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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Liapis, Vayos J. "SEVEN TEXTUAL NOTES ON SEVEN AGAINST THEBES." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 1 (May 2018): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838818000137.

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The following notes concern textual problems in the prologue and parodos of Aeschylus’ Seven against Thebes. The text and apparatus criticus are based on those of M.L. West, Aeschylus: Tragoediae (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1990; corrected edition, 1998).

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2

Berman, Daniel W. ""Seven-Gated" Thebes and Narrative Topography in Aeschylus' "Seven against Thebes"." Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 71, no. 2 (2002): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20546732.

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3

Hubbard, Thomas K. "Tragic Preludes: Aeschylus "Seven against Thebes" 4-8." Phoenix 46, no. 4 (1992): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088619.

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4

Stehle. "Prayer and Curse in Aeschylus' "Seven against Thebes"." Classical Philology 100, no. 2 (2005): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3488432.

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5

Pichugina, Victoria. "The shield as pedagogical tool in Aeschylus’ Seven Against Thebes." Hypothekai 4 (August 2020): 121–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2019-4-4-121-170.

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6

Lamari, Anna A. "Aeschylus Seven Against Thebes vs. Euripides Phoenissae: Male vs. Female Power." Wiener Studien 120 (2007): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wst120s5.

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7

Goldhill, Simon, and Froma I. Zeitlin. "Under the Sign of the Shield: Semiotics and Aeschylus' Seven against Thebes." Phoenix 40, no. 4 (1986): 454. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088173.

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8

Murnaghan, Sheila, and Froma I. Zeitlin. "Under the Sign of the Shield: Semiotics and Aeschylus' Seven against Thebes." Classical World 80, no. 4 (1987): 330. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350057.

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9

LECH, MARCEL L. "A POSSIBLE DATE OF THE REVIVAL OF AESCHYLUS' THE SEVEN AGAINST THEBES." Classical Quarterly 58, no. 2 (December 2008): 661–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838808000700.

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10

Mazor, Maayan. "AESCHYLUS, SEPTEM CONTRA THEBAS 780–7." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (March 13, 2017): 287–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000362.

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In a recent paper, M. Finkelberg has endorsed part of M.L. West's emendation of the fifth strophe of the second stasimon in Aeschylus’ Seven against Thebes (= Sept.). In her opinion, accepting West's emendation also allows adopting earlier emendations proposed by Schütz and Prien, leading to a better understanding of the passage. It is recalled that this is where the chorus relates the disasters that ensued from Oedipus’ discovery of the truth about his marriage. In the following short discussion, I intend to revisit and defend once again the reading, according to which the two acts mentioned in connection with Oedipus’ discovery are gouging out his eyes and casting a curse on his sons, and not murdering his father and bedding his mother.

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11

Nagy, Gregory. ""Dream of a Shade": Refractions of Epic Vision in Pindar's "Pythian 8" and Aeschylus' "Seven against Thebes"." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 100 (2000): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3185211.

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12

Gödde, Susanne. "Nach der Katastrophe: Exit-Strategien in der griechischen Tragödie." Poetica 51, no. 3-4 (December 16, 2020): 248–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890530-05102003.

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Abstract After briefly outlining the vocabulary of closure and endings in Greek tragedy, this article analyses three possible features of closure: (1) lament (kommos), (2) deus ex machina combined with an aetiological myth (almost exclusively in Euripides), and (3) a gnomic coda spoken by the chorus. All three types of ending remain external to the plot and do not resolve the dramatic conflict. The paper then looks at two case studies from dramas centered on the same myth, i.e. the campaign of the Seven against Thebes in Aeschylus’ play of the same name and in Euripides’ Phoenissae. The endings of these tragedies have provoked much discussion regarding their textual transmission and reconstruction. I discuss how and when the action seems to be ‘fulfilled’, and contrast the strong closure of Aeschylus’ play with the “hypertextual mythical continuity” (Lamari) of Euripides’ drama.

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13

Garvie, A. F. "The Seven Against Thebes - G. O. Hutchinson: Aeschylus, Septem contra Thebas, edited Introduction and Commentary. Pp. lv + 234. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985. £20." Classical Review 36, no. 2 (October 1986): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00105931.

