwicklung ohne Frieden. Daraus wurde abgeleitet, man müsse Soldaten nach Afghanistan schicken, um Entwicklungsperspektiven zu sichern. Dies wurde sodann abgewandelt: "Ohne Sicherheit keine Entwicklung". Mit dem Scheitern der Intervention im Land der Afghanen wurde daraus: "Ohne Entwicklung keine Sicherheit". Dies hat Auswirkungen auf die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit: Frieden als Ziel ist verschwunden, sie wird zur Funktion der "Sicherheit Deutschlands", die am Hindukusch verteidigt werden soll. Dafür wird passendes Personal gesucht.
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Mahjoor, Ahmad Seyer. "Approche sociologique de la transition en Afghanistan, 2002-2005 : entre tradition et modernité." Rouen, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009ROUEL025.
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Cette thèse se propose d'étudier les enjeux de la transition de la tradition vers la modernité et la démocratie dans la société tribale et traditionnelle. Dans cette approche sociologique, nous essayons de montrer le problématique de la transition politique ou démocratisation du système institutionnel en Afghanistan depuis son indépendance jusque fin 2005. Cette thèse veut contribuer à l'élaboration d'une sociologie de la transition politique dans des contextes multiethniques et met l'accent sur la transition en Afghanistan entre 2002-2005. Après une réflexion de la sociologie politico-historique, cette thèse aborde la situation transitoire de l'Afghanistan depuis le 11 septembre 2001, l'intervention militaire internationale sous l'égide des Etats-Unis, la chute du régime des talibans, la mise en place d'une conférence internationale, l'engagement de la communauté internationale pour un processus de la paix, la reconstruction institutionnelle et l'établissement du pluralisme politique et l'instauration d'un régime démocratique représentatif via des élections libres sous l'égide des nations-unies, les enjeux sécuritaire et économique et la reconstruction du pays avec les aides de la communauté internationale. Après le bilan et la conclusion, cette thèse donne des perspectives en analysant les points positifs et négatifs de la situation et le degré de la réussite de cette transition vers la modernité et la démocratie en Afghanistan
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Arvidsson, Jonathan. "Det afghanska valet i svensk media : En diskursanalys av svensk medias rapportering om parlamentsvalet 2010." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och välfärdsstudier, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-102420.
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Den här uppsatsen analyserar svensk medias rapportering om valet i Afghanistan 2010. Med hjälp av metoder framtagna av Van Dijk har en analys av artiklar som berör valet 2010 gjorts. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna är postkolonialism och orientalism. Med hjälp av de perspektiven och Van Dijks medieanalys analyseras materialet för att tydliggöra strukturer i media.
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Spencer, David K. "Enhancing the European Union's development strategy in Afghanistan." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FSpencer.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Spencer, David K.; Siegel, Scott N. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: European Union, Afghanistan, regional development strategy, sustainable economic growth, development coordination, private sector, European Commission, European Council, EU member states, value chain, ANDS, Afghanistan National Development Strategy, UNAMA, JCMB, Nangarhar Inc, Provincial Development Plan, PDP, Lisbon Treaty, NGO, super envoy, donors, mineral, natural resources. Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-158). Also available in print.
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Iro, Andrea. "Staatszerfall und State-Building in Afghanistan : die USA im Spannungsfeld zwischen Staatsaufbau und Terrorbekämpfung nach dem 11. September 2001 /." Marburg : Tectum-Verl, 2008. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3085483&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Trønnes, Otto. "Mapping and explaining Norwegian caveats in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2008." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-17709.
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Kreft, Heinrich. ""More of the same" in der zweiten Amtszeit? : Die Außenpolitik des George W. Bush." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4762/.
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Despite the difficult situation in Iraq, US President Bush easily won a second term, but his room for manoeuvre is now significantly smaller than it was four years ago. He has at least three conflicts on his plate: the first and most critical one in Iraq, the second the continuing war on terror and the third the struggle to consolidate Afghanistan. Conscious of the growing risk of US overstretch, Bush is now reaching out to the European allies. However, most observers anticipate a change in style rather than any real change in substance.
