Relevant bibliographies by topics / Afghan Economy

Academic literature on the topic 'Afghan Economy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Afghan Economy"

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Ali, Mubbshar, Muhammad Imran Ashraf, and Iqra Jathol. "Pakistan – U.S. Relations and its Impact on Afghanistan." Global International Relations Review III, no. I (December 30, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2020(iii-i).01.

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Afghan's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan's decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Fatima, Noor, Syed Umair Jalal, and Syed Karim Haider. "Impact of Pakistan-Us Relations on Afghan Peace Process." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 30–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).04.

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Afghan's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan's decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Amina Khan. "Protracted Afghan Refugee Situation: Policy Options for Pakistan." Strategic Studies 37, no. 1 (April 10, 2017): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.01.00230.

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Pakistan provided shelter to one of the world’s largest protracted refugee populations ─ more than five million Afghan refugees have been living in Pakistan since 1979. Continued violence and political and economic turmoil in Afghanistan have discouraged refugees to return and resulted in the continued influx of Afghan refugees into Pakistan. Since 2002, 3.8 million (Afghans) have returned to Afghanistan but many returnees keep trickling back to Pakistan.[1] Over the years, Afghan refugees have become a serious concern for Pakistan and an irritant in Pakistan-Afghan relations due to declining donor assistance, domestic constraints, weak economy, refugee fatigue, and the growing threat of terrorism. Currently, there are three million registered and unregistered Afghan refugees,[2] however, the number of unregistered refugees is believed to be far greater since movement across the Pak-Afghan border has traditionally taken place under an unregulated and unmonitored system, thus making it close to impossible to give an accurate number of unregistered refugees.[3] As a result, Pakistan has been the most vulnerable country to mass movement, militants, trafficking of drugs and arms from Afghanistan. Although the UNHCR provides assistance for only one point five million registered refugees of the total three million, it is estimated that during the past 34 years, Pakistan has spent hundreds of billions of dollars on hosting Afghan refugees. Although, the UNHCR has doubled the assistance package from US$200 to US$400 per person for the registered Afghan
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Fatima, Noor, and Iqra Jathol. "Afghanistan Factor in Pak-US Relations." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).05.

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Afghan's interference of the Soviet Union in 1979 made anger worldwide and demonstrated a definitive minute in the universal political situation. Soviet imperialism strategy when tested the security of Pakistan, it showed up as a front - line nation and the primary course to give help to Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has logically surveys the Pakistan's choice to join 1979 Afghan war and assessed how it profited financial and barrier states of Pakistan. All the while, the article exhibits how this Afghan war postured grave dangers to security (inside and additionally outer) of the nation because of outsiders surge that came about not just in complicated situation regarding the economy, governmental issues, and society yet in addition delivered organic challenges. Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, battered soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Ibrahimi, Mohammad Ishaq. "Evolution of the Soviet Socio-Economic Assistance Program for Afghanistan in the Mid-1950s – Late 1980s." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 2, 2020 (2020): 304–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2020-2-304-312.

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The article attempts to analyze the main aspects of changing approaches to the Soviet Union’s socio-economic assistance to Afghanistan as part of the modernization of the country’s economy in the 50–80s of the XX century. The article focuses on the study of key areas of Soviet-Afghan cooperation in the development of sectors of the Afghan national economy. Special attention is paid to the characteristic values of Soviet aid in the industrialization of Afghanistan and the creation of modern industrial production, development of agricultural technologies and improving living standards of the population. The article is recommended to specialists in the history of the USSR and Afghanistan, as well as to all those interested in the history of Soviet-Afghan relations.
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Farid, Armaghan, Shaharyar Ahmed, and Nida Shabbir. "PAKISTAN IS AT POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RISK AFTER TALIBAN TAKEOVER OF AFGHANISTAN." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 04 (December 31, 2021): 622–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i4.322.

