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1

Hartigan, Karelisa, and Alan H. Sommerstein. "Aeschylus: Eumenides." Classical World 85, no. 1 (1991): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351009.

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2

Juffras, Diane M., Aeschylus, and A. J. Podlecki. "Aeschylus: The Eumenides." Classical World 84, no. 3 (1991): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350800.

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3

Georgantzoglou, N. "Aeschylus, Eumenides 174–8." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 1 (May 1996): 288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.1.288.

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The difficulty in this antistrophe is found mainly in its last line and is caused by ⋯κε⋯νου which, as it stands, does not make sense and is also unmetrical (⌣––, instead of the required –⌣–, cf. the last line [172] of the strophe). It is noticeable on the other hand that the basic meaning of the antistrophe is not really affected by omitting †⋯κε⋯νου†, and it looks as though the scholia did not pay any attention to it in commenting (on ἕτερον ⋯ν κάρᾳ) as follows: .
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4

Sidwell, Keith. "The Politics of Aeschylus' "Eumenides"." Classics Ireland 3 (1996): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25528298.

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5

Porter, David H. "Aeschylus' Eumenides : Some Contrapuntal Lines." American Journal of Philology 126, no. 3 (2005): 301–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2005.0044.

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6

Griffith, Mark. "Aeschylus: Eumenides. Alan H. Sommerstein." Classical Philology 89, no. 2 (April 1994): 180–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367410.

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7

Dugdale, Eric, and Loramy Gerstbauer. "Forms of Justice in Aeschylus’ Eumenides." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 2 (November 11, 2017): 226–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340125.

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Abstract In this article, we explore the forms of justice presented in Aeschylus’ Eumenides. Most scholarship hitherto has focused on the shift from retaliatory justice to trial by court of law enacted in the play. However, the verdict pronounced in Orestes’ favor does not bring about resolution, but rather threatens to destabilize the polis, as the Furies redirect their anger against Athens. Indeed, the play can be seen as a study in the limitations of criminal justice. Our article examines the resolution of the conflict in the post-trial phase of the play in the light of principles and practices of modern restorative justice. Such comparison is not intended as arguing for correspondence. Rather, the aim is to understand more fully the dynamics of Athena’s intervention by analyzing it against key elements of restorative justice.
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Sidwell, Keith. "Purification and pollution in Aeschylus' Eumenides." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 1 (May 1996): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.1.44.

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‘The issues surrounding Orestes’ purification are some of the most difficult in all of Aeschylus’ wrote A. L. Brown in 1982. Despite the appearance since then of an overall treatment of pollution and three editions of the play, there continue to be disagreements about the matter. In this paper I suggest that we may be better able to understand the treatment of purification if we focus on the importance of Orestes’ pollution to the particular version of the story constructed in Eumenides.
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9

MOST, GLENN W. "APOLLO'S LAST WORDS IN AESCHYLUS' EUMENIDES." Classical Quarterly 56, no. 1 (May 2006): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838806000024.

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10

Pattoni, Maria Pia. "Democratic Paideia in Aeschylus’ Suppliants." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 2 (November 11, 2017): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340126.

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Abstract The analysis of political language in Aeschylus’ Suppliants confirms the hypothesis that the form of government here represented is strongly influenced by contemporary Athens: prehistoric Argos turns out to be a sort of mirror of democratic Athens. It is no coincidence that the sequence running from the entrance of Pelasgus at l. 234 to the Danaids’ song of benediction (ll. 625-709) presents a dramatic pattern similar in several respects to that underlying in Eumenides 397-1002 (the scenes between the entrance of Athena and the Chorus’ prayer of blessing). Pelasgus (likewise Athena in Eumenides) imparts a sort of lesson on ‘democratic paideia’ to the Danaids, in view of their integration as metoikoi in the institutional structures of the polis.
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11

Steinberger, Peter J. "Eumenides and the Invention of Politics." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 39, no. 1 (January 6, 2022): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340356.

