Relevant bibliographies by topics / Afghanistan 2001 to 2017

Academic literature on the topic 'Afghanistan 2001 to 2017'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Afghanistan 2001 to 2017"

1

Tehseena Usman and Minhas Majeed Khan. "Pak-Afghan Relations (2001-2017): A Prisoner’s Dilemma Analysis." Strategic Studies 37, no. 1 (April 10, 2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.01.00228.

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Pak-Afghan relations in post-Taliban era are a narration of mistrust and a display of the Prisoner’s Dilemma. Despite Pakistan’s efforts to maintain good neighbourly relations, it is being blamed for chaotic situation in Afghanistan, providing safe havens for miscreants in FATA, sponsoring terrorism and suicide bombing in the latter. On the other hand, Pakistan is also suspicious of Afghanistan’s India-centric policies, which results in insurgency and unrest in FATA, Balochistan and different parts of the country. Despite several commonalities and both being allies in the war against terrorism, the trust gap however is so broad that both the countries cannot decipher their disagreements bilaterally. Resultantly, both have become a recipe of never ending violence and allowing regional powers to interfere in their affairs and exploit the situation to their own advantage. Pak-Afghan relations cannot afford mistrust and hostility, which has repeatedly caused negative repercussions on their relations. The paper employs Prisoner’s Dilemma approach to examine the nature of Pak-Afghan relations and draw a conclusion for trust building via its repeated reciprocal strategies. In addition, the theoretical framework explains that reciprocal strategies, if adopted, will enable Pakistan and Afghanistan to break Prisoner’s Dilemma, sustain trust and convert their limited cooperation into full cooperation based on mutual trust.
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Foot, Peter. "Afghanistan 2001–2014: The Enduring Literature?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 13, no. 2 (2014): 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.13.2.07.

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Khalid, Ijaz, Bushra Qureshi, and Shazia Hassan. "US Afghan Strategy: Policy Responses of China and Pakistan (2001-2017)." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).04.

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This paper attempts to explore the level of variations in the pattern of foreign policies of Pakistan and China to US Afghan strategy. To investigate this question, the paper examines US strategy in Afghanistan. The current administration under Trump and announcement of China Pakistan Economic Corridor further complicated the US presence in Afghanistan. The study analyses the factors that are responsible for differences between Pakistani and Chinese stance. About the results, China's response was an outcome of their foreign policy principles, that is not to indulge in direct clash with the US and Western world. The interests of China in Afghanistan are linked to that of Pakistan, South and Central Asia. China does not want to wage unilateral talks with Taliban at the cost of Pakistan's interests. While on the other hand, post 9/11 2001, Pakistan could not resist the pressure of US policies in Afghanistan because it was heavily dependent on the US, economically, militarily, politically and diplomatically. The respective Political structure and culture; their foreign policy priorities, goals, and tradition; perception of threat and resulting priorities; political and economic dependence; location, policy options and decision-making and professional capabilities of decision making were jointly responsible for their differences.
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Härtel-Petri, R., J. Steinmann, M. Wolfersdorf, and H. Schulte-Wefers. "Rauschgifttodesfälle in Bayern und Deutschland von 2003 bis 2006." Nervenheilkunde 27, S 01 (2008): S28—S29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1627272.

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ZusammenfassungVorgestellt wird die Zahl der Drogentoten in Bayern von 2003 bis 2006, gegliedert nach den Polizeipräsidien und offiziellen Angaben. Ergebnisse: Es konnte im Vergleich zu früheren Untersuchungen eine signifikante Abnahme der Drogenmortalität beobachtet werden. 2006 sank die Zahl erstmals wieder auf das Niveau zu Beginn der 1990er-Jahre. Verschiedene Interpretationen werden kritisch gewürdigt. Seit Implementierung der Substitution als antragsfreie Kassenleistung konnte ab 2001 ein Anstieg der Substitutionspatienten verzeichnet werden. Durch fehlende Zulassung der Heroinsubstitution, abnehmende Zahlen substitutionswilliger Ärzte sowie der Verfügbarkeit billigen Heroins aus Afghanistan ist nach 2007/2008 prognostisch mit einem Anstieg der Drogentoten zu rechnen.
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Saboor, Abdul, Sardar Ahmed, and Taha Shabbir. "Post Withdrawal Situation of us Troops from Afghanistan: Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)." Global International Relations Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2021(iv-iv).05.

