Journal articles on the topic 'Afghan Economy'
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1
Ali, Mubbshar, Muhammad Imran Ashraf, and Iqra Jathol. "Pakistan – U.S. Relations and its Impact on Afghanistan." Global International Relations Review III, no. I (December 30, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2020(iii-i).01.
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Afghan's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan's decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Fatima, Noor, Syed Umair Jalal, and Syed Karim Haider. "Impact of Pakistan-Us Relations on Afghan Peace Process." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 30–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).04.
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Afghan's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan's decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Amina Khan. "Protracted Afghan Refugee Situation: Policy Options for Pakistan." Strategic Studies 37, no. 1 (April 10, 2017): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.01.00230.
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Pakistan provided shelter to one of the world’s largest protracted refugee populations ─ more than five million Afghan refugees have been living in Pakistan since 1979. Continued violence and political and economic turmoil in Afghanistan have discouraged refugees to return and resulted in the continued influx of Afghan refugees into Pakistan. Since 2002, 3.8 million (Afghans) have returned to Afghanistan but many returnees keep trickling back to Pakistan.[1] Over the years, Afghan refugees have become a serious concern for Pakistan and an irritant in Pakistan-Afghan relations due to declining donor assistance, domestic constraints, weak economy, refugee fatigue, and the growing threat of terrorism. Currently, there are three million registered and unregistered Afghan refugees,[2] however, the number of unregistered refugees is believed to be far greater since movement across the Pak-Afghan border has traditionally taken place under an unregulated and unmonitored system, thus making it close to impossible to give an accurate number of unregistered refugees.[3] As a result, Pakistan has been the most vulnerable country to mass movement, militants, trafficking of drugs and arms from Afghanistan. Although the UNHCR provides assistance for only one point five million registered refugees of the total three million, it is estimated that during the past 34 years, Pakistan has spent hundreds of billions of dollars on hosting Afghan refugees. Although, the UNHCR has doubled the assistance package from US$200 to US$400 per person for the registered Afghan
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Fatima, Noor, and Iqra Jathol. "Afghanistan Factor in Pak-US Relations." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).05.
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Afghan's interference of the Soviet Union in 1979 made anger worldwide and demonstrated a definitive minute in the universal political situation. Soviet imperialism strategy when tested the security of Pakistan, it showed up as a front - line nation and the primary course to give help to Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has logically surveys the Pakistan's choice to join 1979 Afghan war and assessed how it profited financial and barrier states of Pakistan. All the while, the article exhibits how this Afghan war postured grave dangers to security (inside and additionally outer) of the nation because of outsiders surge that came about not just in complicated situation regarding the economy, governmental issues, and society yet in addition delivered organic challenges. Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, battered soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Ibrahimi, Mohammad Ishaq. "Evolution of the Soviet Socio-Economic Assistance Program for Afghanistan in the Mid-1950s – Late 1980s." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 2, 2020 (2020): 304–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2020-2-304-312.
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The article attempts to analyze the main aspects of changing approaches to the Soviet Union’s socio-economic assistance to Afghanistan as part of the modernization of the country’s economy in the 50–80s of the XX century. The article focuses on the study of key areas of Soviet-Afghan cooperation in the development of sectors of the Afghan national economy. Special attention is paid to the characteristic values of Soviet aid in the industrialization of Afghanistan and the creation of modern industrial production, development of agricultural technologies and improving living standards of the population. The article is recommended to specialists in the history of the USSR and Afghanistan, as well as to all those interested in the history of Soviet-Afghan relations.
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Farid, Armaghan, Shaharyar Ahmed, and Nida Shabbir. "PAKISTAN IS AT POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RISK AFTER TALIBAN TAKEOVER OF AFGHANISTAN." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 04 (December 31, 2021): 622–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i4.322.
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The change in Afghanistan always affected the whole region of Central Asia and especially Pakistan because both countries have a unique relationship. They have religious, cultural, and ethnic connections. They were described as inseparable brothers by former Afghan leaders like Hamid Karzai. So as far as peace and security of the region is concerned stability among both sides of borders is important. After 21 years of insurgency the recent takeover of Afghanistan by Taliban, who are known as Pashtun Islamic fundamentalists, has brought significant changes in the region. This research is focused on the political and economic impacts of Pakistan’s Afghan Policy on Pakistan after Taliban takeover of Kabul. It is also looking into the strength and weaknesses, irritants and multipliers of Pak- Afghan policy to make suggestions for improvement. The primary purpose of this study is to identify the ways through which Pakistan can overcome its Political and economic crises after Taliban in Afghanistan and to give a new direction to Pak-Afghan relations for peace and Stability in the region. The article also tries to analyze the international political stance on Current Pak-Afghan relations and is divided into four parts, 1) Pakistan’s Afghan policy after August 15, 2021(Taliban take over) 2). International Political Stance on Pakistan’s Perspective of Taliban’s rule in Afghanistan 3). Impact of Taliban rule on Pakistan’s economy 4). Way out…. Suggestions and recommendations Keywords: Taliban, Policy, Economy, Afghanistan, International Politics, Institutions, Governance, militancy.
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Warner, H. William. "The Kabuliwalas: Afghan moneylending and the credit cosmopolis of British India, c. 1880–1947." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 2 (April 2020): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464620912891.
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Immortalised in Rabindranath Tagore’s short story ‘The Kabuliwala’, the Afghan moneylender has appeared in many studies about rural and urban India as an unwanted interloper. This article presents an alternative picture. From the late nineteenth century through the mid-twentieth century, Afghans regularly visited the financial frontiers of British India where they offered collateral-free loans with high interest rates to urban and rural communities on the fringes of respectable creditors, such as banks, cooperative societies and banking networks. More than simply predatory, Afghan moneylenders provided a micro-financial service when and where no one else would. As a result, Afghan moneylending operations, considered as a whole, provide insight into the cosmopolitan nature of credit relationships among the working poor in the colonial era and how social and cultural notions informed not only those relationships but also how the imperial government and its allies understood them. Beginning with the Great Depression, novel legal regimes emerged around the subcontinent aimed at eradicating Afghan moneylending and solving the social problems associated with it. In the process, the intrusion of the state into informal finance via regulation hampered deep historical patterns of interregional social connectivity and redefined the cosmopolitanism of credit relations in the informal sectors of the economy.
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Jauhiainen, Jussi S., and Davood Eyvazlu. "Entrepreneurialism through Self-Management in Afghan Guest Towns in Iran." Urban Science 4, no. 4 (October 22, 2020): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/urbansci4040051.
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This article studies the self-management of guest towns (GTs) in Iran and the development of Afghan refugees’ employment and entrepreneurship in these settlements. No earlier research exists on refugee entrepreneurialism in GTs in Iran. The research is based on surveys (546 refugee respondents), interviews (35 refugees) and observations in four GTs in Iran, and interviews (12) with key public authorities related to Afghan refugees in Iran. Of the nearly one million Afghan refugees in Iran, approximately 30,000 reside in 20 GTs, each having up to a few thousand inhabitants. Following a decrease in international support for Afghan refugees and national privatisation policies, the Iranian government decided in 2003 that GTs needed to be self-managed to be financially self-sustainable by their Afghan refugee inhabitants. The motivation and necessity generated by GT self-management led to the increase, diversification, and profit orientation in Afghan refugees’ economic activities in the GTs. The GT refugee councils facilitated internal entrepreneurship fostered externally by state policies, such as the GTs’ obligation to become economically self-sustainable and the provision of tax exemptions and other incentives to GTs. A larger number of Afghan refugees (including women) obtained employment, various entrepreneurial trajectories emerged, and several businesses connected the GTs to the external economy.
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Okimbekov, Ubaid. "REVANCHE OF THE TALIBAN AND THE AFGHAN ECONOMY." Eastern Analytics, no. 3 (2021): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-03-037-045.