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Abstract Recent scholarship has shown that the Eumenides of Aeschylus, far from presenting a complete and coherent picture of the well-ordered polis, in fact offers something quite different, namely, a complex set of questions, concerns and conundrums regarding the very nature of political society. But I suggest that the literature has not yet provided a fully satisfying account of the ways in which those questions are underwritten by the specifically literary practice of Aeschylus as it develops the play’s larger theoretical – especially moral – implications. I argue that the Eumenides can fruitfully be read as a sustained exercise in the subversion of expectations that unsettles its audience and thereby opens up a discursive and aesthetic space for the development of a distinctive political problematic; and further, that this problematic involves a challenging series of meditations on what today would be called political ethics, broadly conceived.
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12

Georgantzoglou, Nikolaos. "A NOTE ON μιαστωρ (AESCHYLUS, EUMENIDES 177)." Mnemosyne 55, no. 6 (2002): 719–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852502320880221.

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13

Kennedy, Rebecca Futo. "Justice, Geography and Empire in Aeschylus' Eumenides." Classical Antiquity 25, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 35–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2006.25.1.35.

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Abstract This paper argues that Aeschylus' Eumenides presents a coherent geography that, when associated with the play's judicial proceedings, forms the basis of an imperial ideology. The geography of Eumenides constitutes a form of mapping, and mapping is associated with imperial power. The significance of this mapping becomes clear when linked to fifth-century Athens' growing judicial imperialism. The creation of the court inEumenides, in the view of most scholars, refers only to Ephialtes' reforms of 462 BC. But in the larger context, Athenian courts in the mid-fifth century are a form of imperial control. When geographically specific jurisdiction combines with new courts, it supports and even creates a developing imperial ideology. Moreover, the figure of Athena and the role she gives the Athenian jury emphasizes a passionate pro-Athenian nationalism, a nationalism that the text connects to Athens' geographic and judicial superiority. This imperial ideology did not spring from Aeschylus' imagination fully formed; it reflects a trend in Athens of promoting her own cultural superiority. This sense of cultural superiority in fact disguises the realities of Athens' developing power and increasingly harsh subjection of her former allies.
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Cioffi, Robert. "Ghostly Choreia and Collective Vengeance in Aeschylus' Eumenides." Phoenix 75, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2021.0002.

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15

West, M. L. "Hesiod's Titans." Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631535.

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In the opening lines of the Eumenides Aeschylus' Pythia says that the first prophetic deity at Delphi was Gaia. She was followed by two of her daughters in succession, Themis and Phoibe. Phoibe gave the oracle to Phoibos as a birthday present, and it is from her that he had his name.
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16

Egan, Rory Bernard. "The Trumpeter on Stage in Aeschylus, Eumenides 566-573." Mnemosyne 73, no. 4 (July 20, 2020): 659–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342735.

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Abd Elsalam, Dina. "An Ecofeminist Reading of Aeschylus’ The Eumenides: Visions and Revisions." Egyptian Journal of Linguistics and Translation 9, no. 1 (October 1, 2022): 130–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ejlt.2022.169181.1016.

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18

Molinos Tejada, Mª Teresa, and Manuel García Teijeiro. "La magia en la tragedia griega." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 473–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.31.

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Classic Greek tragedy is not characterized by a great interest in magic. Important passages on this subject can be found, however, such as the scenes of necromancy in Aeschylus, some episodes of the career of Medea as a magician, the supposed erotic charm of Deianira or the binding hymn of the Eumenides. There are also brief allusions to such beliefs and practices.In Euripides’s Hippolytus the references to love magic play an important role in characterizing Phaedra and her nurse
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19

Pelliccia, Hayden. "Aeschylus, Eumenides, 64-88 and the Ex Cathedra Language of Apollo." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 95 (1993): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/311377.

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20

Bachvarova, Mary. "Divine Justice across the Mediterranean: Hittite Arkuwars and the Trial Scene in Aeschylus' Eumenides." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 6, no. 1 (2006): 123–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921206780602627.

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AbstractA survey of Bronze Age Akkadian prayers and Hittite arkuwars, and Iron Age Anatolian, Greek and Latin curses shows a wide-spread conflation of prayer and forensic speech. The evidence is sufficiently abundant to allow us to trace an evolution in the conventions of prayer which keeps pace with changes in judicial procedure. Furthermore, the Hittite prayers in particular, with their detailed descriptions of the imagined court scenario, provide context to the trial scene in Aeschylus' Eumenides, allowing us to separate traditional elements from innovations.
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21

Duranti, Marco. "THE MEANING OF THE WAVE IN THE FINAL SCENE OF EURIPIDES’ IPHIGENIA TAURICA." Greece and Rome 69, no. 2 (September 6, 2022): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383522000018.