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The study of international relations has been re-examined in light of a global perspective on politics since the conclusion of World War 2 and the September 11 terrorist attacks. Examining Afghanistan's connection with the SCO is a relatively new subject of study. Between 2001 and 2011,China intervened strategically and economically in Afghanistan in the Bonn talks between Afghanistan, China, and the SCO. Afghanistan was awarded observer status by the SCO in 2012 in order to facilitate the integration of the broader area into the SCO and diminish US-NATO influence in the nation where Russia's key geostrategic interests lay. For China, Afghanistan's natural riches are particularly valuable. Despite the United States' exit from Afghanistan, the Taliban maintains total control of the country, and international governments refuse to recognize them.The country's position is deteriorating due to the government's lack of legitimacy. Both Moscow and Beijing want to put an end to the situation.
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Mitrofanenkova, Olga. "INTERNATIONAL ANTI-DRUG POLICY IN AFGHANISTAN (2001-2019)." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2020): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-02-085-102.

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After the fall of Taliban in 2001 crisis in Afghanistan entered a new stage of its evaluation. The drug production broke all previous records. Afghanistan became a drug state that attracted attention of international community. The fight against drugs in Afghanistan is considered in the article.
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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen, and Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, no. 4 (January 19, 2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.

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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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Umarov, Akram. "Assessing China’s New Policy in Afghanistan." Central Asian Affairs 4, no. 4 (November 25, 2017): 384–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00404004.

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Prior to 2001, Beijing faithfully observed the principles of neutrality and non-interference regarding Afghanistan, yet it has become one of the key actors in appeasing the conflict, especially since 2014. Numerous scholars suggest that China’s U-turn is related to the potential threat posed by the Uygur separatists in Afghanistan. This study suggests an alternate motive; namely, that Afghanistan’s strategic location—the heart of Central and South Asia, the Middle East, and East Asia—drives China’s increased interest.
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Murtazashvili, Jennifer Brick. "Afghanistan in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.187.

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Hopes for national unity and stability in Afghanistan were dashed in 2015 as the government lost control of significant territory to insurgents. Kunduz City fell briefly to the Taliban, the first major city to fall to them since 2001. The ANSF experienced heavy casualties, at a time when nearly one-fifth of the country’s districts were either controlled or heavily contested by the Taliban.
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Tariq, Muhammad, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Ahmed Saeed Minhas. "An Analysis of Insurgency in Afghanistan (2001- 2016)." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. II (June 30, 2018): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-ii).09.

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Afghanistan has been wrapped in insurgency since the Russian withdrawal in 1979, followed by civil war. The emergence of Taliban to power with their self-styled type of imposition of Islamic law compelled the great powers to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. September 2001 was a turning point in the history of Afghanistan as the NATO forces made their entry under the garb of security. The establishment of a democratic government in the country could not help in uprooting terrorism and insurgency from the country. Since the period of Russian Withdrawal, the country witnessed different eras of Taliban and the democratic governments coupled with the NATO mission. It is a fact that during the long stay of the presence of coalition forces in Afghanistan, insurgency could not be completely uprooted since new threats from different groups of insurgents have overpowered the country. Some of the provinces are hit hard by insurgency and terrorism. Efforts to hold peace talks were always dashed to the ground when the ISAF started its military operations against the terrorists.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Afghanistan 2001 to 2017"

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Hanagan, Deborah Lynn. "NATO and coalition warfare in Afghanistan, 2001-2014." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/nato-and-coalition-warfare-in-afghanistan-20012014(1284a4bd-94af-4726-93fc-26b13997d4cb).html.

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This thesis analyzes the involvement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. Specifically, it analyzes multinational military adaptation and change at the operational level within the ISAF coalition which operated in the midst of a complex conflict that changed in character over time. NATO was not initially involved in military operations, but this changed slowly over time. First, it decided to take over ISAF in Kabul, and then it expanded ISAF, both geographically and operationally. ISAF then surged, followed by an organized withdrawal. Why did this happen and how did ISAF maintain coalition cohesion throughout the campaign in Afghanistan? Despite a multitude of forces that should have frayed coalition cohesion, such as intra-alliance friction over burden-sharing, operational inefficiencies related to national caveats, reluctance to commit forces, especially to engage in combat, and a widespread perception the war was a failure, the ISAF coalition did not fall apart and contributing nations did not abandon their partners. Instead, cohesion endured, the coalition increased in size and expanded what it did, and NATO members and partners stayed engaged for some thirteen years. This thesis proposes an analytical framework comprised of two drivers, political will and organizational capacity, to explain this puzzle.
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Leclerc, Matthieu. "La structure juridique du système interétatique à la lumière de la reconstruction de l’Etat afghan (2001-2007)." Caen, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008CAEN0083.