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The change in Afghanistan always affected the whole region of Central Asia and especially Pakistan because both countries have a unique relationship. They have religious, cultural, and ethnic connections. They were described as inseparable brothers by former Afghan leaders like Hamid Karzai. So as far as peace and security of the region is concerned stability among both sides of borders is important. After 21 years of insurgency the recent takeover of Afghanistan by Taliban, who are known as Pashtun Islamic fundamentalists, has brought significant changes in the region. This research is focused on the political and economic impacts of Pakistan’s Afghan Policy on Pakistan after Taliban takeover of Kabul. It is also looking into the strength and weaknesses, irritants and multipliers of Pak- Afghan policy to make suggestions for improvement. The primary purpose of this study is to identify the ways through which Pakistan can overcome its Political and economic crises after Taliban in Afghanistan and to give a new direction to Pak-Afghan relations for peace and Stability in the region. The article also tries to analyze the international political stance on Current Pak-Afghan relations and is divided into four parts, 1) Pakistan’s Afghan policy after August 15, 2021(Taliban take over) 2). International Political Stance on Pakistan’s Perspective of Taliban’s rule in Afghanistan 3). Impact of Taliban rule on Pakistan’s economy 4). Way out…. Suggestions and recommendations Keywords: Taliban, Policy, Economy, Afghanistan, International Politics, Institutions, Governance, militancy.
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Warner, H. William. "The Kabuliwalas: Afghan moneylending and the credit cosmopolis of British India, c. 1880–1947." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 2 (April 2020): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464620912891.

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Immortalised in Rabindranath Tagore’s short story ‘The Kabuliwala’, the Afghan moneylender has appeared in many studies about rural and urban India as an unwanted interloper. This article presents an alternative picture. From the late nineteenth century through the mid-twentieth century, Afghans regularly visited the financial frontiers of British India where they offered collateral-free loans with high interest rates to urban and rural communities on the fringes of respectable creditors, such as banks, cooperative societies and banking networks. More than simply predatory, Afghan moneylenders provided a micro-financial service when and where no one else would. As a result, Afghan moneylending operations, considered as a whole, provide insight into the cosmopolitan nature of credit relationships among the working poor in the colonial era and how social and cultural notions informed not only those relationships but also how the imperial government and its allies understood them. Beginning with the Great Depression, novel legal regimes emerged around the subcontinent aimed at eradicating Afghan moneylending and solving the social problems associated with it. In the process, the intrusion of the state into informal finance via regulation hampered deep historical patterns of interregional social connectivity and redefined the cosmopolitanism of credit relations in the informal sectors of the economy.
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Jauhiainen, Jussi S., and Davood Eyvazlu. "Entrepreneurialism through Self-Management in Afghan Guest Towns in Iran." Urban Science 4, no. 4 (October 22, 2020): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/urbansci4040051.

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This article studies the self-management of guest towns (GTs) in Iran and the development of Afghan refugees’ employment and entrepreneurship in these settlements. No earlier research exists on refugee entrepreneurialism in GTs in Iran. The research is based on surveys (546 refugee respondents), interviews (35 refugees) and observations in four GTs in Iran, and interviews (12) with key public authorities related to Afghan refugees in Iran. Of the nearly one million Afghan refugees in Iran, approximately 30,000 reside in 20 GTs, each having up to a few thousand inhabitants. Following a decrease in international support for Afghan refugees and national privatisation policies, the Iranian government decided in 2003 that GTs needed to be self-managed to be financially self-sustainable by their Afghan refugee inhabitants. The motivation and necessity generated by GT self-management led to the increase, diversification, and profit orientation in Afghan refugees’ economic activities in the GTs. The GT refugee councils facilitated internal entrepreneurship fostered externally by state policies, such as the GTs’ obligation to become economically self-sustainable and the provision of tax exemptions and other incentives to GTs. A larger number of Afghan refugees (including women) obtained employment, various entrepreneurial trajectories emerged, and several businesses connected the GTs to the external economy.
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Okimbekov, Ubaid. "REVANCHE OF THE TALIBAN AND THE AFGHAN ECONOMY." Eastern Analytics, no. 3 (2021): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-03-037-045.

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Khan, Timur. "A ‘Good Qaṣba:’ Chamkanī and the Confluence of Politics, Economy and Religion in Durrānī Peshawar, 1747–1834." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 65, no. 4 (May 24, 2022): 618–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341577.

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Abstract Between 1747 and 1834, Durrānī Afghan rulers built webs of alliance to political, economic, and religious elites in Peshawar. The village of Chamkanī serves as a useful case study of these networks. Chamkanī housed an influential Indian merchant family, Afghan landed nobility, and a powerful Sufi lineage. Reflecting the fundamental tension between the Durrānī ideal of universal sovereignty and the reality of diffuse power, these groups both cooperated and clashed with royal authority, and maintained ties between themselves. Ultimately, the most durable legacies of Durrānī rule were left by these local elites.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Afghan Economy"

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Byrom, Christopher L. "Dismantling the Afghan Opiate economy : a Cultural and Historical Policy Assessment, with Policy Recommendations /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Sep%5FByrom.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Jeanne Giraldo, Thomas H. Johnson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-178). Also available online.
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Maroof, Zakia. "An Exploratory Examination of Afghan Women Socio Economic Status (SES) and Child Health Indicator." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/iph_theses/134.