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Entezar, Mohammad Yonus. "HAZARAS' ONLINE ACTIVISM:A CRITICAL STUDY OF HAZARAS' ONLINE DISCOURSE DURING THE AFGHANISTAN 2009 AND 2014 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS." OpenSIUC, 2016. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/2046.
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Within the framework of Critical Discourse Studies, this thesis looks at how Hazara peoples’ online activism during the Afghanistan 2009 and 2014 Presidential Elections contributed to promoting civil society and democratic values in Post-2001Afghanistan. The data corpus for this research is a selection of twelve published articles from the four most popular Hazara activists’ affiliated websites: The Republic of Silence, Hazara People International Network, Kabul Press and Hazara Net. Hazara writers applied a critical, but divisive and ethnocentric language to construct a political discourse during the Afghan national elections and polarized Afghan ethnic groups and differentiated between people and politicians. Despite the divisive and polarized discourse strategies in their texts, Hazara writers opened a fresh space for ethnic conversation in the Afghan online public sphere during the elections and enriched Afghan mainstream media discourse. The data corpus unveiled political activism based on historical consciousness, collective adaptability to social changes, and a continuous interest in education and civic activism as main Hazara online themes in post-2001 Afghanistan. These Hazara texts promote one role in particular for Hazaras, and that is to protest yesterday’s oppressive history, correct today's political structures and transform tomorrow's political culture in Afghanistan, so that all activists share something more than race, blood and ethnicity.
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Mehran, Weeda. "The political economy of warlord democracy in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709272.
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Mann, Zahid Nawaz. "The nature of insurgency in Afghanistan and the regional power politics." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FMann.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna ; Second Reader: Khan, Feroz H. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 15, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Pashtun Nationalism, Pashtunwali, Durand Line, Afghan Jihad, Afghan Taliban, Al-Qaeda, Insurgency, Counterinsurgency, FATA, South Asian Conflicts, Indian Cold-Start Strategy, Kashmir Dispute, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, U.S. AFPAK Strategy, U.S. Troop Surge, Reconciliation with Taliban, Operation Enduring Freedom, U.S.-Pakistan Relations, Nuclear Weapons of Pakistan, Counterinsurgency Strategy of Pakistan, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Operation Rah-e-Raast, Operation Rah-e-Nejat, Drone Attacks, Central Asian Republics (CARs), Oil and Gas, The New Great Game, Interests of Iran, India, China and Russia in Afghanistan, Gwadar Port. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-115). Also available in print.
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Armstrong, Bradley J. "Rebuilding Afghanistan : counterinsurgency and reconstruction in Operation Enduring Freedom." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FArmstrong.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Hy S. Rothstein, Kalev K. Sepp. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-175). Also available online.
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Wilson, Gregory J. "Limits to civil service and administrative reform in a fragile and conflict affected situation : a case study of Afghanistan 2002-2012." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2015. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/9151.
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This research examined the challenges, decisions, issues, and dilemmas facing the International Community (IC) in attempting to re-establish and rebuild public administration and other government institutions in a country that continues to suffer from instability and remains at high risk of further conflict. The research looks specifically at a subset of Public Administration Reform (PAR): Civil Service and Administrative Reform (CSAR). The research concludes that CSAR in a Fragile and Conflict Affected State (FCAS) such as Afghanistan is clearly a ‘wicked problem’ requiring innovative, iterative and adaptive responses by the IC over an extended time period. However, the IC treats CSAR in Afghanistan as a ‘tame’ problem simply framed in terms of ‘we are coming to build your capacity’, resulting in slow progress on public sector reform overall and little understanding of the relationship with overarching statebuilding and stabilisation objectives. Despite the acknowledgement of the importance of CSAR, IC support has fallen dramatically in recent years. The current approach to supporting CSAR in Afghanistan is therefore almost guaranteed to fail. The research calls for a new approach to PAR in these types of cases, one that recognises the severe limits to progress utilising existing approaches and structures rooted in Western notions of good government. A new approach goes beyond the overwhelming focus on capacity development; emphasises the importance of understanding what space exists for reform; recognises the need to pragmatically confront trade- offs between the competing objectives of reconciling stabilisation imperatives with wider considerations of ‘good governance’; and poses an alternative expanded framework for considering public administration, legitimacy, authority and representation in the government of an FCAS, partly as an organising framework but also as an aid to understanding the complexity of interrelated systems prevalent in an FCAS. The research also concludes that a great deal more independent academic research is required to understand how to make progress in Public Sector Reform (PSR), stabilisation and longer-term development that will help prevent countries slipping back into conflict.