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This article offers a new interpretation of the wave which, in the finale of Euripides’ Iphigenia Taurica, prevents the Greek ship from leaving the Taurian land, thus making it necessary for the goddess Athena to intervene. My contention is that the wave is the predictable consequence of the sacrilege which the Greeks are committing by stealing Artemis’ cult statue from the Taurian temple. Therefore, we can detect in IT the same religious offence–punishment–compensation structure that can be found in Aeschylus’ Eumenides. However, unlike in Aeschylus’ tragedy, in IT Athena's final decrees compensate only the goddess Artemis and not the human characters: after deeply suffering as instruments of the divine will, not even in the future will they be allowed to fulfil their desires. Thus, we may say that a supernatural ‘wave’ prevents humans from leaving in accordance with their will.
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22

Brown, A. L. "The Dramatic Synopses Attributed to Aristophanes of Byzantium." Classical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (December 1987): 427–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800030615.

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This is, in effect, an extended footnote to CQ 34 (1984), 271. There, having occasion to discuss the ‘Aristophanic’ synopsis of Aeschylus' Eumenides, I expressed doubt about the value of such synopses in general; and I must now seek to justify this aspersion. I am not claiming any expertise in the study of Hellenistic scholarship, and shall largely be leaving it to others to decide what conclusion to draw from the facts I am pointing out; but my note will have served its purpose if it stimulates discussion.
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23

Lomiento, Liana. "Aeschylus, Eumenides 778–1020. Observations on the Form of the Lyric-Epirrhematic Amoibaion." Giornale Italiano di Filologia 70 (January 2018): 19–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.gif.5.116132.

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24

Bakewell, Geoffrey W. "Μετοιϰία in the "Supplices" of Aeschylus." Classical Antiquity 16, no. 2 (October 1, 1997): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011063.

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In Aeschylus' "Supplices" the Danaids flee their cousins and take refuge at Argos. Scholars have noted similarities between the Argos of the play and contemporary Athens. Yet one such correspondence has generally been overlooked: the Danaids are awarded sanctuary in terms reflecting mid fifth-century Athenian μετοιϰία, a process providing for the partial incorporation of non-citizens into polis life. Danaus and his daughters are of Argive ancestry and take up residence within the city, yet do not become citizens. Instead, they receive the right μετοιϰεῖν τῆσδε γῆς (609). As metics they retain control of their person and property, and are not liable to seizure by another. They are not permitted to own immovable property (ἔγϰτησις), but receive rent-free lodgings. Pelasgus and the other Argive citizens serve as their citizen representative (προστάτης). Casting the Danaids as metics highlights the similarities between Pelasgus and his predecessor, Apis. Both leaders were confronted by violent strangers demanding to live among the Argives, and sought to protect the autochthony and territory of Argos. Yet as suppliants the Danaids (unlike the snakes) cannot be forcibly expelled. Pelasgus' solution is a grant of μετοιϰία approved by the Argive assembly. The emergence of μετοιϰία as a formal status at Athens is difficult to date. Most scholars place it between the reforms of Cleisthenes (508/7) and Pericles' citizenship law (451/0). The "Supplices" provides evidence for a date in the 460s, and functions as a charter myth legitimizing μετοιϰία, much the way the Eumenides does for the Areopagus. The "Supplices" also fits well within the context of immigration and urban development leading to Pericles' law. The fact that the Danaid trilogy won first prize may be due to the Athenians' empathy for Argos as a risk-taking polis committed both to defending its identity and to acknowledging divinely sanctioned claims to refuge.
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Duque, Félix. ""Destruccion de lo Divino"." Philosophica: International Journal for the History of Philosophy 6, no. 11 (1998): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philosophica19986111.