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Khan, Timur. "A ‘Good Qaṣba:’ Chamkanī and the Confluence of Politics, Economy and Religion in Durrānī Peshawar, 1747–1834." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 65, no. 4 (May 24, 2022): 618–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341577.
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Abstract Between 1747 and 1834, Durrānī Afghan rulers built webs of alliance to political, economic, and religious elites in Peshawar. The village of Chamkanī serves as a useful case study of these networks. Chamkanī housed an influential Indian merchant family, Afghan landed nobility, and a powerful Sufi lineage. Reflecting the fundamental tension between the Durrānī ideal of universal sovereignty and the reality of diffuse power, these groups both cooperated and clashed with royal authority, and maintained ties between themselves. Ultimately, the most durable legacies of Durrānī rule were left by these local elites.
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Khan, Asghar, Irfan Khan, and Noor Ullah Khan. "War, refugees and regional implications: The impact of Afghan refugees on local society of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 2, no. 1 (September 15, 2021): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.1.11.
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The migration of Afghan refugees into Pakistan started in the wake of Saur (Red) Revolution in 1978, as a result of reforms introduced by the communist regime in Kabul, Afghanistan. However the large influx of refugees to Pakistan took place soon after the invasion of Soviet Union in 1979. Pakistan provided asylum for the approximately 4.2 million refugees. They were settled in 386 camps mostly in rural as well as in urban areas of the country. But the most populous province that has large number of Afghan refugees was Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) (that time N.W.F.P), which has long border (Durand line) with Afghanistan, and also has cultural, religious, and linguistics ties. This large number of immigrants generated grave consequences for Pakistan, especially for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. They have affected the socio-economic and political life of the province. The main objective of the study was to find out the socio-economic impact of Afghan Refugees living for more than three decades in the host society of KP. An empirical and analytical methodological approach was adopted for this study. To conclude the findings, the research reveals that that Afghan Refugees have not only affected the social set-up but also the economy of the local host society by introducing various type of social evils like begging, drugs culture, Kalashnikov culture (AK-47), Galemjum culture (prostitution) and corruption.
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Muhammad, Rehan Khan. "International Forced Migration and Pak- Afghan Development Concerns: Exploring Afghan Refugee Livelihood Strategies." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 2, no. 4 (October 15, 2011): 181–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v2i4.667.
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This study investigates the livelihood strategies employed by Afghan refugees residing in Pakistan. These refugees were forced to take refuge in Pakistan after Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1978. Three decades after their migration, and after repeated Pakistani government attempts to resettle them in Afghanistan, scores of Afghan refugees still reside in Pakistan. This paper discusses the evolving relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan over the years and their respective implications. Researching the various livelihood strategies that Afghan refugees pursued their impact on the Pakistani labor market is discussed. By means of taking a case study of an Afghan refugee woman, this study concludes that there exists a gender dimension in Afghan refugee population. In doing so two developmental concerns are identified i) development projects focused on refugee assistance in Afghanistan and Pakistan ignore the development concerns of the women population ii) countries that provide refuge to victims of war are exposed to a new set of development challenges in addition to their already burdened economy. This paper furthers the academic debate on achieving the development challenge of attaining a stable South Asia, in light of the AfPak strategy initiated by President Obama in 2010, and reflects on potential areas for policy making for Pakistan, Afghanistan and the United States.
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Khan, Bin Yamin, Fakhruddin Naseer, and Abobakar Khan. "Impact of Social Media Coverage of Taliban's Takeover on the Mental Health of Afghan Scholars in Pakistan." Global Mass Communication Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2021(vi-ii).05.
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Taliban re-controlled Afghanistan on August 15 2021, for the second time in its history. This rapid takeover left immense effects on the lives of Afghans globally. It also affected the economy, politics and routine affairs of the country. Some of the Afghans lost their lives while others lost their jobs. Using thematic analysis, the current study probes the frequency and priority of social media use for information about the Taliban takeover (TTO). This study majorly investigates the effects of social media's coverage of the TTO on the mental of Afghan scholars in Pakistan. The findings of the study show that the majority of respondents spend 3.7 hrs on social media sites daily. They spent more time on social media during the TTO than on normal days, resulting in a range of mental health issues. However, the majority of them rely on Facebook as the primary source of information, followed by Twitter and YouTube.
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Khan, Qaisar, Sher Akbar, and Zaid Bin Inam. "Awarding of Citizenship to Afghan and Bengali Refugees: a Comparative Analysis of Pakistan's Print and Social Media Frames." Global Digital & Print Media Review V, no. I (March 30, 2022): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gdpmr.2022(v-i).07.
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This research focuses on the framing of Afghan and Bengali refugees in the mainstream print and social media as a result of the announcement made by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan, for awarding citizenship to both Afghan and Bengali refugees. A comparative analysis explores the cross-media examination of print and social media framing regarding the respective issue. The results of the quantitative content analysis revealed that social media adopted more pro-citizenship frames by portraying the refugees as compared to the print media, which employed more anti-citizenship frames. Furthermore, the research highlights that social media adopted more humanitarian and legal framework topics to lay emphasis on the suffering of refugees. The Urdu newspapers framed the Afghan and Bengali citizenship issue in a more pro-citizenship manner as compared to the English newspapers. The mainstream print media employed more unfavorable frames to accentuate the refugees as an economic burden, as compared with the social media.The political apprehension and burden on the economy is the foremost rationale for the aversion to granting citizenship rights to the refugees.
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Belokrenitsky, V. "Pakistan and the Afghan Crisis." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-83-91.
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The author highlights an almost unprecedented growth of Pakistan’s population. He believes that the population census of 2011, unfinished due to some home policy reasons, gives a true picture of the demographic upsurge encompassing primarily north-western and western periphery of Pakistan. The population explosion results in the six-fold increase in less than 70 years averaging 3% annually. This phenomenon combined with ecological problems worsening in the Indus basin, which constitutes the heartland of the country, augurs not well for the future. At the present stage of globalization, Pakistan experiences the increasing out-migration of labor force, mainly to the Middle East. The rapid growth of private transfers from abroad amounting to almost a half of the export earnings can be considered an asset for the economy. The negative side of globalization is revealed in the slowing pace of industrial development due to low internal demand. Investments in the energy sector and infrastructure were lagging behind because the ruling political-cum-military circles neglected them. The author distinguishes between the upper crust of politics and its lower tier. The latter is dominated by the landed (feudal) aristocracy and tribal chiefs. Their power in the vast semi-desert areas to the west from the Indus basin is being now challenged by Islamic militants of different shades and sects. The spread of Islamists is traced to the influence of the long Afghan civil war on Pakistan. Analyzing the today’s Afghan crisis the author considers three scenarios, one of which is favorable for the present regime in Afghanistan while the other two are unfavorable envisaging the return of the Taliban to power or the actual fragmentation of Afghanistan. The last scenario foresees the talibanization of Afghanistan’s South and East, with its West and central part tilting towards Iran, North – towards Central Asia, and a generally unpredictable interplay of Islamic and counter-Islamic forces and factions throughout the country. The author refers to the economic cooperation between Pakistan and Russia as a factor, which can contribute to Pakistan’s and indirectly Afghanistan’s progress and stability.
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Konarovsky, Mikhail. "An Afghan Diary. The Year 2002." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-4-56-70.
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In late 2001 Russia supported the International anti terrorist coalition’s activity aimed at toppling Al Qaida being backed by the Taliban regime. The Interim Administration of Afghanistan based on decisions of the Bonn international conference, had been formed. Simultaneously, the Embassy resumed its activity and a new Ambassador had been confirmed by the International Committees of both Chambers of the Federal Assembly. At the meeting in Kremlin President Putin outlined urgent priorities of Russia’s policy in Afghanistan aimed at reestablishing and strengthening of ties with that nation at the new, post Taliban stage of its history. Besides urgent political issues, launching of Embassy’ s everyday administrative and life activity let alone the recovery of the Embassy’s compound, were among the priorities, with destroyed national infrastructure as well as economy in Kabul and all over the country.