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14

McClain, T. Davina. "The Seven Against Thebes - (I.) Torrance Aeschylus: Seven Against Thebes. Pp. 174, ills. London: Duckworth, 2007. Paper, £12.99. ISBN: 978-0-7156-3466-0. - (D.W.) Berman Myth and Culture in Aeschylus' Seven against Thebes. (Filologia e critica 95.) Pp. 214, ills, maps. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo for Università degli Studi di Urbino, 2007. Paper, €44 (Cased, €88). ISBN: 978-88-8476-131-6 (978-88-8476-132-3 hbk)." Classical Review 59, no. 2 (September 15, 2009): 358–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x09000158.

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15

Amendola, Stefano. "The Xenoi and Greeks between Opposition and ‘Hybridization’." Humanitas 74 (November 5, 2019): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-1718_74_1.

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The paper examines the opposition between Greeks and the so-called Others (foreigners, barbarians, etc.) as represented in Aeschylus’ surviving plays. This antithesis has become a major focus of scholarly interest not only in philological studies, but also in the modern historical, philosophical and political thought, where it corresponds to the radical opposition between ‘Greekness’ and ‘Otherness’, as well as between West and East. By focusing on this topic, the paper presents an innovative interpretation of some aeschylean texts taken from Suppliants, Agamemnon and Seven against Thebes, looking at foreign characters such as Suppliants’ Egyptian herald or Agamemnon’s Cassandra, but also at ethnically hybrid characters (the Danaids’ Chorus of the Suppliants, whose ancient bond with the Argive land is explicit, and Polynices’ army, described as an external foreign enemy). The aim of the texts’ selection is to capture the interest on Aeschylus’ lexis related to the semantic sphere of the foreigner. The assumption is that a methodology based on semantic values (especially of the terms ξένος or ξενόω, and of some compounds such as ἀστόξενος and ἐχθρόξενος) well witnesses how the Aeschylean lexicon maintains the broad semantic spectrum of the term ξένος, with the frequent co-presence of the meaning of ‘guest’ alongside that of ‘foreigner’. The argument is that in Aeschylean theatre the Greek/Others polarity is presented not only in terms of a contrast/opposition with Greekness (with the positive element of the pair destined to predominate over the Otherness), but also in terms of intermingling/confusion. Aeschylus is not only the poet of the conflict between Greeks and Barbarians, but also the inventor of collective characters in which Greek and foreign elements constantly co-exist, in order to determine hybrid identities.

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Mastrothanasis, Konstantinos, and Theodore Grammatas. "Reception of the values of the Aeschylus drama and mnemonic imprints by ancient tragedy spectators." Open Research Europe 2 (November 3, 2022): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.15179.1.

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Background: Ancient Greek tragedy remains today a special dramatic genre that expresses the concept of the classic through time, perhaps better than any other form of art and culture, representing, as a theatrical expression, the vision of the conception and expression of values of a particular era. In this context, the purpose of the present research is to study the humanitarian values of European culture, as they are expressed in ancient Greek drama, and to highlight the way in which these values are projected through modern drama and are impressed on the spectators. Methods: To achieve this goal, 105 spectators watched the tragedy of Aeschylus ‘Seven against Thebes’ directed by Cesaris Grauzinis and answered, both immediately after watching the performance and six months later, a questionnaire, in order to record their opinions about the theatre performance they had attended. Results: According to the findings of the comparative analyses, it emerged that the messages and values governing the work remain unchanged for its viewers over time. The memory is based on original audio-visual elements and directorial findings, confirming that it preserves the messages of the symbolism of the performance as well as the channels through which they were conveyed to the audience. Conclusions: The correspondences between the past and the present, as well as the contrasts on stage, contributed to the reproduction of the fundamental moral values that the dramatic work brought, highlighting the work and messages of Aeschylus.

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17

Rader, Richard. "“And Whatever It Is, It Is You”: The Autochthonous Self in Aeschylus’s Seven Against Thebes." Arethusa 42, no. 1 (2009): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.0.0014.

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18

Heath, Malcolm. "Froma I. Zeitlin: Under The Sign of the Shield. Semiotics and Aeschylus' Seven against Thebes. (Filologia e Critica, 44.) Pp. 227. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1982. Paper." Classical Review 35, no. 1 (April 1985): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00107899.

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19

Seidensticker, Bernd. "Ancient Drama and Reception of Antiquity in the Theatre and Drama of the German Democratic Republic (GDR)." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 20, no. 3 (November 22, 2018): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.20.3.75-94.