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The aim of this paper is to investigate a crucial period in the development of the young Hegel (Jena, 1801-1803). Watching the decline and fall of the Holy German-Roman Empire and the Napoleonic Wars, Hegel laid a first theoretical foundation of the modern State through an allegorical interpretation of Orestes' myth (Eumenides, Aeschylus) as a sort of study-case of the "tragedy in the ethical life". Hegel atempts in this way to overcome the decomposition of the old classical ideals, which takes place at the time of the emerging egoism of the bourgeois capitalism. The proposed solution by Hegel in 1803 is the last attempt to build a new religion on the basis of the reconciliation of the People with their own destiny.
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Redondo, Jordi. "Èsquil al Curial e Güelfa." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 11, no. 11 (June 11, 2018): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.11.12583.

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Resum: El llibre III de la novel.la pre-renaixentista Curial e Guelfa presenta les característiques d’una prosa deutora en un alt grau de l’humanisme. Elements destacats en són la dicció mitològica, la ubicació de part dels esdeveniments i la imitació de models literaris clàssics. Al present treball mirem d’escatir fins a quin punt la tragèdia d’Èsquil on es representava el judici d’Orestes, les Eumènides, ha pogut esdevenir el model per al judici de Curial al Parnàs, com anys enrera va proposar Patricia Boehne. D’acord amb unes premisses metodològiques diferents de les d’ella, basem les nostres conclusions en les relacions intertextuals establertes entre ambdues obres. Paraules clau: Tradició clàssica, Èsquil, Curial e Güelfa, judici, Eumènides. Abstract: The third book of the pre-Renaissance novel Curial e Güelfa shows the features of a prose deeply indebted with Humanism. Noteworthy elements of this influence are the mythological discourse, the setting of a huge part of the events, and the imitation of Classical literary models. In this paper we aim to elucidate to what a extent, if there was such an imitation, the Aeschylean tragedy in which was put on stage the trial of Orestes, the Eumenides, could become the literary model for the trial of Curial at the Parnasse, as was some years ago suggested by Patricia Boehne. After different methodological premises from her’s, we base our conclusions on the intertextual relations established between both texts. Keywords: Classical tradition, Aeschylus, Curial e Güelfa, trial, Eumenides.
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Krikona, Eleni. "The Memory of the Persian Wars through the Eyes of Aeschylus: Commemorating the Victory of the Power of Democracy." Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 2 (December 31, 2018): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v2i0.24.

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The present paper addresses Aeschylus, and the way he wanted to be remembered by his fellow Athenians and the other Greeks. Having lived from 525/524 until 456/455 BCE, Aeschylus experienced the quick transition of his polis from a small city-state to a leading political and military force to be reckoned with throughout the Greek world. The inscription on his gravestone at Gela, Italy, commemorates his military achievements against the Persians, but makes no mention on his enormous theatrical renown. His plays were so respected by the Athenians that after his death, his were the only tragedies allowed to be restaged in subsequent competitions. And yet Aeschylus, when time came to describe himself and the work of his lifetime, mentioned exclusively his contribution in the fight against the Persian Empire as an Athenian. Triggered by the poet’s narrative on his most memorable moment of his life, the present paper seeks to shed some light on the Athenian political identity, emerged during and soon after the Persian Wars, which not only derived from the newly-established democratic constitution of the late sixth century, but also supported it. Aeschylus’ epigram as well as some particular plays of his (the Persians, the Eumenides, and the Suppliants), narrates the confidence, the solidarity and the feeling of equality the Athenian citizens shared in regards to the defence of freedom of their polis as well as of all Greece, which came above anything else in their life, meaning above noble lineage and wealth. The gravestone of the poet stresses, in other words, how it felt like for an Athenian to live during the emergence of the very first Democracy that progressively supported the claim of Athens to become a ruler in the Aegean, by constructing its naval "Empire", ideologically upon the commemoration of the victory of the Athenian Democracy against the tyranny of Persia at Marathon and Salamis.
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Garvie, A. F. "Aeschylus Eumenides. Ed. A. H. Sommerstein. Cambridge: University Press, 1989. Pp.xii + 308. £30.00 (bound), £12.50 (paper)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631911.

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29

Faraone, Christopher A. "Aeschylus' ὓμνος δέσμιος (Eum. 306) and Attic judicial curse tablets." Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 150–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631528.