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Ahmad, Sohail, Mahwish Bakht, and Inayat Kalim. "Issues and Challenges in Countering Transnational Organized Crimes: Implications on Peace Conditions in Af-Pak Region." Global Political Review 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).14.
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Insecure borders always provide passage to criminals for their institution. Borders depict the geographical limits of a particular state and determine its power and functioning in a region. Internal security of the country cannot be assured until its boundaries are not regularized. Countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan having numerous social, economic, and security challenges serve as an avenue for traffickers. A disputed border is waning the bilateral relations and promoting the narco-economy in the Af-Pak region. The Afghan opiate is also serving as solid financial support for the Taliban and other terrorist groups. The existence of persistent mistrust and blame game policy is contagiously affecting the lives of ordinary people. The political leadership of Afghanistan and Pakistan should learn a lesson from their past to protect their nationals from economic disasters and smugglers. In addition, the nature of this study is qualitative. Both primary and secondary data prove the main agenda of this study by highlighting the deep and robust linkage of the border dispute in the spread of drug trafficking in both countries. Moreover, there is a dire need for Pak-Afghan border management to provide shelter to the locals and the legal economy. For gaining mutual economic benefits, both states can utilize borders by articulating the mechanism for border regulation.
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Maley, William. "Images of Afghanistan." Review of International Studies 13, no. 4 (October 1987): 311–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113543.
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The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 has prompted a large number of scholars and journalists to embark on the analysis of Afghan affairs. Even before the invasion, much valuable material was available in Western languages to the interested reader. The internal politics of Afghanistan had been studied by Louis Dupree, Vartan Gregorian, Hasan Kakar, Leon B. Poullada, and Richard S. Newell; Maxwell J. Fry and Gilbert Etienne had analysed the Afghan economy; and Afghanistan's international relations had been examined in detail by Ludwig W. Adamec. Indeed, a recent bibliography of works on Afghanistan has listed no fewer than 1,611 items dealing with Afghan history and politics. None the less, had it not been for the Soviet invasion, the study of Afghanistan would surely have remained the province of a few cognoscenti. In the wake of the invasion, however, a large body of literature on Afghanistan has been published, containing works varying in quality from the outstanding to the atrocious. An appraisal of the relative merits of some of the more widely cited studies therefore seems to be in order.
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Kamal, Rohullah, Sibghatullah Samim, Hasibullah Omari, and Shaima Rezaei. "Evaluation Women’s participation in Livestock Management activities (A case study in the rural area of Malistan district, Ghazni province, Afghanistan)." Academic Journal of Research and Scientific Publishing 4, no. 44 (December 5, 2022): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52132/ajrsp.en.2022.44.2.
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The aim of this study was to evaluate rural women's livestock management activities as well as constraints against their work in the rural area of Maknak, Malistan district, Ghazni province, Afghanistan. Afghanistan is an agrarian country; about 75% of Afghan people live in rural areas; they work in agriculture and livestock; agriculture plays an important role in the economy and livelihood of Afghan people. Afghan women also participated in livestock activities, especially rural women of the Maknak region of Malistan district of Ghazni province. In this research article, the primary data were collected from women through female students of Ghazni University. The data were collected through pace-to-pace questionaries from 120 participants of this study, then analyzed through SPSS version 24. The result of this study showed a lot of respondents were literate (54.2%) in different categories, the majority of respondents were married (76.7%), and more than (35.8%) had more than 15 years of livestock rearing experience. The most reared animals in this area are cows, sheep, goats, and poultry; the rearing responsibilities of these animals are related to women. The major constraint against women is related to a lack of training in veterinary medicine for the treatment of animals. The result of this study recommends to the Afghan government that it resolve the problems with rural women's participation in livestock management and also hold training workshops for women.
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Sakthivel, Adithya Vikram. "Effects of US Policies on the Afghan National Economy : A Quantitative Analysis." Arthshastra Indian Journal of Economics & Research 10, no. 2-3 (December 6, 2021): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17010/aijer/2021/v10i2-3/167175.
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Jawaid, Ali, Abdul Mueed Zafar, and Syed Faisal Mahmood. "Impact of Afghan refugees on the infectious disease profile of Pakistan: beyond economy." International Journal of Infectious Diseases 12, no. 6 (November 2008): e131-e132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijid.2008.01.012.
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Easton-Calabria, Evan. "Warriors of Self-reliance: The Instrumentalization of Afghan Refugees in Pakistan." Journal of Refugee Studies 33, no. 1 (October 18, 2019): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fez062.
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Abstract In striking contrast to most other refugee groups, Afghan refugees in Pakistan during the 1980s have primarily been understood as a successfully self-reliant population. However, little work has hitherto focused on the international assistance programmes that sought to support their everyday self-reliance. Drawing on extensive archival research, this article presents four phases of self-reliance assistance for Afghan refugees in Pakistan between 1979 and 1995, which correspond to shifts in broader economic trends from Keynesian economics to neoliberalism. At different times the practice of self-reliance assistance promoted large-scale collective employment, individual income-generation, protection for vulnerable populations unable to succeed in the market-based economy, and finally morphed into a form of self-governance through the ‘Afghanization’ of NGOs after the Cold War. These stages of self-reliance assistance encompass periods of humanitarian focus on so-called ‘refugee dependency syndrome’ and self-reliance as psycho-social support, holding parallels to the practice and discourse of contemporaneous Anglophone Western welfare systems. This article illuminates another chapter in the history of refugee self-reliance, and demonstrates the dynamism of self-reliance as both a concept and a practice.
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Khail, Miraqa Hussain, and Khal Mohammad Ahmadzai. "The Participation of Rural Afghan Women in Small-Scale Dairy Farming." International Journal of Innovative Research and Scientific Studies 5, no. 2 (March 14, 2022): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.53894/ijirss.v5i2.379.
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Afghanistan is an agricultural country, where more than 80% of the population depends on agriculture for their livelihoods. The livestock sector contributes perhaps half of the licit agriculture’s contribution to the national GDP. Small-scale dairy farming is an important component of Afghanistan’s rural economy. Milk and dairy products are crucial for the daily food security and income generation of most Afghan households. Rural women play a significant role in agriculture production, but their contribution remains un-recognized by researchers and policymakers. This study intends to examine the role and extent of the participation of rural women in small-scale dairy farming. There are no data available for an objective understanding of the role played by women in the rural economy of Afghanistan. The data was obtained from a sample of 180 rural women using a random sampling technique through a dairy farm survey in the Mousahi district of Kabul, Afghanistan during August and September 2021. Descriptive statistical tools like frequency, average, and percentage were used for the analysis. The study concluded that rural women’s contribution is one of the most significant elements of the operation of small-scale dairy farming, and most dairy farming work, from fodder collection to feeding, watering, animal management, and health care, is conducted by women.
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Bekmurat, R. B., and А. Ye Serikkaliyeva. "Analysis of China's investment in Afghanistan." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 139, no. 2 (2022): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-139-2-139-150.