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In this study we used the data from Afghanistan Health Survey 2006. For this study, 8278 households were randomly selected in which 8281 women aged 10-49 years were interviewed by survey teams using a structured questionnaire. The information was also collected for all children aged 5 years or less from all these households. The sample includes 7843 (13.8%) children under the age of 5 years old. Literacy of mothers (ability to read), age of mother at marriage, number of children, exposure to mass media (listening to radio or watching TV) were the independent variables and BCG vaccination, initiation of breastfeeding (within first hour of life or after first hour); and use of bed net (to protect a child from Malaria) were dependent variables. Chi square and Odd Ratio test was used to test significance of the associations. Logistic Regression test was used to control for the confounders. In this study we found that those listening to radio at least once a week were more likely to start breastfeeding during the first hour of life. Those watching TV at least once a week were more likely to vaccinate their children for BCG. These associations were significant after controlling for confounders (economic status of the family and distance to health facility). The fact that why the other independent variables did not have association with BCG vaccination, initiation of breastfeeding and use of bed net can be either due to limitation of the study or there are other reasons that require further investigations.
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Bricet, des Vallons Georges-Henri. "L’entreprise de guerre au XXIe siècle : Les sociétés militaires privées dans la politique étrangère et la stratégie militaire des Etats-Unis." Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D001.

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Les guerres d’Irak et d’Afghanistan ont vu la réapparition massive de sociétés de mercenariat d’un nouveau genre.Le mercenariat occidental est ainsi passé en moins de vingt ans de structures artisanales, arrimées à la politiquepost-coloniale des grandes puissances, à un stade professionnel et industriel tendant à une transnationalisationcroissante de ses activités. Des bavures de la célèbre Blackwater à l’implication d’employés de CACI dans lescandale de la torture au sein de la prison d’Abu Grahib, en passant par les activités de la tentaculaire Aegis, lessociétés militaires privées, omniprésentes sur le champ de bataille, ont rythmé et marqué le récit de ces guerresmajeures du début du XXIe siècle. Fait crucial : c’est la première fois dans l’histoire des opérations militairesaméricaines qu’on assiste à un basculement de la démographie des forces en faveur du secteur privé. Produit del’économie de guerre permanente et ramifications expéditionnaires du complexe militaro-industriel, ces sociétésreprésentent un changement d’expression de la puissance militaire étatsunienne sans précédent. Cettemercenarisation de l’american way of war est désormais une tendance structurelle de la politique étrangère del’Empire et pourrait bien révolutionner à terme le visage même de la guerre. Cette thèse trace le récit historique deces armées privées, décrit les conditions politiques qui ont permis à ce nouveau marché de la guerre d’émerger etse propose d’analyser la portée sociopolitique de ce phénomène de mondialisation de la violence privée quant à laquestion de l’Etat. Cette question du retour du mercenariat à grande échelle dans la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis permet non seulement de former une hypothèse aiguë sur le déclin de la puissance militaire américaine maisaussi sur les évolutions de l’identité sociohistorique du monopole de la violence étatique
Iraq and Afghanistan Wars have seen a massive return of mercenary companies of a new genre. The Westernmercenaries have transformed in less than twenty years from craft structures, linked to the post-colonial politics ofgreat powers, to a professional and industrial stage that tends to a growing transnationalization of their activities.From the blunders of the famous Blackwater to the involvement of CACI’s employees in the torture scandal inAbu Ghraib prison, through the activities of the sprawling Aegis, private military companies, everywhere on thebattlefield, have marked and labeled the story of these major wars of the early twenty-first Century. Crucial fact:this is the first time in the history of U.S. military operations that we are witnessing a shift in the demographics offorces in favor of the private sector. Product of the permanent war economy and overseas branches of themilitary-industrial complex, these companies represent an unprecedented change in expression of U.S. militarypower. This mercenarization of the American way of war is now a structural trend of the foreign policy of theEmpire and could eventually revolutionize the face of the war. This thesis traces the history of these privatearmies, described the political conditions that led to the birth of this new market of war, and analyzes the scope ofthis sociopolitical phenomenon of globalization of private violence. This return of mercenaries on a large scale inthe foreign policy of the United States not only help to form a decisive hypothesis on the decline of Americanmilitary power but also on the socio-historical changes of the identity of the State monopoly of violence
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Rami, Ali. "Beyond the dichotomies of a coercion and voluntary recruitment Afghan unaccompanied minors unveil their recruitment process in Iran." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Avdelningen för mellanösternstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-167729.