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When the Erinyes catch up with Orestes in Athens they find him clutching the archaic wooden statue of Athena and invoking her aid along with that of Apollo (Eum. 235 ff.). The Erinyes scorn his prayers and bid him hear their ‘binding song’: ὕμνον δ’ ἀκούσῃ τόνδε δέσμιον (306). Wecklein in his 1888 edition of the play remarked ‘erinnert an magische Künste’ and quoted Laws 933a, where Plato, discussing murder by poison, makes brief mention of the popular belief in sorcerers, incantations and binding spells (καταδέσεις). Subsequent commentators repeat Wecklein's brief note nearly verbatim and then elaborate it along two different lines, either claiming some vague Orphic source (Thomson 1938) or citing Wuensch's Defixionum Tabellae Atticae (Blass 1907; Groeneboom 1952). More recently, Lebeck argued that the ostensible title (‘binding song’) is incompatible with the actual content of the stasimon (Apollo's encroachment on the Erinyes’ power); she concluded that the title is irrelevant or at best only of secondary importance.’ Thus on the whole, this ὕμνος δέσμιος has been treated as a remnant of magical or chthonic lore too obscure to have any real bearing on our understanding of the immediate dramatic situation in Eumenides. I shall argue to the contrary that the song is closely related to a specific kind of curse tablet used to affect the outcome of law cases in Athens as early as the 5th century bc, and as such it is important to the dramatic context of a tragedy which depicts the mythical foundation of Athens’ first homicide court.
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30

Griffith, R. Drew. "Disrobing in the Oresteia." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (December 1988): 552–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037150.

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In Eum. 1028–9 the Furies mark their transformation into Eumenides by donning red robes over their black costumes (Cho. 1049, Eum. 352, 370) in imitation of the robes worn in the Panathenaea by metics (Phot. s.v. σκάφας = Men. fr. 166 Koerte; cf. Eum. 1011). Greek epic was sensitive to the symbolic value of clothing and Aeschylus had experimented in the Persians with the greater scope that drama offered for clothing-symbolism. Scholars have detected a wealth of associations in the Furies' robing-scene: this culmination of the trilogy echoes the red carpet upon which Agamemnon walks to his death in the first play, which is actually referred to as ‘garments’ (εἵματα Ag. 921, 960, 963), and the net in which Agamemnon is caught (Ag. 1126, 1382, 1580, Cho. 1000, Eum. 635), which is brought on stage in the middle play (Cho. 973–1006). Another series of stage-actions of equal importance in preparing for the robing of the Furies has not been so well explained.
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Davies, Malcolm. "Two Commentaries on Eumenides - Alan H. Sommerstein: Aeschylus, Eumenides. (Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics.) Pp. xii + 308. Cambridge University Press, 1989. £30 (Paper, £12.50). - Anthony J. Podlecki (ed., tr.): Aeschylus, Eumenides. Edited with an Introduction, Translation and Commentary. Pp. iv + 227; 3 illustrations. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1989. £28 (Paper, £9.95)." Classical Review 41, no. 2 (October 1991): 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0028013x.

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32

Giordano, Manuela. "From Gaia to the Pythia." Journal of Ancient Judaism 6, no. 3 (May 14, 2015): 382–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00603006.

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This paper explores the ambiguous connection between women and prophecy in ancient Greece. The issue of the genealogy of the prophetic seat of Delphi – the most authoritative oracle of ancient Greece – is first dealt with in relation to Aeschylus’ Eumenides (458 B. C. E.), where the gift of prophecy is said to have been first endowed to Gaia, Mother Earth, to be passed on from mother to daughter until it is given to Apollo, the god of prophecy. Starting from this testimony, the role of Gaia is used in the paper as a key to understanding the motherly symbols associated with prophecy. The paper further explores how the powerful prophetic voice and role of the Pythia is “normalized” in the context of fifth century Athens, where women were not allowed to be public speakers or agents and where the dominant male voice constructed any public feminine voice as inappropriate or deviant. In this respect, the paper points out how in the Athenian representation of the Pythia, the authoritative heir of Gaia is reduced to a reconciling woman acting as a devout supporter of men and their authority.
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Vasiliu, Laura Otilia. "Ancient Greek Myths in Romanian Opera. Pascal Bentoiu’s Jertfirea Ifigeniei [The Sacrifice of Iphigenia]." Artes. Journal of Musicology 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajm-2019-0006.