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Throughout history, Sino-Afghan relations have been considered friendly. Afghanistan illustrates many security problems for China. First, Afghanistan, which was plunged into a series of wars and conflicts, suffered from protracted wars and instability, and was left with an underdeveloped economy and a poor population. These situations not only deprived Afghanistan of peace and stability but also had a negative impact on border regions and countries. Although, as neighboring countries, China and Afghanistan are connected by a very short length, the insecurity in Afghanistan remains a constant problem for the Chinese government since Afghanistan has become one of the largest sources of drug trafficking to China. Secondly, the country’s internal security and stability are particularly vulnerable to the spread of terrorism and extremism from Afghanistan. Thirdly, instability affects the activity and security of Chinese investment projects. In view of the constant threat of terrorism, China will take decisive steps to strengthen security measures and intensify economic ties. In resolving the Afghan problem, China will act at the international and regional levels so that the Afghan issue meets the geopolitical and economic interests. This article analyzes China’s investment activities in Afghanistan and provides an overview of the relations between the two countries in historical retrospect with an emphasis on China’s national interests and policy in Afghanistan. The authors consider the statements of the parties after the withdrawal of the United States troops, analyze the channels of humanitarian ties, and give cases on the largest investment projects of China in Afghanistan. The article identifies the main motives and goals of Beijing’s investment policy in Afghanistan, with an emphasis on changing the agenda of relations between the two countries after the recognition of the Taliban by Beijing.
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Kohlbacher, Josef. "Frustrating Beginnings: How Social Ties Compensate Housing Integration Barriers for Afghan Refugees in Vienna." Urban Planning 5, no. 3 (July 28, 2020): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v5i3.2872.
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In this article, we present findings from a recent (2017–2018) qualitative survey on the integration of Afghan refugees in Vienna. Vienna is by far the largest city in Austria with a diversified labour and housing market and a multi-faceted (migrant) economy. It doubtlessly is the most attractive ‘arrival city’ in Austria. Moreover, Vienna has received the bulk of refugees during the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015–2016 and before. The analysis will focus on Ager and Strang’s (2008) argument, which characterizes housing as a core domain in integration. Housing constitutes a potential means of supporting integration into domains other than the labour market. In the process of housing integration, researchers (Aigner, 2018; Borevi & Bengtsson, 2015) have emphasized the relevance of refugees’ social ties with family and co-ethnic groups, whereas the importance of inter-ethnic networking with members of the receiving society remains insufficiently explored. The majority of the 65 interviewees had emphasized the importance of refugees’ social ties for their efforts towards structural integration. This analysis therefore aims at describing Afghans’ challenging access paths into the local housing market, and the outstanding compensatory relevance of social ties in this process. Thus, we can identify special constraints (e.g., ‘Afghanophobia,’ exploitative conditions) and coping strategies of this under-researched ‘newcomer’ group of refugees in Austria.
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Rahimi, Haroun. "Hawala as credit: recognizing how hawala supports the business climate in Afghanistan." Journal of Money Laundering Control 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 224–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-07-2019-0053.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore the role of hawala in supporting Afghanistan’s business climate. It illustrates the use of hawala as credit and its importance for the local merchant community. Design/methodology/approach The empirical data presented in this article draws from more than 83 semi-structured interviews with Afghan merchants, business leaders, hawaladars and judicial officials, conducted between March and August 2017 in five major provinces of Afghanistan, namely, Kabul, Herat, Balkh, Nangarhar and Kandahar. These five provinces collectively represent half of Afghanistan’s economy, one-third of Afghanistan’s total population and more than four-fifth of Afghanistan’s urban population. The commercial courts that sit in these five provinces hear more than 90% of total commercial disputes in the country. Findings In Afghanistan, despite their reputation for being the bankers of terrorists and criminals, hawaladars primarily serve Afghan merchants – the overwhelming majority of their customers – helping them cope with an uncertain business climate. Within supply chains, Afghan importers rely on credit-hawala to protect themselves from the interruptions of cash flow that are prevalent throughout the Afghan economy. Practical implications Drawing on extensive field research, this article highlights how hawala stabilizes financing and markets in Afghanistan, arguing that while hawala regulations are necessary to counter abuse of hawala, regulators must be cognizant of how hawala is used in financing of legitimate businesses, or they will exacerbate the problems of access to credit. Originality/value While the historical studies of hawala reveal its inextricable link with trade financing, the current hawala literature completely neglects hawala systems’ contemporary financing role. Instead, the literature is completely dominated by the globalization trend of terrorism, money laundering and worker migration. Neglecting the trade financing role of hawala causes policymakers not to appreciate the impacts of hawala regulations on the trade fully. Overlooking hawalas’ role in financing transnational trade also results in the exclusion of an important group of stakeholders – namely, merchant-users of hawala services who are the main beneficiaries of hawaladars’ financing services – from the process of regulation of hawala systems. The main reason that hawala regulations have failed to gain tractions in countries such as Afghanistan is that these regulations have not been cognizant of the multifaceted functions of hawala markets and do not include all stakeholders in the regulation process.
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Tariq, Muhammad. "Post 9/11 Dimensions of Pak-Afghan Relations." Rashhat-e-Qalam 2, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.56765/rq.v2i2.62.
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Afghanistan has assumed a paramount leverage on and pivotal position in the Central and South Asian region due to its undeniably geo-political uniqueness. In this region Pakistan being the immediate bordering country get immediate fall out of any turmoil within Afghanistan. The three decades long war in Afghanistan has changed entirely the internal and external security parameters and paradigm in Pakistan. Since 9/11 Pakistan role in the war on terror has been unflinching, nonetheless, the losses in terms of human lives and material suffered by her during this long period have exceeded the gains. The questions related to Taliban and reconciliation process, Afghan refugees, transit trade and Pakistan-Afghanistan border have dominated public discourses, narratives and therefore, relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan. All these issues have dimensions in the realm of Pakistan’s foreign and security policies, economy and internal stability. These problems are interlinked and have therefore, locked the relations in a vicious cycle. At this stage, managing these irritants shrewdly and gradually building the kind of mutual trust that would allow empathy to develop on both sides would be a good option. Scarlet thread in Pak-Afghan relationship is to have a friendly Afghanistan or at least, a neutral Afghanistan. It will not only stabilize Pakistan’s internal situation but in future enable Pakistan and India work together to improve bilateral relations. Pakistan’s interests would be best served by adopting policies grounded in the existing realities and determining priorities within that realm. Influence can be sustained or built through soft power, mutual cooperation and an outlook that would strengthen areas of convergence. Diplomacy through media should be minimized. Border management issues have great significance. Once Pakistan has physically and politically established its writ over the international borders, situation could incrementally tilt in Pakistan’s favour, though, this is, presently, a tricky issue.
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Ahmed, Faiz. "Success, Failure, and Other Historical Crafts." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 266–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127305.
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Abstract The author of Afghanistan Rising responds to our critical review essays by six scholars of diverse historical expertise, from the late Ottoman and Habsburg Empires to Southeast Asia, and Islamic legal history to the political economy of the British Raj and Indo-Afghan frontier. Centering administrative and constitutional developments in Afghanistan within broader regional and global currents connecting the Balkans to Indian Ocean at the turn of the twentieth century, Ahmed reflects on what it means to write “a history that most people do not think exist.”
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Safranchuk, I. "Time capsule: revisiting American strategies on Afghanistan after theу failed." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2022): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-263-275.
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A plethora of opinions expressed in the U.S. political and expert circles on the intervention in Afghanistan did not produce an answer to the question about the future of the American operation. Amidst this uncertainty, the book by Barnett Rubin and his colleagues revisits some fundamental issues regarding the U.S. war in Afghanistan. The authors’ main idea is that the isolation of Afghanistan impedes its development because the country only partially participates in international division of labor, while lack of development fuels multiple internal contradictions. As a result, the Afghan government lacks the income to provide basic public goods or sustain order. It was argued that the solution is to reintegrate Afghanistan into world economy through development of export industries and to reinforce the central government. In practice, all attempts to strengthen the Afghan government only led to its growing reliance on the United States. However, after the fall of the pro-American regime, the Taliban started to implement the program of reinforcing the central government in Afghanistan, albeit from different ideological positions. The historical paradox will be if the Taliban succeed in this effort where the pro-American regime failed.