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Theatre in the German Democratic Republic was an essential part of the state propaganda machine and was strictly controlled by the cultural bureaucracy and by the party. Until the early sixties, ancient plays were rarely staged. In the sixties, classical Greek drama became officially recognised as part of cultural heritage. Directors free to stage the great classical playwrights selected ancient plays, on one hand, to escape the grim socialist reality, on the other to criticise it using various forms of Aesopian language. Two important dramatists and three examples of plays are presented and discussed: an adaptation of an Aristophanic comedy (Peter Hack’s adaptation of Aristophanes’ Peace at the Deutsche Theater in Berlin in 1962), a play based on a Sophoclean tragedy (Heiner Müller’s Philoktet, published in 1965, staged only in 1977), and a short didactic play (Lehrstück) based on Roman history (Heiner Müller’s Der Horatier, written in 1968, staged in 1973 in Hamburg in West Germany, and in the GDR only in 1988). At the end there is a brief look at a production of Aeschylus Seven against Thebes at the BE in 1969.

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20

Elliot, Alistair. "Aeschylus: Persians, Seven against Thebes, and Suppliants. Translated, with an introduction and notes, by Aaron Poochigian. Pp. 138. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011. Pb. $25." Translation and Literature 21, no. 1 (March 2012): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2012.0047.

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21

Petrides, Antonis K. "Aeschylus Translated - (A.) Poochigian (trans.) Aeschylus: Persians, Seven against Thebes, and Suppliants. Pp. xxiv + 138. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011. Paper, US$25 (Cased, US$55). ISBN: 978-1-4214-00648-8 (978-1-4214-0063-1 hbk)." Classical Review 62, no. 2 (September 12, 2012): 368–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x12000169.

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22

Kocijančič, Matic. "Truly Bewept, Full of Strife: The Myth of Antigone, the Burial of Enemies, and the Ideal of Reconciliation in Ancient Greek Literature." Clotho 3, no. 2 (December 24, 2021): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/clotho.3.2.55-72.

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In postwar Western culture, the myth of Antigone has been the subject of noted literary, literary-critical, dramatic, philosophical, and philological treatments, not least due to the strong influence of one of the key plays of the twentieth century, Jean Anouilh’s Antigone. The rich discussion of the myth has often dealt with its most famous formulation, Sophocles’ Antigone, but has paid less attention to the broader ancient context; the epic sources (the Iliad, Odyssey, Thebaid, and Oedipodea); the other tragic versions (Aeschylus’s Seven Against Thebes and his lost Eleusinians; Euripides’s Suppliants, Phoenician Women, and Antigone, of which only a few short fragments have been preserved); and the responses of late antiquity. This paper analyses the basic features of this nearly thousand-year-long ancient tradition and shows how they connect in surprising ways – sometimes even more directly than Sophoclean tragedy does – with the main issues in some unique contemporary traditions of its reception (especially the Slovenian, Polish and Argentine ones): the question of burying the wartime (or postwar) dead and the ideal of reconciliation.

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23

Anderson. "The Seven against Thebes at Eleusis." Illinois Classical Studies 40, no. 2 (2015): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illiclasstud.40.2.0297.

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24

Garvie, A. F. "Closure or Indeterminacy in Septem and Other Plays?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 134 (2014): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426914000032.

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Abstract:I accept the general consensus that the transmitted end of Septem is not by Aeschylus; his play, as he wrote it, ends by giving an overwhelming impresssion that, while the brothers have killed each other, the city of Thebes has been saved. There are, however, three passages which seem to contradict that impression, by alluding to the usual version of the story in which the city will be destroyed by the Successors of the Seven in the next generation. I argue that all attempts by scholars to explain away this contradiction have been unsuccesssful. Aeschylus deliberately reminded his audience of the alternative version, and the question to be considered is why he did so.

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25

Smith, Peter M. "Aeschylus - (A.H.) Sommerstein (ed., trans.) Aeschylus I. Persians, Seven against Thebes, Suppliants, Prometheus Bound. (Loeb Classical Library 145.) Pp. xlviii + 576. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2008. Cased, £15.95, €22.50, US$24. ISBN: 978-0-674-99627-4. - (A.H.) Sommerstein (ed., trans.) Aeschylus II. Oresteia: Agamemnon, Libation-Bearers, Eumenides. (Loeb Classical Library 146.) Pp. xxxviii + 494. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2008. Cased, £15.95, €22.50, US$24. ISBN: 978-0-674-99628-1. - (A.H.) Sommerstein (ed., trans.) Aeschylus III. Fragments. (Loeb Classical Library 505.) Pp. xiv + 363. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2008. Cased, £15.95, €22.50, US$24. ISBN: 978-0-674-99629-8." Classical Review 60, no. 2 (September 28, 2010): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x10000089.