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Abstract Romanian composers’ interest in Greek mythology begins with Enescu’s peerless masterpiece – lyrical tragedy Oedipe (1921-1931). The realist-postromantic artistic concept is materialised in the insoluble link between text and music, in the original synthesis of the most expressive compositional means recorded in the tradition of the genre and the openness towards acutely modern elements of musical language. The Romanian opera composed in the knowledge of George Enescu’s score, which premiered in Bucharest in 1958, reflect an additional interest in mythological subject-matter in the poetic form of the ancient tragedies signed by Euripides, Aeschylus and Sophocles. Significant Romanian musical works written in the avant-garde period of 1960 to 1980 – Doru Popovici’s opera Prometeu, Aurel Stroe’s Oedipus at Colonus, Oresteia I – Agamemnon, Oresteia II – The Choephori, Oresteia III – The Eumenides, Pascal Bentoiu’s The Sacrifice of Iphigenia – to which titles of the contemporary art of the stage are added – Cornel Ţăranu’s Oreste & Oedip – propose new philosophical and artistic interpretations of the original myths. At the same time, the mentioned works represent reference points of the multiple and radical transformation of the opera genre in Romanian culture. Emphasising the epic character, a heightened chamber dimension and the alternative extrapolation of the elements in the syncretic complex, developing new modes of performance, of sonic and video transmission – are features of the new style of opera associated to the powerful and simple subject-matter of ancient tragedy. In this sense, radio opera The Sacrifice of Iphigenia (1968) is a significant step in the metamorphosis of the genre, its novel artistic value being confirmed by an important international distinction offered to composer Pascal Bentoiu – Prix Italia of the Italian Radio and Television Broadcasting Company in Rome. The poetic quality of the text quoted from the masterpiece of ancient theatre, Euripides’ Iphigenia in Aulis, the hymnic-oratory character of the music, the economy and expressive capacity of the compositional means configured in the relationship between voice, organ, percussion, electro-acoustic means – can be associated in interpreting the universal major theme: the necessity of virgin sacrifice in the process of durable construction.
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Phillippo, Susanna. "E. W. Haile (tr.): The Oresteia of Aeschylus: Agamemnon, the Libation Bearers, Eumenides, Fragments. Translated from the Original Greek. Pp. vi+175. Lanham, MD, New York, London: University Press of America, 1994. Paper, $26.50." Classical Review 45, no. 2 (October 1995): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00294596.

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35

Calder, William M. "Vita Aeschyli 9: Miscarriages in the Theatre of Dionysos." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (December 1988): 554–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037162.

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Anonymous, Vita Aeschyli 9 ( =TGF 3 T Al.30–32 Radt) preserves the following startling report concerning Aeschylus:Some say that at the performance of the Eumenides, by bringing on the chorus one by one, as he did, he terrified the audience so that children swooned and fetuses were aborted.
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36

Griffith, Mark. "Brilliant Dynasts: Power and Politics in the "Oresteia"." Classical Antiquity 14, no. 1 (April 1, 1995): 62–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25000143.

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Intertwined with the celebration of Athenian democratic institutions, we find in the "Oresteia" another chain of interactions, in which the elite families of Argos, Phokis, Athens, and even Mount Olympos employ the traditional aristocratic relationships of xenia and hetaireia to renegotiate their own status within-and at the pinnacle of-the civic order, and thereby guarantee the renewed prosperity of their respective communities. The capture of Troy is the result of a joint venture by the Atreidai and the Olympian "family" (primarily Zeus xenios and Athena). Although Agamemnon falls victim to his own mishandling of aristocratic privilege, his son is raised by doryxenoi in Phokis (Strophios and Pylades), a relationship which is mirrored by that with the Olympian "allies," Hermes and Apollo. Orestes' recovery of his father's position is thus shown to depend upon a network of "guest-friends" and "sworn-comrades," reinforced by the traditional language of oaths and reciprocal loyalty. In the Eumenides, the alliance between the Olympian and Argive royal families is re-invoked as the basis both for Athena's protection of Orestes, and finally for Zeus' concern for his daughter's Athenian dependents. In contrast to this successful "networking," and the resultant benefits that trickle down to the citizens of Argos and Athens, stand the seditious oaths and perverted "comradeship" of Aigisthos and Klytaimestra; likewise, the Erinyes are unable to draw on equivalent claims of pedigree or xenia to those enjoyed by Orestes and Apollo. Like all Greek tragedies, the "Oresteia" presents the action through constantly shifting viewpoints, those of aristocrats and commoners, leaders and led, while the propriety of this hierarchy itself is never questioned. And although the action moves from monarchical Argos to an incipiently democratic Athens, paradoxically we hear less and less about "ordinary," lower-class citizens as the trilogy progresses. Thus, at the same time that the trilogy reinforces the sense of collective survival and civic values (the perspectives, e.g., of the Argive Elders, Watchman, Herald, and Athenian Propompoi), it also suggests that these can be maintained only through the proper interventions of their traditional leaders. Aeschylus' plays were composed during a time when the Athenian democracy was still developing, and elite leadership and patronage were still taken for granted. Attic tragedy and the City Dionysia may be seen as a site of negotiation between rival (democratic and aristocratic) ideologies within the polis, wherein a kind of "solidarity without consensus" is achieved. Written and staged by the elite under license from the demos, the dramas play out (in the safety of the theater space) dangerous stories of royal risk-taking, crime, glory, and suffering, in such a way as to reassure the citizen audience simultaneously of their own collective invulnerability, and of the unique value of their (highly vulnerable, often flawed, but ultimately irreplaceable) leading families.
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37