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Ramez, Sayed, Muhammad Farooq, and Valliappan Raju. "A Conceptual Framework to Measure Economic Growth of Afghanistan." Journal of Asian Development 5, no. 2 (January 10, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jad.v5i2.14210.
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Afghanistan is the least developed country in Asia which is under war from the previous 20 years. After the end of the partial war, many aspects of Afghan economy are improving, for instance, the GDP has advanced 2.5% from 2016 to 2017. However, Per Capita Income is very low, safety, health and education are the areas which needs improvement. The exports of Afghanistan are on the decline. The natural currency reserve of Afghanistan is decline despite having many mineral assets. One of the core apparent behind all these decline aspects is corruption in Afghanistan. As transparency international the corruption of Afghanistan has increased in 2017 compared to 2016. It is of the most corrupt countries in the world. Due to war and less developments Afghanistan is least studied country. To fill this gap in this study the research has explored multiple secondary data source to review existing economic situation in Afghanistan. After exploring the economy of afghanstan the study also provides a conceptual framework for future reseachers to review economic growth of afghanistan using given framework. The study is useful for the policy makers to improve policies and prosperity of the country by identifying the role of crime.
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Fatima, Khushboo, Dr Amna Mahmood, and Muneeba Shahid. "An Overview of Post-structuralism in Comparative Analysis of Pakistan and Türkiye in Managing Refugee Crisis." Journal of Research in Social Sciences 10, no. 2 (July 25, 2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52015/jrss.10i2.189.
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Pakistan and Türkiye host millions of registered Afghan and Syrian refugee respectively and provide them with humanitarian aid. This study highlights the picture demonstrated to the world, made by Türkiye and Pakistan to address refugee crises. In Middle Eastern region, Türkiye is now rising as new major power for the Muslim countries in the multifaceted context, including sympathetically letting in Syrian refugees; however, the in-depth truth is entirely dissimilar. Religious and autonomist fulfilment are fundamental components in Türkiye discrepancy of its dignity in facilitating Syrian refugees with empathy and assistance. Being a strong economy compared to Pakistan and an active member of the international community, Türkiye is violating international law on various refugees' accommodation. Interestingly, in spite of inconsequential assets and lesser affirmation from the global community, Pakistan's extraordinary responsibility as a prototypical host for forty years of emigrants from Afghanistan. Furthermore, the covid-19 pandemic circumstances also pose formidable challenges to both states and develop different refugees' policies. Once again, with an on-going overabundance of challenges, Pakistan provides maximum accommodation to Afghan refugees to survive the pandemic era compared to Türkiye. The research is mainly focused on how Türkiye and Pakistan has managed their socioeconomic resources in handling the refugee crisis.
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Nawab, Md Sarfaraj, and Dr Arpana Jha. "Negotiating the Self and the Other in Times of Globalization: Unveiling Afghan Lives through Select Novels of Khaled Hosseini." ENSEMBLE 2, no. 2 (June 17, 2021): 174–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2020-0202-a018.
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Globalization has brought about an unprecedented interconnectedness between people, made possible a neoliberal economy, and has challenged the citizens of the world with a clash between multiple cultures across the continents. The ecumene of the planet is home to myriad peoples with maverick cultures, languages, etc., scattered throughout on its plane. Scientific or technological achievements have helped us as the citizens of this globalized world, to come closer physically but not without some effet de bord. Xenophobia, racial violence, the clash between different civilizations, etc., are the challenges that accompany globalization. The arguments here exude the colossal responsibility that lies presently on the shoulder of a writer to connect peoples internally or psychologically by exposing them to different cultures, peoples, etc., and facilitate a global negotiation between diverse people. In this time of globalization, we can't be truly globalized unless we lend our ears patiently to the writers across the globe. With such standpoints, the paper argues how Khaled Hosseini, an Afghan-American writer, has enlightened the global audience about Afghanistan through his novels. The paper examines two novels of Hosseini and tries to evaluate their contribution towards familiarizing the Afghan ways of life by suggesting Hosseini as a communication bridge between the people of Afghanistan and beyond.
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Aslam, Aqib, Enrico Berkes, Martin Fukac, Jeta Menkulasi, and Axel Schimmelpfennig. "Afghanistan: Balancing Social and Security Spending in the Context of a Shrinking Resource Envelope." Asian Development Review 31, no. 2 (September 2014): 165–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/adev_a_00033.
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For Afghanistan, the dual prospect of declining donor support and high ongoing security spending over the medium term keeps its government budget tight. This paper uses a general equilibrium model to capture the security–development trade-off facing the government in its effort to rehabilitate growth and fiscal sustainability. In particular, it considers strategic policy options for counteracting and minimizing the negative macroeconomic impact of possible aid and revenue shortfalls. We find that the mobilization of domestic revenues through changes in tax policy is the preferred policy response for the Afghan central government. Such a response helps to place its finances on a sustainable path in the near term and preserve most of the growth potential. Cutting expenditures balances public finances but causes the economy to permanently shrink. Debt financing helps to preserve much of the economy size but can quickly put the sustainability of public finances at risk.
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Zhang, Yanzhe, Xiao Yu, and Huizhi Zhang. "Addressing the Insufficiencies of the Traditional Development Aid Model by Utilizing the One Belt, One Road Initiative to Sustain Development in Afghanistan." Sustainability 11, no. 2 (January 9, 2019): 312. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11020312.
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This paper investigated the use of the One Belt One Road initiative (BRI) as a policy model that might address the insufficiencies of the traditional development aid model in reconstructing and developing Afghanistan. Afghanistan has emerged as one of the world’s most fragile and conflict-affected countries, and it has gained the attention of both academic and political communities since the early 2000s. The materials for this article are based partly on a thorough analysis of the available documentation. The authors also conducted interviews with high-ranking political elites and policy officials in the Afghan government and international organizations. The study employed a purposive sampling method to identify people with firsthand information on how to sustain economic development in Afghanistan. This paper provides new insights by comparing the traditional development aid model and the BRI in terms of social economy, local security and regional economic development. The aim of this research is to evaluate whether the BRI can remedy the insufficiencies of the traditional development aid model in order to sustain development in Afghanistan. The findings provide a better understanding of the BRI in promoting the internal dynamism required to develop the regional economy, and fill a gap in the literature with regard to the applied and theoretical economic growth models for stabilizing and sustaining the development of fragile and conflict-affected states.
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Shcherbak, Igor. "EU’S NEW APPROACH TO THE STRATEGY CENTRAL ASIA – AFGHANISTAN." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120221724.
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The article examines new aspects of the EU’s strategy towards Afghanistan – Central Asia aimed at stabilizing the region as a whole. New elements of the EU’s strategy towards Central Asia are connected with the EU desire to modernize it with the aim to assure synchronous stabilization of Afghanistan and the states of Central Asia in the context of negative repercussions of the Afghan crisis. The article underlines the view of some experts that Central Asia and Afghanistan have common interests in maintaining security and stability in the region as well as in developing mutually advantageous cooperation covering both Central Asia and Afghanistan. Based on these premises the EU tries to integrate Afghanistan into political dialogue between EU and Central Asia as well as into EU’s regional projects. In this context the EU considers as a matter of priority a transition to a trilateral model of political and economic cooperation in the format EU – Central Asia – Afghanistan on the basis of regional connectivity. According to the author, stabilization of Afghanistan and Central Asia will be heavily dependent on the ability of the EU as the largest western donor to Afghanistan to revive the Afghan economy in a speedy manner and to provide effective development assistance for post conflict reconstruction of the country. Special attention was devoted to research on EU’s policy on humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan in the context of reducing challenges to the EU’ security stemming from potential largescale irregular migration, terrorism and narcotraffic. The article envisages that the EU further development assistance to Afghanistan would be more related to the concept of the EU’s strategic autonomy.