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Ali, Rami. "Beyond the dichotomies of a coercion and voluntary recruitment, Afghan unaccompanied minors unveil their recruitment process in Iran." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Avdelningen för mellanösternstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-167730.

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By shedding light on accounts from unaccompanied Afghan asylum-seeking minors in Sweden who were child soldiers in Syria, this thesis explores and examines their narratives and their involvement in the civil war in Syria. The research aims to create a deeper understanding of how these children themselves made sense of their participation in the war by answering the following questions: How were the children approached by the recruiters? What kind of reasons for joining the war are put forward by the recruiters and what strategies do the children encounter: a) economic; b) identity formation; c) social deprivation; d) feeling of vulnerability; e) militarization; f) mental development; g) ideology/ religious-sectarian; or all together? How do the children perceive these encounters and make sense of their recruitment to the Shiite Fatemiyoun Brigade? To which extent has the ideology of Shi’ism played an important role for them in joining the Syrian War? This is a qualitative study based on in-depth interviews which combines procedures from two approaches and techniques: an ethnographic approach and a narrative approach that explores the interviewees’ experiences in a period of time and also generates detailed insights. Despite the fact that none of the respondents testified for being recruited at gunpoint or having been ill-treated, the respondents emphasized that they were forced to join due to the bad circumstances they were living in. In addition, many similarities with other cases regarding child soldiering in several countries have been explored in this thesis, for instance factors related to the socio- economic context and the experiences that are related to the children’s development processes. Differences can be located in various details regarding ideologies and indoctrination since the respondents did not share the politico-religious purposes of the recruiters.
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Wesa, Tooryalai. "The Afghan agricultural extension system : impact of the Soviet occupation and prospects for the future." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/13579.

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The Soviet Union occupied her southern neighbor Afghanistan on Thursday, December 27, 1979. Soon after the occupation, significant impacts were felt on agriculture and other sectors of the economy. Agriculture was affected in many ways from the integrity of irrigation systems to the cultivation of opium poppies. Agricultural extension, as the main department within the Ministry of Agriculture, was severely affected in terms of programs, organization, personnel, budget, methods, relations with farmers, and transfer of improved technologies. This study was designed to assess the impacts of the occupation and identify recommendations for the future development of the system. A survey design was used. Sixty-two Afghans with detailed knowledge about the Soviet occupation and agriculture participated in the study. The survey included 34 mostly open-ended questions, covering three areas: demographic characteristics of respondents, impacts of the occupation, and prospects for the future of the Agricultural Extension System of Afghanistan. The majority of participants were highly educated and lived in North America after departing Afghanistan. The results also showed that during the occupation many participants were assigned to passive positions or lost their jobs. The occupation affected the attitudes of the farmers, reduced the cultivation of agricultural land, destroyed the infrastructure for delivering agricultural services, altered the types of crops grown and reduced the number of people working in agriculture. Millions of landmines remain a serious threat to those who return to farming. Recommendations are made for the Government, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Higher and Vocational Education, Agricultural Extension System, Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs), and International Aid Agencies. Agricultural extension rehabilitation should be given high priority to meet the emerging challenges of increasing agricultural production by adopting modern technology, generating suitable marketing channels for surplus agricultural products, providing equal development and working opportunities for Afghan women, protecting natural resources, utilizing professional returnees, and replacing poppy cultivation with regular food crops. Perceptual and structural obstacles may militate against providing proper support for agricultural development in Afghanistan. The overall reconstruction and development of the Afghan Agricultural Extension System is a prerequisite for the future development of the Afghan agriculture sector. Establishing a stable Afghan government and support from the international coalition are essential to rebuilding this important sector of the economy.
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Books on the topic "Afghan Economy"

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Fujimura, Manabu. Post-conflict reconstruction: The Afghan economy : rebuilding Afghanistan. Tokyo, Japan: Asian Development Bank Institute, 2004.

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Alauddin, Masood, University of Peshawar. Area Study Centre (Russia, China & Central Asia), and Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung, eds. The impact of Afghan transit trade on NWFP's economy, 1999-2000. Peshawar: Area Study Centre (Russia, China and Central Asia), University of Peshawar, 2008.