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L'analyse classique du processus de reconstruction de l'Etat afghan défaillant souffre d’une opposition paradigmatique des fondements du droit international que constitueraient la souveraineté et les droits de l’homme. Une démarche structurale permet, au contraire, de considérer l’Etat comme l'unité fondamentale du système interétatique, généré par une dynamique de répartition du pouvoir politique sur un espace social et structuré par un ordre juridique qui, en tant que tel, comprend les lois de totalité, de transformation et d'autoréglage. La comparaison entre le fait étatique et sa représentation juridique impose de rechercher les constantes et les variables de l'Etat, nécessaires pour envisager le transfert de droit qui s'opère entre l’Occident et l’Afghanistan. Les quêtes d'unité et de justice, ramenées à la nationalisation et à '’institutionnalisation du pouvoir, confirment ici l'importance du respect de la souveraineté du peuple comme condition d'une démocratisation réussie. Il ordonne les rapports entre ordres juridiques, en supposant des mécanismes d'ouverture et d’adaptation réciproques nécessaires au bon transfert de leurs produits. L'amélioration de ce système permet encore d'envisager le principe de subsidiarité comme favorable à l'effectivité et la légitimité de l'activité de la communauté internationale en Afghanistan et, d'une manière générale, dans le cadre de l'institutionnalisation des rapports de coexistence, coopération et intégration. La démarche structurale permet de comprendre, en définitive, les conditions de l'objectivisation et de l'appropriation de la forme d'organisation sociale que constitue l'Etat par des sociétés diverses
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Turk, Kubra. "Testing The Eu-nato Relations Through The Case Of Afghanistan (2001-2011)." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614411/index.pdf.

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The thesis aims to chart the relations of the EU and NATO through the case of Afghanistan. It examines the role of ISAF in conjunction with PRTs and EUPOL to evaluate the relations between the EU and NATO. The involvement of the ISAF and EUPOL missions from their establishment to evolution and the limitations of both missions in accordance with the management of the US in the &ldquo
War on Terror&rdquo
are examined. The implications of American policies on the missions of both parties are explored, from the first term of Bush to the Obama administration. The thesis argues that while there has been cooperation between the EU and NATO without structural cooperation, thus being ad hoc cooperation, the US has been benefiting from this cooperation from the second term of the Bush administration to the Obama administration, thereby rehabilitating the tense relations between the EU and the US. In the final analysis, it may be said that this cooperation did not result in a success story in the case of Afghanistan.
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Yildirim, Yesim. "Nato And The Fight Against Transnational Terrorism:2001-2010." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612544/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the evolution of the policies, strategies and actions of NATO within the context of the fight against transnational terrorism. The thesis focuses on the post 9/11 period. After the 9/11 events, the security perceptions of NATO changed dramatically and the threat of transnational terrorism emerged as a prominent challenge to the security of all members of NATO so the fight against terrorism became a key priority for NATO. Consequently, the NATO experienced a significant transformation since 2001 in order to have an effective and active role in the fight against transnational terrorism. In this thesis, Afghanistan operation of NATO is evaluated in terms of NATO&rsquo
s readiness to deal with soft security threats such as transnational terrorism effectively. The thesis argues that despite the significant achievements of NATO in the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan, NATO has not yet become quite effective in dealing with transnational terrorism since the Alliance is still primarily designed to deal with conventional hard security threats. This thesis has five main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. In the second chapter NATO&rsquo
s security concerns and its stance with regard to terrorism in the Cold War and post-Cold War era is discussed. The third chapter continues with the examination of NATO&rsquo
s transformation after the 9/11 attacks in terms of fight against transnational terrorism. The fourth chapter explores the Afghanistan operation of NATO. The fifth chapter is the conclusion.
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Baczko, Adam. "La guerre par le droit : justice, domination et violence en Afghanistan (2001-2018)." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH165.

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À l’inverse de la perception dominante, les guerres civiles ne sont pas des situations de non-droit, mais de compétition entre systèmes juridiques. Cette thèse retravaille les approches sociologiques du droit et de l’État pour penser l’établissement de tribunaux par un mouvement armé. À travers une enquête de terrain conduite entre 2010 et 2016, j’analyse les implications sociales et politiques de la formation d’un droit par l’insurrection Taliban en Afghanistan. Dans un contexte où rendre justice est indissociablement une activité juridique, un instrument de contrôle social et un enjeu de la guerre, comment un mouvement armé peut-il faire reconnaître les décisions de ses juges comme autant d’actes juridiques et non politiques ? Autrement dit, comment le juge Taliban, qui est Taliban autant que juge, parvient-il à se faire reconnaître dans sa fonction par la population ? Les Taliban mettent en place leurs tribunaux dans un contexte d’incertitude juridique radicale causé par des décennies de guerre civile et alimenté, après 2001, par l’intervention militaire occidentale. En vue d’assurer l’impartialité de ses juges, l’insurrection les intègre dans un système institutionnel et encadre leurs pratiques par des procédures rudimentaires d’objectivation. Tout en restant pris dans la guerre, ce système juridique permet au mouvement armé de régler des conflits privés et, par là, de légitimer son emprise territoriale et d’appliquer son programme politique
Contrary to the dominant perception, civil wars are not caracterized by lawlessness, but by competition between legal systems. This dissertation rely on the sociological approaches of law and the State to conceptualize the establishment of courts by an armed movement. Based on fieldworks carried out between 2010 and 2016, I analyze the social and political implications of the formation of law by the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan. In a context in which justice is indissociably a legal activity, an instrument of social control and a stake in the war, how can an armed movement make the decisions of its judges recognized as legal and not political acts? In other words, how does a Taliban judge, who is a Taliban as much as a judge, manage to be recognized in his function by the population? The Taliban have set up their courts in a context of radical legal uncertainty caused by decades of civil war and fueled, after 2001, by Western military intervention. In order to ensure the impartiality of its judges, the insurgency have integrated them into an institutional framework and regulate their practices by rudimentary procedures of objectivization. While remaining caught up in the war, this legal system has allowed the armed movement to settle disputes, and thereby legitimize its territorial hold and apply its political agenda
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Walsh, Matthew. "The role of PMCs (Private Military Companies) in counter-insurgency combat in Afghanistan (2001 to 2010)." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11958.