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26

Nau, Robert. "Publius Papinius Statius, The Thebaid: Seven against Thebes." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 7, no. 1 (2007): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.0.0003.

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27

Roisman, Hanna M. "The Messenger and Eteocles in the Seven against Thebes." L'antiquité classique 59, no. 1 (1990): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1990.2278.

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28

Morgan, Leslie Zarker. "Book Review: Publius Papinus Statius. The Thebaid: Seven against Thebes." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 39, no. 1 (March 2005): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458580503900117.

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29

Paoli, Beatriz de. "The city and the word: considerations on seven against Thebes." Revista Archai, no. 4 (2010): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_4_3.

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30

Poochigian, Aaron. "Arguments from Silence: Text and Stage in Aischylos' Seven against Thebes." Classical Journal 103, no. 1 (2007): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2007.0003.

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31

Giordano-Zecharya, Manuela. "Ritual Appropriateness in Seven Against Thebes. Civic Religion in a Time of War." Mnemosyne 59, no. 1 (2006): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506775455315.

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AbstractThis paper explores the themes and tensions of the first part of the Seven Against Thebes, against the background of Athenian civic religion. The confrontation between Eteocles and the Chorus can be seen as an opposition between two gender-related religious attitudes. Eteocles describes his religious behaviour as ritually appropriate whereas he rebukes that of the women as inappropriate and disruptive. Thus, sacrifice and euchê-prayer stand against supplication and lamenting prayer (litê). In partial opposition to other interpretations, this paper views Eteocles as more concerned about the religious behaviour of the Chorus—what they do and how they pray—than with their religious views; in other words he castigates them for their heteropraxy, not their heterodoxy. In the background it is possible to make out the needs of a society of soldier-citizens to contain the ritual and emotional expression of fear and lament in order to avoid demoralizing the troops.

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32

Mozhajsky, Andrej. "Thebes, Amphiaraus and Alcmaeon in Pindar’s Pythian 8: instruction to the winner." Hypothekai 5 (September 2021): 172–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-172-190.

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The article examines the didactical component of Pindar’s Pythian 8, which includes the Theban mythohistorical line — the plot of “Seven against Thebes” and the Epigoni’s march on Thebes. In this ode, Pindar instructs Aeginet Aristomenes, the winner of the Pythian Games, through Amphiaraus’ prophecy. Glorifying Aristomenes, Pindar instructs him not to become proud beyond measure, not to overstep the bounds, because Hes-ychia can destroy anyone who lets “merciless malice” into his heart, as it happened with Adrastus and his son. At the same time, Pindar compares Aristomenes with the hero Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraus, emphasizing that the glorious blood of their fathers flows in the veins of both. This interpretation of the fragment from Pind. Pyth. 8.56-60 differs from the traditional one since here Pindar meets not Alcmaeon, but Amphiaraus, receiving a prophecy from the latter. It is Amphiaraus who is called Pindar’s "neighbor" and the “guardian” of the Thebans’ possessions. In our opinion, Amphiaraus appears to Pindar in Delphi or on the way to Delphi. This interpretation is based on a comparison of Pindar’s text with a fragment from Herodotus (Hdt. 8.134.1-2), as well as on paleotopographic, archaeological and epigraphic studies. Considering that there is no information about the cult of Alcmaeon in Thebes and in Aegina at the moment, it seems like-ly that Pindar implies his meeting with Amphiaraus, whose sanc-tuary was located, according to a number of scholars, including the author of the article, near Thebes. However, according to He-rodotus who stated that the Thebans could not inquire the oracle of Amphiaraus in this sanctuary, and also on the basis of the pos-sible location of this sanctuary off the road to Delphi, it is sug-gested that Amphiaraus appeared to Pindar not at Amphiareum.

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33

Papanikos, Gregory T. "Hesiod’s Theory of Economic History." Athens Journal of History 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-2-4.