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Torshin, M. P. "Public diplomacy of the people's republic of China in the context of post-Afghan events." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 1 (2022): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2201-06.
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The article discusses the particular issues of the PRC’s modern public diplomacy. It is widely known that the rapid development of telecommunication technologies in the last decade has contributed to the active informational globalization processes in the modern world. Under these circumstances, the non-state actors’ activity has drastically increased. China is a prime example of effective implementation of such activities into public diplomacy by resorting to the “soft power”, which serves as the foundation of Chinese foreign policy. This article demonstrates the evolution and main stages of public diplomacy development in China. It is highlighted that the Chinese government has designated creating favorable international environment and modernization of the country as the main task of the public diplomacy. The article also demonstrates how the highest governing bodies of the Chinese Communist party and government, as well as specialized “think tanks”, devise the general vector of the foreign policy and public diplomacy both at home and overseas; the aforementioned organizations include the institutions engaged in economic and cultural cooperation, sports and education. Thus, the delegation of devising “soft power” policy to cultural institutions instead of foreign policy oriented organizations constitutes a specific trait of the Chinese public diplomacy. The article highlights issues of China’s economic development and the historical and political place of that country in the world. The main directions and methods of the Chinese public diplomacy are thoroughly analyzed in this article. The Confucius Institute, Chinese cultural centers, mass media, educational systems and numerous Chinese diaspora constitute the major actors of the “soft power”, which methods include such elements as Chinese economic influence and initiatives in Chinese language training. The author also draws attention to the questions regarding the One Belt One Road Initiative and its place in the development of modern economy. The article also analyzes the PRC authorities’ concept of “Community of Common Destiny”, which represents a global project of establishing the new world order. The author indicates that China faces a number of problems with the “soft power” despite significant progress in this sphere. For instance, the global community has its doubts whether Chinese economic aid and trade agreements are implementations of “soft power” or just other forms of political and economic pressure; many developing countries are disapproving of the Chinese investment mechanisms.
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Teplyashin, Pavel V. "A Criminological Analysis of the Correlation Between the Dynamics of the Afghan Opium Expansion and the Heroin Abuse Situation in Russia." Drug control 4 (December 24, 2020): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2072-4160-2020-4-27-31.
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The purpose of the work is to establish criminologically significant information about the relationship between the dynamics of opium expansion of Afghan origin and the heroin drug situation in Russia. The methodological basis is the method of SWOT analysis and four-element strategic PEST analysis (Policy — policy, Economy — economy, Society — society, Technology — technology), implemented to identify and study the political, economic, socio-cultural and technological aspects of the development of the object under study. Consideration of the correlation relationship led to the conclusion that active international, cross-border and interagency cooperation reduces the “heroin pressure” on the Russian Federation along the «northern route» of drug trafficking. This interaction serves as a point-by-point combination of political efforts to normalize the opium drug situation in the Central Asian region. In turn, the growing popularity of synthetic drugs reduces the demand for plant-based opium drugs. The consequences of the transformation of drug trafficking routing are noted. It was found that the increased risks of detaining drug traffickers and the overall unprofitability of the contact method of distributing heroin led to the widespread use of international mail channels, mobile communications and electronic communications. The practical significance of structuring the correlation under consideration through four aspects makes it possible to better understand the strengths and weaknesses of the domestic mechanism for combating illicit trafficking in opium drugs.
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Islam, Saiful, Bakhtiar Khan, and Arif Khan. "Al Qaeda and Taliban Nexus: Trends in Terrorism in Pakistan." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-i).11.
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Pakistan is located in a volatile region where non-state actors are involved in sabotage activities at large. For the last four decades, Afghanistan remained the epicenter of militant activities in the region as well as in the rest of the world. Before 9/11, dozens of militant groups have found this land a safe haven for their terrorist activities and threaten the peace of the region at large. Pakistan is the most affected country in the world inter of human and financial loss. Due to the Afghan crisis, thousands of militants shifted their activities towards FATA and the rest of the country. Taliban and Al Qaeda are the two important groups who have martyred thousands of innocent people in Pakistan, especially Pashtun, and damaged the already vulnerable economy further. This paper will analyze the factors responsible for the nexus of the militant group and also their effect on Pakistan.
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Panah, Abdul Masood, and Y. Muniraju. "DEMONETIZATION AND IMPROVISATION OF VALUE CHAIN DYNAMIC IN AFGHANISTAN: AN EXPLORATORY STUDY." International Journal of Accounting & Finance Review 5, no. 4 (November 17, 2020): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/ijafr.v5i4.880.
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Demonetization is the elimination of the backing of the money granted by law to the notes is, therefore, legal tender. On Wednesday_ September 2002, the new president of the transition government announced from television to the people of Afghanistan that the decision had been reached in response to Afghan and foreign experts. They had advised the new Government to replace the currency and reform Afghanistan’s banking system. “This will help in controlling the massive inflation and stabilize the economy. A survey was conducted with a pre-tested questionnaire among the common public in Kabul and Parwan’s main two provinces to collect their views on factors associated with demonetization in Afghanistan. PCA (Principal component analysis) technique has been used for factor extraction and dimension reduction using the Varimax orthogonal rotation. The top key factors related to the implementation of demonetization have been identified as socio-economic factors, public hardships, challenges, and implementation challenges. The survey data’s descriptive analysis shows that most survey respondents either ‘strongly agree’ or ‘agree’ with the 19 measures on perception and opinion of the common man (general public) on demonetization in Afghanistan.
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Imran, Ali, Shah Rukh Hashmi, and Muhammad Fiaz Anwar. "U.S.-Pakistan Alliances in Afghanistan: Policies, Costs and Implications." Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 2, 2022): 180–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/pjhss.2022.1001.0185.
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With the onset of the cold war, the United States (U.S.) had played a crucial role in ensuring the containment of the communist cause, and limiting the global influence of the Soviet Union. The U.S., through the implementation of its foreign policies, allied with the nation-states having similar goals and objectives. However, the result expected from such relations has never been achieved in its complete spirit, primarily because some or most of such alliances were complementary alliances[1]. Accordingly, this study has made an attempt to have a critical review of the motives that ultimately led to the U.S. and Pakistan nurturing, funding, developing, and fighting the Mujahedeen and Taliban groups during the Soviet-Afghan war and War on Terror (WOT). Conclusively, this study mirrors the impact of these alliances on both countries determining that Pakistan ultimately received the bitter end of the deal with its economy failing and country near collapse, while the U.S. remains in an advantageous situation.
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Zirojevic-Fatic, Mina, and Srdjan Korac. "The withdrawal from Afghanistan: Successful end of another NATO mission?" Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 3 (2013): 386–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1303386z.
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The paper examines whether and to what extent the primary objectives of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force?s mission, which has conducted security and stability operations throughout Afghanistan, have been achieved. The authors focus their analysis on establishing political institutions and effective public policy implementation as well as on developing and training Afghan military, police and other security capacities - all aimed at providing secure environment for sustainable economy and daily life in the country. The paper discusses the results of the NATO-led international mission in the context of geopolitics and the geostrategic position of Afghanistan as a Middle East country and its place in the longstanding U.S. Foreign Policy objectives in the region. The authors employ the dynamic research approach in order to cover the topic within a decade time frame. The authors conclude that the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force?s mission has failed to fully meet the political objectives, while the security objectives have been achieved only to a lesser extent.
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Azimi, Mohammad Naim. "Hypothesizing resurgence of financial inclusion to reduce poverty in Afghanistan." Journal of Business and Management Revolution 1, no. 1 (June 6, 2020): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37357/1068/jbmr/1.1.02.