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U.S. promotion of the Afghan economy: Impediments and opportunities : hearing before the Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, July 14, 2009. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2010.

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Ashraf, Asif. Economic impact of Afghan refugees in NWFP. Peshawar: Pakistan Academy for Rural Development, 1988.

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Gathering strength: Conversations with Afghan women. Austin, Texas: Pomegranate Grove Press, 2012.

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Christoplos, Ian. Out of step?: Agricultural policy and Afghan livelihoods. Kabul: Afghanistan Research and Evaulation Unit, 2004.

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Hafvenstein, Joel. Opium season: A year on the Afghan frontier. Guilford, Conn: Lyons Press, 2007.

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Christensen, Hanne. Survey of the social and economic conditions of Afghan refugees in Pakistan. Geneve Switzerland: UNRISD, 1988.

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Division, India External Publicity. Afghans first: India at work in Afghanistan. New Delhi]: External Publicity Division, Ministry of External Affairs, Govt. of India, 2004.

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(Pakistan), Islamic Research Institute, ed. The economic plight of the Afghans in Australia, 1860-2000. Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Afghan Economy"

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Marsden, Peter. "The Afghan economy." In Rebuilding Afghanistan in Times of Crisis, 31–48. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge research in planning and urban design: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203702659-3.

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Akbari, Suhailah. "Current State of the Afghan Foreign Trade Legal Regime." In European Yearbook of International Economic Law, 27–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73464-0_3.

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Ibrahimi, Niamatullah, and Maley William. "The Afghan Economy." In Afghanistan, 88–123. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429453007-4.

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Bradford, James Tharin. "Introduction." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 1–15. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the core arguments and narrative of the book, and how drugs produced in Afghanistan were initially embraced by a series of Afghan rulers, legally or not, as a vehicle to grow the Afghan economy. Over time, particularly because of American influence, Afghan rulers adopted more stringent forms of drug control. This books reveals that Afghan rulers adopted the prohibition of drugs to foster better diplomatic relations with the US to help build the Afghan state, but at the expense of Afghans who were increasingly dependent on the drug trade. The illicit drug trade emerged, not simply because of a failed state, but rather, in reaction to the abandonment of the legal opium trade and the gradual adoption of more coercive forms of drug control.
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Marsden, Peter. "The Impact of the Taliban on the Afghan Economy." In Afghanistan. I.B.Tauris, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755607433.ch-034.

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Singh, Danny. "The political, economic and cultural drivers of police corruption." In Investigating Corruption in the Afghan Police Force, 73–94. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447354666.003.0005.

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This is another theoretical chapter that generates a framework to thread through the context of Afghan policing. Theories related to a political economy approach to examine the interrelationship between bureaucratic agents and economic elites and the coping strategies of poorly waged public officials and police officers. This theoretical basis informs some aspects of the political and economic drivers of corruption. The political drivers specifically cover systemic corruption which is when corruption becomes institutionally embedded from the top to the lower levels. In addition, patronage, nepotism and ethnic favouritism forms a ‘moral economy’ to deter meritocratic recruitment. Moreover, state capture occurs when main parts of the state are infiltrated by narrow criminal and affiliated political interests for profit making, usually with illicit markets. The economic drivers are focused on corruption as a means of economic necessity, namely low pay, and opportunities to engage in corruption due to weak oversight or limited sanctions if detected for malpractice. The cultural drivers cover culture, motivation and the socialisation of behaviour within police forces and specific anti-corruption training that can help to mitigate police corruption.
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Lally, Jagjeet. "Traders." In India and the Silk Roads, 99–124. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197581070.003.0005.

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The eighteenth-century expansion of the Durrani, Qing and Romanov empires deeper into Eurasia brought liquid wealth from the increasingly globalised economy into this space, stimulating commercial opportunities and the closer integration of the continental interior. This chapter uncovers one of the outcomes of this process as the empowerment of new commercial groups. Afghans, Pashtuns and Muslims from the Indo-Afghan frontier—generally seen by scholars only as pastoralists and peddlers—were the entrepreneurial lynchpins of the developments examined in this chapter. As former peddlers harnessed market opportunities and channelled the benefits accrued from political patronage into new business ventures, they accumulated capital and widened the geographic scope of their operations. In so doing, they posed serious competition to established north-Indian magnate groups, while also changing the character of commerce itself.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "The Consequences of Coercion in Badakhshan." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 85–115. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0004.