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"The Role of PMCs (Private Military Companies) in Counter-insurgency Combat in Afghanistan (2001 to 2010)" aims to identify the primary combat roles which PMCs played while in support of U.S. forces during the counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan from 2001-2010. It first provides background on a number of issues, including U.S. legal and policy themes regarding PMCs, their previous use in combat situations while supporting U.S. foreign policy goals, and the insurgency and counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan.
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Cawkwell, Thomas William. "UK strategy in Afghanistan, 2001-2014 : narratives, transnational dilemmas, and 'strategic communication'." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17181.

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The difficulties faced by the United Kingdom in realising its stabilisation objectives in the War in Afghanistan (2001-2014) have precipitated a change in rhetorical approach by successive British Governments, from one based on liberal normative principles to one that emphasises traditional, rationalist precepts of ‘national security interests’. This transformation of ‘narrative’ is identified in this work as chronologically analogous with the institutionalisation of ‘strategic communication’ practices and doctrine emanating from the defence establishment of the British state. In this work, I argue that changes in narrative approach and the emergence of strategic communication can be understood as a consequence of an overburdened British state attempting to free itself from a ‘transnational dilemma’ (King 2010): that is, to find a means of appealing coherently and succinctly to the benefits of participation in collective security whilst avoiding threatening the viability of collective security membership by acknowledging its costs. This transnational dilemma has been exacerbated by intra-state competition over the material and ideational aspects of British strategy in Helmand, and is traceable by close empirical analysis of three competing ‘policy narratives’ for Afghanistan: stabilisation, counter-narcotics, and counter-terrorism, respectively. Intra-state competition can, in turn, be conceptualised as the result of embedded inter-state relationships of political obligation and military cooperation referred to by Edmunds (2010) as the ‘transnationalisation’ of defence policy. UK policy in Afghanistan has been guided by transnational issues, specifically the maintenance of NATO as a collective security apparatus and of the ‘special relationship’ with the United States, through which Britain secures and projects its national interest. I argue that the UK’s grand strategic commitment to transnationalisation underscores an ‘unstatable’ ultimate policy of meeting the expectations of the United States and NATO, and that the development of various policies and narratives for Afghanistan can be understood primarily in such terms. In Afghanistan, transnationalisation and the concordant pursuit of satisfying American and NATO expectations has come at the cost of a significant divestment of strategic autonomy, which has uprooted traditional, nationally-based concepts of strategy and policy to the transnational level and resulted in a strategic vacuum wherein intra-state competition has flourished. This, I argue, has compromised the ability for Britain to link policy to operations (to ‘do’ strategy)d in Afghanistan, a point which can be empirically measured by reference to the discordant and contradictory aspects of aforementioned policy narratives, which have been rooted in the institutional interests of various elements of the state. Strategic communication has arisen out of this situation as a means for the state to overcome the transnational dilemma by promoting a unified ‘strategic narrative’ for Afghanistan that has reconfigured the narrative for the conflict to one that emphasises the conflict not in terms of collective security but in ‘national’ terms. This work concludes by arguing that, in sidestepping rather than confronting the core dilemmas of British strategy, the emergence of strategic communication can be seen as posing as many problems as solutions for the UK state.
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Morgan, Edwards Lucy Helen. "Western support to warlords in Afghanistan from 2001-2014 and its effect on political legitimacy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/25388.

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This is an integrative paper aiming to encapsulate the themes of my previously published work upon which this PhD is being assessed. This work; encompassing several papers and various chapters of my book are attached behind this essay. The research question, examines the effect of Western support to warlords on political legitimacy in the post 9/11 Afghan war. I contextualise the research question in terms of my critical engagement with the literature of strategists in Afghanistan during this time. Subsequently, I draw out themes in relation to the available literature on warlords, politics and security in Afghanistan. I highlight the value of thinking about these questions conceptually in terms of legitimacy. I then introduce the published work, summarising the focus of each paper or book chapter. Later, a ‘findings’ section addresses how the policy of supporting warlords has affected legitimacy through its impact on security and stability, the political settlement and ultimately whether Afghans choose to accept the Western-backed project in Afghanistan, or not. I argue that this issue is important as it has security implications not just in the immediate region, but increasingly, throughout the Middle East and possibly further.
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Sangar, Kanshko. "Russia and the international struggle around Afghanistan, 2001-2012 : competition and co-operation in historical perspective." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10052118/.