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Reducing poverty is a critical topic of policy discussion across the world. Developing countries and post-conflict environments commonly face poverty growth. At present, Afghanistan is experiencing the highest rate of poverty in the world; only one tenth of the Afghan population has access to financial services that are mostly localized within the capital and regional cities. In this paper I hypothesize financial inclusion as a contextualized model that can significantly reduce the rate of poverty. I use a set of timeseries data on financial inclusion determinants excluding insurance as the explanatory variables and linearly regress them on the rate of poverty from 2004 to 2018. The statistical results reveal that ATMs per 100,000 adults in the country significantly reduce poverty by 0.25% by increasing capital mobility and remittances. Credit cards and borrowing facilities to the informal economy have significant coefficients of 0.00635% and 0.0207% respectively on poverty reduction as an emergent strategy. The security variable has a significant coefficient of 41% reduction of poverty. Among all other variables tested, extending mobile money facilities is also significant and reduces poverty by 0.015%.
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Gopalakrishnan, R. "Afghanistan'S Foreign Policy: Patterns And Problems." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 3-4 (July 1988): 226–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400303.
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Soviet intervention in Afghanistan clearly indicates the strategic implications of its location. The political instability in the region (rise of fundamentalism in Iran, Iran-Iraq War and so on) has added to this significance. Be that as it may, Afghanistan's situation can be expressed in terms of its susceptibility to external pressures and intense factionalism within the land-locked state's dynamic populations. This latter aspect had divided the country several times over. Afghan foreign policy, therefore, has been viewed in this perspective. The present article reviews the stated facts to highlight the geographical significance of the location and its impact on the foreign policy. Introduction of the armed forces in national politics (this formed an important element in the country's politics right from the beginning) has been the most conspicuous development; it determined the who's and what's of the government. Traditional pressure groups, despite retaining some of their old hold on the society, had given way to radical groups or factions, armed forces and insurgent elements. These penetrated various strata of the Afghan society. Since 1963, when political liberalisation and participation was introduced, disruptive tendencies gradually impinged on the state's activities. Generally, this was evident between 1963–73 and was particularly so after the 1973 coup, when the Monarchy was replaced by a republican regime under Daud. Both, the Armed Forces and the Communist Party were involved but were sidelined once power was secured. This change did not bring the expected transformations in the patterns of administration. The change was only in name and power was still concentrated with Daud who began to implement his own policies that emerged between 1953–63. The period of his first stint in power coincided wiih an aggravation of problems, political and economic, caused by a closure of transit facilities. However, this pause was fully exploited by the radical parties who gradually brought the dominant elements of the Armed Forces under their influence, so that, they were able to deliver a coup d'etat under the leadership of Tarakki in April 1978. The new regime was not able to maintain effective control over the political situation that for the next twenty months brought internal political instability to its height and compelled the Soviet Union to move (this was perhaps to protect its vulnerable southern underbelly). The period from April 1978 onwards, saw active non-cooperation, large scale desertions from the Armed Forces and a deterioration of the economy. In addition, open opposition by the religious groups and insurgent elements presented a political picture that has been so vividly illustrated by Afghan political history. Intense factionalism and infighting within the regime saw Amin replacing the moderate Tarakki in September 1979. This led to a worsening of the political situation with the state at war with itself. This compelled the Soviet Union to move into Afghanistan. In a short but bloody war, Amin was disposed and a government under Karmal was established with Soviet support1. These developments then, clearly suggest the need to review the background of the patterns and problems of the foreign policy of Afghanistan as determined and identified by its locational characteristics.
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Alizai, Ghulam Shah Adel. "UNDERSTANDING LEGAL BARRIERS TO FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN AFGHANISTAN: A CASE STUDY IN HERAT INDUSTRIAL ZONE." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, no. 12 (December 28, 2020): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i12.2020.2515.
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Since a century ago, there have been many efforts to attract foreign investment in Afghanistan. These efforts include the codification of laws and policies and the provisionof facilities for participation of foreign companies in the Afghan economy through partnership with the government and partnership with private sector in this country. Since 2001, with the support of the market economy system in Afghanistan's constitution and the reform of some governmental institutions, these efforts have been accelerating, hoping thatencouraging foreign investors and their presence in the market will improve the economic situation. Unfortunately, these efforts have failed to meet the market expectations and the Afghanistan’s government purposes in order to attract foreign investment in Afghanistan. Even in 2014, and after that, the outflow of capital (domestic and foreign) has also beenreported from the economy of Afghanistan. Various variables can be considered as an obstacle to the development of foreign investment in Afghanistan, war, corruption, lack ofinfrastructure, lack of energy, lack of trained workforce and non-accountability of the legal system are in this category. In this research, it was assumed that the existing challenges in different sectors of legal framework of foreign investment in Afghanistan are the main obstacles to the growth of foreign investment in this country. In order to prove the hypothesis, the study was carried out using the experimental research method by referring to the investors and experts in the economic zone of Herat in western Afghanistan. The research results indicate that in some sectors, the legal system needs to be reformed, but in general and by comparing the legal system with other variables, the measure of investors' satisfaction is satisfactory, and regulations are not as the main obstacle to the growth of foreign investment in Afghanistan, thus based on the analysis of data, the existing challenges in the laws and policies is not the main obstacle to the growth of foreign investment in Afghanistan. Therefore, it is necessary for Afghanistan's government to take into account the challenges such as security problems, corruption, lack of infrastructure, lack of energy and lack of trained workforce and take steps to address them.
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Kakar, Kifayatullah, Tran Xuan, Mohammad Haqani, Ramin Rayee, Imran Wafa, Saidajan Abdiani, and Hoang-Dung Tran. "Current Situation and Sustainable Development of Rice Cultivation and Production in Afghanistan." Agriculture 9, no. 3 (March 7, 2019): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agriculture9030049.
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Poverty is a critical issue that is stagnating the development of Afghanistan. In 2007, more than 42% of the population of the country was reported as being below the poverty line, but until 2014, 78.2% of households even in the urban areas were still dealing with food shortages. The agriculture sector is the backbone of the country’s economy and contributes as the key sector to the revival of the well-being of people in Afghanistan. Rice is the second staple crop after wheat and plays a key role in food security, nutrition, and caloric intake. However, Afghan farmers have suffered from the low quality of grains and yield which has resulted in the serious malnutrition which is occurring in the country. Insufficient breeding techniques for new rice cultivars with high yield and acceptable quality, mismanagement of agronomical practices, and unprogressive milling and processing thus can satisfy only 50% of the country’s demand. Accordingly, Afghanistan has been compelled to import a huge annual amount of milled rice from Pakistan, India, and Iran. Although active efforts have been made by the government, research institutes, and international collaboration on rice research, production, and agricultural credits during the last 10 years, the deficit of milled rice in Afghanistan in 2018 is estimated to be 270,250 metric tons. This paper highlights the current situation of rice production in Afghanistan and suggests solutions for food security and sustainability in rice production to promote farmers’ income, consequently strengthening the country’s economy.
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Al-Jalaly, S. Zia. "Agriculture Sector Employment and the Need for Off-Farm Employment in the North-West Frontier Province." Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 4II (December 1, 1992): 817–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v31i4iipp.817-828.
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The North-West Frontier Province is essentially a mountainous region intermixed with fertile valleys of agricultural lands. The diversity of the region is well reflected through the agro-ecological regions map of the Pakistan Agricultural Research Councile where 6 out of the 10 regions indentified are .found in the NWFP. The total population of the NWFP stood at 11.1 million persons in 1981 with an annual growth rate higher than the national average (3.32 percent as against 3.1 percent for Pakistan). Moreover, the literacy rate is abysmally low, standing as it d~es at about 16.7 percent (which according to some is an optimistic estimate). The inflow of over 3.5 million Afghan refugees and the location of more than three-fourths of this number in the NWFP has compounded the problems with far reaching implications for the economy, environment and the level of off-farm employment. The influx of these refugees with their herds and beasts of burden have tended to encroach on forest lands and led to over-grazing of pastures resulting in environmental degradation. The rapidly mUltiplying demand for food has led to crops being grown on steep and unstable slopes.