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This chapter examines what led to the 1958 ban of opium in Badakhshan. After 1945, Afghanistan began a concerted effort to be ratified by the international drug control regime as a legal producer of opium for the global pharmaceutical trade. Although there was some support for Afghanistan, Mohammad Daud Khan abruptly announced a ban and eradication of all opium in Badakhshan province in 1958. This chapter examines the internal and external forces that shaped the implementation of the ban, and the consequences of the ban. Internally, Daud chose to eradicate crops in Badakhsan, not in three other opium producing provinces, mainly because it was inhabited by Tajiks, an ethnic minority which could not threaten the stability of the Afghan government. Daud also recognized that the international community was well aware opium’s importance to the Badakhshan economy, and would increase economic development aid and assistance to the Afghan government.
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Lally, Jagjeet. "Knowledge." In India and the Silk Roads, 177–216. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197581070.003.0008.

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Over the nineteenth century, imperial rivalry and fears over the security of India’s northern borders led to the steady accumulation of knowledge about caravan trade and the trading world. This chapter shows that the Indo-Afghan frontier and central Asia were of critical significance to the testing of scientific mapping and modern intelligence, ethnography and genealogy, making the spaces and networks of caravan trade fundamental to the finessing of the British Indian state’s technologies of power. Yet, the epistemic anxiety resulting from information asymmetry and the flows of mobile agents through this space—especially during the ‘Great Game’—precipitated schemes to sedentarise populations and transform them into cultivators and soldiers, in turn integrating western Punjab’s economy more deeply into that of the British Empire at the cost of connections into the Eurasian interior.
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Brown, Katherine A. "The Modern Afghan Journalist." In Your Country, Our War, 72–93. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879402.003.0005.

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This chapter describes the sociological constraints that modern Afghan journalists face, not the least of which is a highly volatile security environment and a high degree of economic instability that jeopardizes their organizations’ sustainability. Based on interviews with these journalists, the chapter explores the ways they think of themselves, their relationships with Afghan government officials, and their roles in Afghan society. It also surveys the dense networks that Afghan reporters have created with Western journalists to report news stories. Afghan journalists have an inherent national bias and are proud that U.S. elite news professionals find Afghanistan newsworthy, as this confers legitimacy on Afghanistan’s importance in the world. Yet given their nascent state, they acknowledge that they depend on Western journalists’ reportage to hold Afghanistan’s powerful accountable.
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Conference papers on the topic "Afghan Economy"

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Kayumov, Nuriddin. "The Development and Interregional Integration Processes of Afghanistan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00301.

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The given report considers the integration processes within the Central Asian Region and EAEC region space and their influence on economic situation of Afghanistan. It is emphasized, that the globalization of the world economy, new challenges and threats, especially intraregional integration becomes the predominant tendency of the world economy. Today practically the whole world is considered as a complex regional coalition, union or federation. By integrating between each other these countries protect their corporative interests. Central Asian sub-region has all prerequisites and possibilities of becoming the new zone for the world development. However, during the years of sovereignty and independence the integration processes even aggravated. Integration processes in the framework of EAEC region are also not effective. All these do not allow rendering assistance and support to the neighboring country Afghanistan. The situation in this country, especially in the sphere of economy constitutes a threat not only to the Central Asian countries, but also for USA, Russia, China and the whole world. The ways of solving Afghan problems lie in the sphere of economy. The author considers possibilities and ways of achieving peace and stability in this country.
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Reports on the topic "Afghan Economy"

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Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.

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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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Richter, Douglas C. Afghan Right: Linking a Stable Economic and Industrial Base to a Self Sustaining ANA Logistics Adjusted to Afghan Culture. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada545810.

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Zhou, Jiayi, Fei Su, and Jingdong Yuan. Treading Lightly: China’s Footprint in a Taliban-led Afghanistan. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ovbo3684.

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This SIPRI Insights Paper provides a preliminary assessment of China’s attitudes to and policies on Afghanistan since the August 2021 Taliban takeover. It examines the scope of China’s security, economic and humanitarian interests, and the depth of its engagement so far. It finds that China’s footprint has been minimal not only due to China’s non-interference policy but also to a range of broader challenges: the militant extremist groups that continue to operate on Afghan soil, the risks of investing in a country where the government remains unrecognized by any member of the international community and a fragile stability that is far from conducive to long-term planning. While there may be prospects and opportunities for China to contribute to Afghan stability and development, particularly from a broader regional perspective, current realities mean that China’s overall approach to Afghanistan will remain cautious, pragmatic and limited.
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