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This PhD thesis makes numerous original contributions to the sphere of knowledge on the topic of Russian foreign policy in Central Asia and Afghanistan, and this is achieved by its research questions, framework, methodology and approach, structure and main findings. It is the first and only study that attempts to examine in sequence Russia’s relations on Afghanistan with a group of states in 2001-2012 in a historical and geopolitical context as well as Russia’s role and interests in Afghanistan from early 19th century until Taliban and post-Taliban periods. The thesis is guided by following research questions: (a) why, from Russia’s perspective, has Afghanistan historically been significant in Russia’s struggle against its adversaries, and why is this central when researching these issues; (b) what are Russia’s main interests in 21st century Afghanistan, a country bordering its “backyard” and “underbelly,” the strategically-important Central Asia; (c) what are the specifics of Russia’s relations with key players in Afghanistan, and to what extent has Russia succeeded in defending its national interests in Afghanistan and the wider region?; and, (d) how can Russia’s involvement in Afghanistan and its ties with all major regional powers explain Russian’s broader foreign policy approaches since 2001? The study’s main finding is that Russia’s relations with key players and other countries in their dealings with Afghanistan frequently go against the wider relationship with these countries. This is due to a number of significant motives that are explored in this thesis. Firstly, while Central Asian dominance played a crucial role in Russia’s self-perception as a “Great Power” throughout the history examined in this study the construct of Afghanistan as a buffer zone and as a region to pressure Russia’s Central Asian “soft underbelly” is deeply entrenched in Russia’s geopolitical culture and strategic-thinking. Thus, the history of Russia’s engagement with the West plays an integral role in Moscow’s foreign policy articulations vis-à-vis Afghanistan and major regional geo-political actors. In the 21st-century, in addition to becoming a source of a security threats, Afghanistan became critical for Moscow because it was of great significance to Russia’s “Great Power” identity, to Moscow’s approaches to the strategically-important “near abroad,” and to the country’s domestic socio-economic policies due to increasing use of illicit drugs emanating from Afghanistan. Furthermore, the landlocked country became a critical factor in Moscow’s relationship with all other geo-political players in Eurasia, predominantly the United States but also China, India, Pakistan, Iran and the five Central Asian states. In a detailed and in-depth empirical investigation of Russia’s bilateral and multilateral relationships not only with Afghanistan itself but also with the other active players in Afghanistan this study also demonstrates that Russia is a declining “Great Power” in terms of its influence in the region; this thesis also contends that Russia’s foreign policy did not follow a strategy between 2001 and 2012 – it was situational and tactically driven and Russia did not plan a neo-imperial expansion since Putin’s rise. Finally, this study concludes that Russia often trumpets (Pokazukha) its foreign policy, creating the illusion of a “Greatpowerness.” Indeed, on the regional level, Russian foreign policies were situational and Moscow's initiatives would focus on issues and problems that the Kremlin found beneficial at that particular moment. The Russian authorities, in other words, would be occupied with issues that were beneficial from a PR and political technology perspective, e.g. demonstrating to the Russian people that Moscow is a significant regional player and impressing Russia’s rivals and enemies - if there were no such component, Moscow would simply ignore the matter and consequently avoid involvement.
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Muttaqi, Farid [Verfasser], Klaus [Akademischer Betreuer] Schlichte, Klaus [Gutachter] Schlichte, and Mushtaq [Gutachter] Kaw. "Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan (2001-2014) / Farid Muttaqi ; Gutachter: Klaus Schlichte, Mushtaq Kaw ; Betreuer: Klaus Schlichte." Bremen : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1193177057/34.

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Books on the topic "Afghanistan 2001 to 2017"

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Souter, Janet. War in Afghanistan and Iraq. London: Carlton Books, 2011.

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Iraq, Afghanistan, and the imperialism of our time. New Delhi: Leftword Books, 2004.

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Moore, Christopher E. Contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan: Background and issues. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publisher's, 2010.

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Neville, Leigh. Enduring Freedom: Afghanistan 2001-2010. Oxford: Osprey Pub., 2011.

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The Afghanistan and Iraq Wars: War against extremism. New York: Cavendish Square Publishing, 2015.

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Vortex of conflict: U.S. policy toward Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq. Stanford, California: Stanford Security Studies, 2011.

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U.S. conflicts in the 21st century: Afghanistan War, Iraq War, and the War on Terror. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2015.