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Amin, Hamidullah, and Mansoor Mohammad Helmi. "Impacts of Land-use Transformation on Agriculture land in Afghanistan, Kabul city as case study." International Journal of Environmental Science & Sustainable Development 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/essd.v6i1.791.
Full textAbstract:
The change in land-use over a certain period of time is inevitable. This paper investigates the issue of land use change on agricultural land that has become a phenomenon affecting the economy and environment in Kabul, the capital city of Afghanistan. Agriculture is the main economic source of Afghan cities, however, due to rapid population growth, population densification, and inability to apply Kabul city’s master plan and regulations, a large portion of land cover transformed from agricultural areas to unplanned developments and have shifted the function of communities from productive societies into consumer and dependent societies. The study sheds light on Yakatoot as a study farmland area in Kabul city to present an alive example of what is happening in the reality of agricultural land in Kabul. Therefore, approaches for sustainable conversion of agricultural land in Kabul city is a vital quest that needs to be followed seriously. The study illustrates Afghanistan's land laws. It identifies the social, economic and environmental impacts of land-use change. This paper applies qualitative methods, where data and analysis worked by using field surveys, aerial photographs from Google Earth and data collected from CRIDA. It also investigates international experience regarding land-use change and sustainable solutions. Therefore, due to positive implications of urban agriculture practice as a feasible and sustainable approach to tackle the ongoing challenges related to land-use change in Kabul city, this paper suggests inducing this approach in Kabul city’s master plan and other urban initiatives because it will not only lead to environmental protection, but also, it will re-establish economic stability, enhance social welfare, revive city’s historic identity.
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Zhang, Yanzhe, Xiao Yu, Jian Zhang, and Bowen Zou. "Evaluation of the Obstacles to Developing the Aynak Copper Mine in Afghanistan." Sustainability 12, no. 4 (February 19, 2020): 1569. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12041569.
Full textAbstract:
The Aynak Copper Mine was first discovered in 1973, and mining was initiated by the Metallurgical Company of China in 2009. However, its use has been suspended several times and the mine has never been fully exploited due to political unrest and terrorism, among other issues, in Afghanistan. Afghanistan has been recognized as one of the most fragile, conflict-affected, and landlocked countries in the world by international organizations and the global community, especially after the events of 9/11. Hence, understanding the obstacles influencing the development process of the Aynak Copper Mine is of crucial value in sustaining the development of the overall economy and society in Afghanistan. The aim of this paper is to explore the factors that have caused suspensions of the developments of the Aynak Copper Mine, which may apply to other developing projects in Afghanistan and in other fragile states. The findings will provide a better understanding of the difficulties in maintaining a sustainable environment for developing the regional economy in Afghanistan, and fill a gap in the literature with regards to the applied and theoretical economic growth model in fragile states. The materials of this research are partly based on a radical analysis of the official documents of the Afghan government and international organizations. We adopted statistical analysis to identify the factors associated with the progressive process of developing the Aynak Copper Mine, and an ordinal logit regression to analyze those factors. We specifically considered the factors associated with the degree of administrative capacity, labor investment, labor productivity, capital investment, efficiency of capital, terroristic activities, and religious issues. Among these factors, the relationships between the degree of administrative capacity, terroristic activities, and religious issues were strongly associated with the development status of the Aynak Copper Mine. The other investigated factors were not found to be relevant. This study is among the first on the Mining Project in Afghanistan.
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Rooh Ul Amin, Dr. Ghulam Muhammad Awan, and Dr. Faryal Raheem. "Critical Analyses of Pak-Afghan Transit Trade Agreement: Pakistan’s Perspective." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 1, no. 4 (January 8, 2021): 418–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol1-iss4-2020(418-426).
Full textAbstract:
Asia’s Cockpit, Afghanistan, is not only a strategic neigbour but also share intellectual, geographical, cultural, and diplomatic relations with Pakistan. Pakistan and Afghanistan’s long but porous border has been a source of trade, people interaction, and economic integration. The landlocked Afghanistan seeks an opportunity for trade through Pakistan under the provision of GATT Article V, UN law of Seas 1981 and New York Convention-1965. This study is conducted to examine Pak-Afghan Transit Trade relations over the years. Study is descriptive in nature based on data extracted from published government sources and research papers. Study found that Pak-Afghan signed two transit trade agreements i.e. Afghan Transit Trade Agreement on March 02, 1965 at Kabul and Afghan-Pak Transit Trade Agreement on October 28, 2010 at Islamabad. Under this agreement Pakistan permitted using of territory for trade transit enter from Karachi Port and Port Qasim and exist through Chaman and Torkham. Study found these agreements are bilaterally beneficial, however the research revealed that volume of Afghan transit trade decreased due to the sporadic events of border closures over the years and resultantly Afghanistan seeks transit trade opportunities through Turkmenistan, Iran, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan as per mutually agreed transit trade agreements with them. Afghan’s transit trade shift through other routes has serious implications for Pakistan socio-political and socio-economic interests. Since, peace and prosperity passes through international trade and economic integration therefore, both countries should adopt realistic approach towards each other’s sensitivities and concerns. Afghanistan must take a serious measures in controlling flow of smuggling and terrorism across Afghan land to Pakistan. The research recommends revisiting of the agreement and realign with the obvious opportunities emerging from the CPEC. Afghan should permit and facilitate Pakistan to trade with Central Asia and beyond using Afghan territory. The research further recommends that both countries to ensure that their bilateral relation are not affected by ties with any other country.
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Rooh Ul Amin, Dr. Ghulam Muhammad Awan, and Dr. Faryal Raheem. "Critical Analyses of Pak-Afghan Transit Trade Agreement: Pakistan’s Perspective." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 1, no. 4 (January 8, 2021): 418–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol1-iss4-2020(418-426).
Full textAbstract:
Asia’s Cockpit, Afghanistan, is not only a strategic neigbour but also share intellectual, geographical, cultural, and diplomatic relations with Pakistan. Pakistan and Afghanistan’s long but porous border has been a source of trade, people interaction, and economic integration. The landlocked Afghanistan seeks an opportunity for trade through Pakistan under the provision of GATT Article V, UN law of Seas 1981 and New York Convention-1965. This study is conducted to examine Pak-Afghan Transit Trade relations over the years. Study is descriptive in nature based on data extracted from published government sources and research papers. Study found that Pak-Afghan signed two transit trade agreements i.e. Afghan Transit Trade Agreement on March 02, 1965 at Kabul and Afghan-Pak Transit Trade Agreement on October 28, 2010 at Islamabad. Under this agreement Pakistan permitted using of territory for trade transit enter from Karachi Port and Port Qasim and exist through Chaman and Torkham. Study found these agreements are bilaterally beneficial, however the research revealed that volume of Afghan transit trade decreased due to the sporadic events of border closures over the years and resultantly Afghanistan seeks transit trade opportunities through Turkmenistan, Iran, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan as per mutually agreed transit trade agreements with them. Afghan’s transit trade shift through other routes has serious implications for Pakistan socio-political and socio-economic interests. Since, peace and prosperity passes through international trade and economic integration therefore, both countries should adopt realistic approach towards each other’s sensitivities and concerns. Afghanistan must take a serious measures in controlling flow of smuggling and terrorism across Afghan land to Pakistan. The research recommends revisiting of the agreement and realign with the obvious opportunities emerging from the CPEC. Afghan should permit and facilitate Pakistan to trade with Central Asia and beyond using Afghan territory. The research further recommends that both countries to ensure that their bilateral relation are not affected by ties with any other country.