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In verses 109-201 of “Works and Days” Hesiod develops a narrative of the past as well as the current and future developments of the human race. In this paper, this description is interpreted as a theory of economic history. Actually, Hesiod puts forward four stages of economic history, calling them races (γένος). However, he inserts a race of heroes, which includes all those who fought in the battle of Troy and the Seven Against the Thebes. He also mentions another race which will come after the race that he himself was living. Even though in the relevant literature five Hesiodic races are mentioned, Hesiod made reference to six. Four in the past, one in the present and another one positioned in the future. Past, present and future is what history is all about and therefore an important part of economic history.

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34

Kovacs, David. "Do we have the end of Sophocles'Oedipus Tyrannus?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 129 (November 2009): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900002962.

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Abstract:The objections against the transmitted ending ofOT(1424–1530) raised by scholars since the eighteenth century and most recently by R.D. Dawe deserve to be taken seriously, but only the last 63 lines (1468–1530, called B below) are open to truly serious objections, both verbal and dramaturgical. By contrast, objections against 1424–67 (called A below) are mostly slight, and in addition they are protected by an earlier passage in the play that seems to prepare the audience for Creon's demand that Oedipus re-enter the palace. A is genuine and gives us the end of the play as Sophocles wrote it: probably we have lost only a brief reply by Creon to Oedipus’ requests and some choral anapaests. A postscript discusses the meaning of 1451–57. I argue that these look to the future (infinitive πέρσαι plus ἄν standing for optative plus ἄν), and that έπί τωι δειν⋯ι κακ⋯ι means that Oedipus is being saved ‘for some dreadful mischief’, i.e. to cause such mischief to others, an allusion to the cursing of his sons and its result, the war of the Seven against Thebes.

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35

Feldman, Marian H. "Nineveh to Thebes and back: Art and politics between Assyria and Egypt in the seventh century BCE." Iraq 66 (2004): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000173x.

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In 671 BCE, Esarhaddon advanced south from the Levant and attacked Egypt, sacking Memphis. About seven years later, in response to repeated Kushite uprisings and following an initial campaign into Lower Egypt, Ashurbanipal's army reinvaded Egypt, marching as far as Thebes where, according to Assyrian accounts, the temples and palaces were looted and their treasures brought back to Nineveh. The Assyrians had been in conflict with Egypt for some time, but these clashes had always taken place in Western Asia, where the two states fought for control and influence over the small Levantine kingdoms. Not until Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal did Assyria penetrate into the heart of Egypt, attacking its two traditional capitals of Memphis and Thebes. This period of intensified antagonism, along with its consequence — increasingly direct contact with Egyptian culture — brought into greater focus Assyria's relationship to the Egyptian imperial tradition. I would like to propose here that Assyrian royal ideology, as expressed in art, developed in part out of an awareness of and reaction to the great imperial power of New Kingdom Egypt, in particular that of the Ramesside period of the thirteenth and early twelfth centuries. Indeed, it is more the reaction against Egyptian tradition that seems to have stimulated what we understand as characteristic and distinctive of Assyrian art, but at the same time, even these elements may owe some inspiration to Egypt. In this way, the New Kingdom Egyptian empire served as both precedent and “other” for Assyria, which began to develop its own imperialist ideology during the contemporaneous Middle Assyrian period.

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36

Papadodima, Efi. "The Rhetoric of Fear in Euripides’Phoenician Women." Antichthon 50 (November 2016): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2016.4.

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AbstractIn accordance with its notoriously rich plot,Phoenician Womenexplores diverse aspects of fear that affect, and are thematised by, various parties at different stages of the plot.1Against the background of a virtually ‘irrational’ and inescapable divine necessity (treated as a source of dread in itself), Euripides presents the play’s central crisis as being largely determined by rational and controlled decision-making, within an array of moral disputes that enter the scene. The agents’ decision-making standardly comprises diverging, conflicting, or inconsistent attitudes towards fear and related emotions, such as shame (in both past and present).The rhetoric of fear thus reflects and further highlights the characters’ conflicting viewpoints, as well as Euripides’ trademark tendency to toy with his audience’s expectations and assumptions about ethical values and what is ‘right’. This article argues that his approach is substantially different from the Aeschylean treatment of the same myth (Seven against Thebes). By offering a concrete and abstract treatment of the situational anxieties over war and familial feud, Euripides’ rhetoric of fear ultimately shifts the focus to the complexities and contradictions of human motivation.