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Afghanistan 2001-2010: Chronique d'une non-victoire annoncée. Paris: Autrement, 2010.

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Through veterans' eyes: The Iraq and Afghanistan experience. Washington, D.C: Potomac Books, 2010.

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Hanson, Victor Davis. Between war and peace: Lessons from Afghanistan to Iraq. New York: Random House, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Afghanistan 2001 to 2017"

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Quirk, Patrick W. "US–Afghanistan Internal Threat Alliance (2001–2012)." In Great Powers, Weak States, and Insurgency, 101–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-47419-9_3.

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Meiers, Franz-Josef. "Der wehrverfassungsrechtliche Parlamentsvorbehalt und die Verteidigung der Sicherheit Deutschlands am Hindukusch, 2001–2011." In Zehn Jahre Deutschland in Afghanistan, 87–113. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-94292-6_5.

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Müller, Harald, and Jonas Wolff. "Demokratischer Krieg am Hindukusch? Eine kritische Analyse der Bundestagsdebatten zur deutschen Afghanistanpolitik 2001–2011." In Zehn Jahre Deutschland in Afghanistan, 197–221. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-94292-6_10.

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Götz, Markus. "Afghanistan-Tagebuch 2010." In „Hier ist Krieg“, 119–360. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666311369.119.

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Götz, Markus. "Afghanistan-Tagebuch 2010." In „Hier ist Krieg“, 119–360. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666311369.119.

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Turner, Barry. "Afghanistan." In The Statesman’s Yearbook 2010, 75–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-58632-5_110.

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Turner, Barry. "Afghanistan." In The Statesman’s Yearbook 2007, 81–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271357_112.

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Mattes, Hanspeter. "Afghanistan 2001." In Nahost Jahrbuch 2001, 55–61. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95001-7_9.

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Asmus, Sebastian. "Afghanistan." In Das Kriegsgeschehen 2001, 74–80. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-97571-3_5.

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Sharan, Timor. "Consolidating a political “Empire of Mud” (2004–2014) 1." In Inside Afghanistan, 118–55. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315161617-5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Afghanistan 2001 to 2017"

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Cakit ª, Erman, and Waldemar Karwowski. "Using Geographic Information Systems Analysis for Mapping Adverse Events in an Active War Theater." In Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100200.

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This study is a review of adverse events throughout the war in Afghanistan by representing the mapping of these events, where we considered three types of adverse events in terms of number of people killed, wounded and hijacked, and their total number in the active war theater of Afghanistan over the period 2004-2010. The country was divided into seven regions for pattern analysis, where each region has different numbers of provinces, districts, and number of records. A point-density analysis was conducted to detect those areas where a high density of data point locations was concentrated. Based on the results obtained, it was concluded that the frequency of adverse events has increased from 2004 through 2010. The south-western region had the highest mean by district values than other regions and the whole of Afghanistan for all variables. On the other side, the north-western region had the lowest mean by district values than other regions and the whole of Afghanistan for all variables. When we compared the variables against each other, the number of people hijacked had the lowest values in total and average by district than the other variables.
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Dal Cengio Leonardi, Alessandra, Cynthia Bir, Dave Ritzel, and Pamela VandeVord. "The Effects of Apertures on Internal Pressure Measured During Shock Wave Exposure." In ASME 2011 Summer Bioengineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/sbc2011-53586.

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Blast-induced neurotrauma with no overt damage to the skull has been identified as a condition suffered by military personnel serving in Iraq and Afghanistan (Glasser 2007). Symptoms of mild blast neurotrauma include alterations in cognitive functions (memory, language, problem-solving-skills) and in emotional behavior (mood swings, depression, anxiety, emotional outbursts) (Okie 2005). Despite the improvements in helmets and body armors, many veterans returning from the war front are being diagnosed with mild blast-neurotrauma (Warden 2006). Little is known of the means by which brain injury results from exposure to blast where there is no evident physical damage to the head. This study looks at possible mechanisms of brain injury related to blast by examining how pressure transmission occurs within a skull/brain surrogate system. Investigations were carried out to resolve the variables affecting skull dynamics and their effect on pressure imparted to the brain. Testing assessed internal pressure profiles as a function of ambient overpressure, orientation of the sample to shock-front exposure, and the presence of apertures.
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Fraser, N. "MilSatcom delivery across Afghanistan: a personal experience of growth." In IET Seminar on Milsatcoms 2010. IET, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/ic.2010.0058.

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Shovic, Henry F., John M. Hazelton, Spencer M. Roylance, and Lief Christenson. "Water Resources Improvement in Southeast Afghanistan: Remote Project Planning and Decision Support Modeling." In Watershed Management Conference 2010. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/41143(394)95.