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Ibarra, Navarrete Andrea. "ANÁLISIS DEL MERCADO DE ARROZ EN MÉXICO, DURANTE 2001-2017." Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/95396.
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La importancia de la producción, comercialización y consumo de los granos
básicos en México es de gran relevancia dado que forma parte de los alimentos
imprescindibles en la dieta diaria de los mexicanos, por su contenido y aportación
de nutrientes, por su nivel de consumo (la producción nacional de arroz en 2016
se destinó casi en su totalidad al consumo humano en un 98 por ciento). Se
estima que la producción anual de granos básicos en México: maíz con más de 24
millones de toneladas, frijol con casi 970 mil toneladas, el trigo con
aproximadamente 4 millones de toneladas, mientras que la producción de arroz es
de 236 millones de toneladas, Secretaria de Agricultura, Ganadería, Desarrollo
Rural, Pesca y Alimentación (SAGARPA, 2016).
Particularmente, el arroz es considerado como el cereal de mayor consumo a
nivel mundial, ya que si bien es cultivado en los cinco continentes, por el volumen
de producción, Asia figura como el primer productor sobre todo por la producción
que realiza China, ya que este país por si solo genera más de 200 millones de
toneladas anuales, en cerca de 31 millones de hectáreas dedicados al cultivo de
arroz. América es el segundo continente en la producción mundial de arroz, con
aproximadamente un 6 por ciento, entre los países que destacan en su
producción es Brasil con 33 por ciento, el segundo es EE.UU con el 26 por ciento,
le siguen Perú y Colombia con el 8 por ciento respectivamente y por último países
como Ecuador, Argentina, Venezuela y Uruguay con un 3.5 por ciento cada uno
(Consejo Agropecuario del Sur (CAS), 2012). México ocupa el 66° lugar, con una
producción de 179,776 toneladas, por lo que dos de cada 10 mil kilogramos de
arroz que se cosechan en el mundo son cultivados en México, Servicio
Información y Estadística Agroalimentaria y Pesquera (SIAP, 2016).
La producción de arroz en México, ha presentado diferentes panoramas al pasar
de los años, dado que en la década de los ochenta México era autosuficiente en la
producción de este grano, posteriormente con la entrada en vigor del Tratado de
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Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN), la producción de arroz mexicano
disminuyó de manera importante, no obstante, la producción de arroz se distingue
de los demás granos por ser el que más depende del exterior, debido por la
reducción de las barreras al comercio, la eliminación del precio de garantía y la
disminución de subsidios en los insumos, así como por la entrada a precios
dumping del arroz proveniente del continente asiático. Otro factor para este
argumento, es que México se encuentra en una alta competencia con los
Estados Unidos uno de los países de mayor producción y exportador en el
mercado mundial.
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Ponzio, Richard. "International peacebuilding through democratic legal authority formation: the case of Afghanistan, 2001-2005." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.487043.
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Sharan, Timor. "The network politics of international statebuilding : intervention and statehood in post-2001 Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14542.
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This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post-2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. This study suggests that a new political order is emerging in post-2001 Afghanistan where political stability is a function of patron-client relations, opportunistic practices of bargaining and expropriation of public resources for political network gain as well as the instrumentalisation of identities. In light of this analysis, it concludes with the implications of the research findings for the future of Afghanistan. It posits that a successful international military exit from Afghanistan and post-2014 state survival may depend primarily on the political stability of the empowered political networks. This research is based on extensive fieldwork, including participatory observation and interviews (more than 130 interviews) with key informants over 16 months in Afghanistan.