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37

Saxonhouse, Arlene W. "From Tragedy to Hierarchy and Back Again: Women in Greek Political Thought." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 403–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958265.

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The earliest attempts at a theoretical understanding of politics occur in the city-states of ancient Greece. Women had no place in the politics of those cities. However, the Greek tragedians and philosophers raised questions about the fundamental assumptions underlying political life by introducing women into their writings. Thus, women appear in some Greek tragedies as a counter to the male sense of political efficacy—the sense that men can create through speech and ignore the facts of physical creation entailed in the process of reproduction. A discussion of two tragedies, The Seven Against Thebes and the Antigone, suggests how the failure of male political leaders to acknowledge the demands of the physical and that which is different brings on tragedy. The Socratic response in the Republic is to overcome tragedy by making the male and the female the same. Aristotle attempts to incorporate sexual difference in the theoretical framework of hierarchy. Finally, there is a brief consideration of the role of the pre-Socratic philosophers in setting the agenda for the Greeks' confrontation with the problems of incorporating difference into the political community.

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38

Chong-Gossard, James H. K. O. "The Nurse's Tale: Other Worlds and Parallel Worlds in the Exposition of Euripides’ Hypsipyle." Antichthon 53 (2019): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2019.6.

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AbstractThis article analyses Euripides’ mythopoetics in what survives of the first quarter of his fragmentary Hypsipyle: prologue, parodos, and first episode. It examines Euripides’ innovation in joining two myths (the Seven Against Thebes and the story of Hypsipyle and the Argonauts) into one, and the representation of Hypsipyle herself. In her private moments, the thoughts that preoccupy her mind are focused on other-places and other-times, in vivid contrast to the naturalistically presented world of the present where, as a slave, she must interact with men. Euripides uses the language of serving (θɛραπɛύɛιν) and doing a ‘favour’ (χάρις), as well as the word ἐρῆμος (‘lonely,’ ‘deserted’) and homoeophonic language (e.g. Argo and Argos) to indicate that, in helping the Argives, Hypsipyle repeats typologically her hospitality to the Argonauts. There is a circularity in Hypsipyle's story that creates suspense, since by doing a favour for the Argive leader, she is reunited with the sons she bore to Argonauts’ leader, who themselves are sent to find her by their grandfather whom she saved; and by losing the infant in her care (Opheltes, later named Archemorus), she is reunited with her former infants. By the end of Hypsipyle's first conversation with Amphiaraus, Euripides has invented a theme of ‘parallel worlds’ that he will resolve at the play's end.

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Можайский, Андрей. "Этеокл как мужской персонаж трагедии Эсхила Семеро против Фив." Conversatoria Litteraria, no. 15 (November 3, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/clit.2021.15.04.

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This article analyzes the text of Aeschylus’s tragedy Seven against Thebes in the context of one of the main characters - Eteocles - as a male character. In the text of Aeschylus, Eteocles looks like a tough ruler who is endowed with certain masculine qualities. Moreover, through his words, the male character is sometimes expressed. This helps him save his hometown, but at the same time leads him to death. According to Eteocles, the men of Thebes in the face of the enemy must protect their Mother Earth with shields in their hands. In addition to identifying a warrior with a shield, Aeschylus, through the words of Eteocles, indicates that the place of the male protector is on the battlements and in the gates with towers. According to Aeschylus, Eteocles is the bravest master (king) of the Cadmeans. The use of the word ἄναξ in relation to Eteocles reflects the archaic nature of the story of Seven against Thebes. Eteocles as a male character is not just the bravest king of the Cadmeans, but he also pretends to be a wise ruler. According to Aeschylus, Eteocles is an almost exclusively positive male character, despite the fact that he indicates that evil has been done to Polyneices.

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Steinrück, Martin. "A.1. Heard and unheard strophes in the parodos of Aeschylus' Seven against Thebes." Studia Humaniora Tartuensia 3 (December 27, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sht.2002.3.a.1.

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"[SEVEN AGAINST THEBES (ELEUTHERAI)]." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 33, Supplement_38_Part_3 (February 1, 1986): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1994.tb01785.x.

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"The Thebaid: seven against Thebes." Choice Reviews Online 42, no. 10 (June 1, 2005): 42–5710. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.42-5710.

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