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Warner, Thomas R., Lawrence J. Bowling, Caleb W. Erikson, Derrick S. Hui, Christopher J. Marsh, Edward B. Teague, and Donald E. Brown. "Agent-based modeling of public health infrastructure projects in Jalalabad, Afghanistan." In 2011 Systems and Information Engineering Design Symposium (SIEDS). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sieds.2011.5876849.

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Kwon, Jiwoon, Sung J. Lee, Ghatu Subhash, Michael King, and Malisa Sarntinoranont. "Shock Induced Deformation and Damage in Rat Brain Slices." In ASME 2010 Summer Bioengineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/sbc2010-19448.

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Shock-induced traumatic brain injury (TBI) and post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) have received increasing attention because many soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan suffer from these disorders. The shock loading duration is typically on the order of few hundred microseconds and hence the strain rate of deformation is very high. Therefore, in the current study, high-rate loading experiments were conducted on brain tissue slices which mimic loading durations encountered in shock loading [1]. The polymer split Hopkinson pressure bar (PSHPB) was used to generate high rate loading as a high speed digital camera captured the deformation of brain tissue. To further clarify initial injury events, post-test damage was assessed through histological studies. This experimental model provides the opportunity for time-resolved visualization of actual tissue deformation thus allowing improved ability to isolate damage-sensitive tissue regions.
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Haziq, Daryoosh, and Morisako Kiyotaka. "Afghanistan Building Codes (ABC): Focused on Comparative Analysis and the Viability of Enforcement." In AEI 2017. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/9780784480502.013.

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Jalal, Islahuddin, Zarina Shukur, and Mohd Rosmadi Mokhtar. "3C-CSIRT model a sustainable national CSIRT for afghanistan." In 2017 6th International Conference on Electrical Engineering and Informatics (ICEEI). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iceei.2017.8312405.

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"Simulating impacts of EFR consideration on reservoir operation policy and irrigation management in the Hari Rod River Basin, Afghanistan." In 19th International Congress on Modelling and Simulation. Modelling and Simulation Society of Australia and New Zealand (MSSANZ), Inc., 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36334/modsim.2011.i12.adhikary.

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Schlagel, Nathan A. "LANDSLIDE HAZARD ASSESSMENT FOR NORTHERN FAYZ ABAD DISTRICT, BADAKHSHAN PROVINCE, AFGHANISTAN." In GSA Annual Meeting in Seattle, Washington, USA - 2017. Geological Society of America, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2017am-301232.

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Reports on the topic "Afghanistan 2001 to 2017"

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Sultan, Sadiqa, Maryam Kanwer, and Jaffer Abbas Mirza. The Multi-Layered Minority: Exploring the Intersection of Gender, Class and Religious-Ethnic Affiliation in the Marginalisation of Hazara Women in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.005.

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The Shia Hazaras in Pakistan are one of the most persecuted religious minorities. According to a 2019 report produced by the National Commission for Human Rights, a government formed commission, at least 509 Hazaras have been killed since 2013 (NCHR 2018: 2). According to one of the Vice Chairs of the Human Rights Commission Pakistan, the country's leading human rights watchdog, between 2009 and 2014, nearly 1,000 Hazaras were killed in sectarian violence (Butt 2014). The present population of Shia Hazaras is the result of three historical migrations from Afghanistan (Hashmi 2016: 2). The first phase of migration occurred in 1880 1901 when Abd al Rahman Khan came to power in 1880 in Afghanistan and declared war against the Hazaras as a result of a series of revolts they made against the regime.
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Khan, Mahreen. The Environmental Impacts of War and Conflict. Institute of Development Studies, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.060.

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In modern warfare, the first widely acknowledged scientific study and documented case of environmental damage during conflict was the (direct and deliberate) use of Agent Orange and other toxic chemicals by US forces, from 1961-1971, during the Vietnam War in a policy known as herbicide. The Vietnam War has been relatively well documented for the sheer horror and magnitude of the devastation to natural habitats and because it was the first war where television and global media brought vivid images and accounts into people’s homes, making the war a matter of political and public conscience This helped stir academic and scientific interest and facilitated evidence collection and documentation of environmental damages. This helpdesk report is a rapid literature review on the main environmental impacts of war and conflict, drawing primarily on academic, and peer reviewed literature and only some policy and practitioner sources, as per the request. Where current situations are discussed, such as the ongoing Ukraine war, a few blogs are referred to. Within the literature focused on the environmental impacts of conflict, common case studies include: the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) bombing of Kosovo (1999), and the conflict in the Donbas region of Ukraine (2014). Interestingly there is comparatively less literature on the conflicts in Afghanistan (2001-2021), the Iraq-Iran War (1980-1988), the Gulf Wars (1991 and 2003), the Yemeni civil war (2014 – present) and the ongoing war in Syria (since 2011) despite their relatively greater severity, intensity and duration.
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Sida, Lewis, and Tina Nelis. Theories of Change for WFP Afghanistan’s Contribution to the Triple Nexus: Policy Note. Institute of Development Studies, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.066.

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The World Food Programme (WFP) has been a key humanitarian force in Afghanistan since 1963 and remains the largest agency in the Humanitarian Response Plan for Afghanistan. Whilst its focus has primarily been its humanitarian mandate, prior to the Taliban takeover, WFP had been working to see how its strategic outcomes in the 2018 Country Strategic Plan (CSP) were aligned with viable peace and development efforts nationally. The Taliban takeover has accelerated an already deteriorating humanitarian crisis. Drought in 2021 had left many in the west of the country in need of humanitarian assistance. The collapse of international support, and the freezing of the banking system and assets held overseas has exacerbated already very high levels of poverty and threatened the price of staples in the market. This has necessarily focused all external efforts on the humanitarian response. Despite the severity of the humanitarian situation, WFP is keen not to entirely neglect development and peace aspects, knowing that both are essential to the future of Afghanistan. This short note sets out the likely medium-term policy framework and some considerations for WFP in navigating this. This Policy Note should be read in conjunction with the longer document Theories of Change for WFP Afghanistan’s Contribution to the Triple Nexus: Final Report (Sida and Nelis 2022).
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Caldwell, IV, Reveron William B., and Derek S. Beyond the Tenth Year in Afghanistan: Security Force Assistance and International Security (E-Notes, September 2011). Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada570556.

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Boustati, Boustati. Narcotics Flows Through Eastern Africa: the Changing Role of Tanzania and Mozambique. Institute of Development Studies, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.074.

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In the last few decades, the southern route’s use for drug trafficking gained prominence as increased law enforcement and unrest in the Middle East made the traditional ‘Balkan route’ less viable. This southern route transports drugs, mainly heroin, from its production in Afghanistan to Pakistan or Iran, to eastern Africa – including Tanzania and Mozambique- and consequently to South Africa, after which it is moved to Europe (Aucoin, 2018; Otto & Jernberg, 2020). Notable targets of trafficking via the southern route have been the United Kingdom, Belgium, and the Netherlands (UNDOC, 2015). It is difficult to know for certain the quantities of drugs being trafficked through eastern Africa, but the literature puts it at up to 40 tonnes, with 5 of those staying behind, while the rest is transported overseas (Haysom et al., 2018a, 2018b). Due to various political and economic shifts, methamphetamines produced in Afghanistan recently also began to be trafficked alongside heroin shipments through the southern route, with recent estimates putting it at 50% of drugs being trafficked (Eligh, 2021). Most of the literature agrees that, in recent years, drug trafficking routes in eastern Africa have shifted due to political changes, but there is no evidence to suggest that the amount being trafficked have decreased.
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Sloan, Steven, Shelby Peterie, Richard Miller, Julian Ivanov, J. Schwenk, and Jason McKenna. Detecting clandestine tunnels by using near-surface seismic techniques. Engineer Research and Development Center (U.S.), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21079/11681/40419.

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Geophysical detection of clandestine tunnels is a complex problem that has been met with limited success. Multiple methods have been applied spanning several decades, but a reliable solution has yet to be found. This report presents shallow seismic data collected at a tunnel test site representative of geologic settings found along the southwestern U.S. border. Results demonstrate the capability of using compressional wave diffraction and surface-wave backscatter techniques to detect a purpose-built subterranean tunnel. Near-surface seismic data were also collected at multiple sites in Afghanistan to detect and locate subsurface anomalies (e.g., data collected over an escape tunnel discovered in 2011 at the Sarposa Prison in Kandahar, Afghanistan, which allowed more than 480 prisoners to escape, and data from another shallow tunnel recently discovered at an undisclosed location). The final example from Afghanistan is the first time surface-based seismic methods have detected a tunnel whose presence and location were not previously known. Seismic results directly led to the discovery of the tunnel. Interpreted tunnel locations for all examples were less than 2 m of the actual location. Seismic surface wave backscatter and body-wave diffraction methods show promise for efficient data acquisition and processing for locating purposefully hidden tunnels within unconsolidated sediments.
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Goodson, Larry, and Thomas H. Johnson. Parallels with the Past - How the Soviets Lost in Afghanistan, How the Americans are Losing (Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes, April 2011). Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada543645.

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Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.

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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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Agudelo-Rivera, Camila, Nicolas E. Fajardo-Acosta, Camilo González-Sabogal, Enrique Montes-Uribe, and Norberto Rodriguez-Niño. Llegadas de turistas internacionales a Colombia durante 2001-2017: evolución, características y determinantes. Bogotá, Colombia: Banco de la República, February 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/be.1064.

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Fields, Mark, and Ramsha Ahmed. A Review of the 2001 Bonn Conference and Application to the Road Ahead in Afghanistan (Strategic Perspectives, no. 8). Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, November 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada577629.

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