Hall, E. "PEACEFUL CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND ITS DISCONTENTS IN AESCHYLUS'S EUMENIDES." Common Knowledge 21, no. 2 (January 1, 2015): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-2872367.

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38

Himmelhoch, Leah. "Athena's Entrance at Eumenides 405 and Hippotrophic Imagery in Aeschylus's Oresteia." Arethusa 38, no. 3 (2005): 263–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2005.0015.

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39

Karas, Allannah. "Double-Bind, Baleful Hope: Peithô’s Constraint in the Oresteia." Illinois Classical Studies 47, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23285265.47.1.01.

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Abstract At key moments of decision and action throughout Aeschylus's Oresteia, central characters actively or passively engage with the power of peithô (“inducement” or “agreeable compulsion”). The etymological and mythopoetic traditions of peithô, however, reveal deep roots in magical constraint and force. This paper demonstrates how, from Agamemnon through to the end of Eumenides, peithô enacts a magical double-bind upon nearly all of the characters: deluding them with power, producing mental weakness, shifting power dynamics, and occasioning potential (or actual) ruin. Only the Olympians wield peithô with impunity and, through it, maintain control within the new social structure.
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40

Smith, Peter M. "Aeschylus - (A.H.) Sommerstein (ed., trans.) Aeschylus I. Persians, Seven against Thebes, Suppliants, Prometheus Bound. (Loeb Classical Library 145.) Pp. xlviii + 576. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2008. Cased, £15.95, €22.50, US$24. ISBN: 978-0-674-99627-4. - (A.H.) Sommerstein (ed., trans.) Aeschylus II. Oresteia: Agamemnon, Libation-Bearers, Eumenides. (Loeb Classical Library 146.) Pp. xxxviii + 494. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2008. Cased, £15.95, €22.50, US$24. ISBN: 978-0-674-99628-1. - (A.H.) Sommerstein (ed., trans.) Aeschylus III. Fragments. (Loeb Classical Library 505.) Pp. xiv + 363. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 2008. Cased, £15.95, €22.50, US$24. ISBN: 978-0-674-99629-8." Classical Review 60, no. 2 (September 28, 2010): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x10000089.

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41

Rynearson, Nicholas. "Courting the Erinyes: Persuasion, Sacrifice, and Seduction in Aeschylus's Eumenides." Transactions of the American Philological Association 143, no. 1 (2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2013.0002.

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42

Gamel, Mary-Kay. "THE ORESTEIA TRANSLATED - H. Lloyd-Jones (trans.) Aeschylus: The Oresteia. Agamemnon, the Libation Bearers and the Eumenides. With a new Reception and Performance History by Ian Ruffell. Pp. xxii + 225. London and New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014 (first published 1979). Paper, £9.99. ISBN: 978-1-4725-2679-3." Classical Review 66, no. 2 (August 4, 2016): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x16000615.

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43

Delport, Khegan Marcel. "The Oresteia and the Poetics of Equity." STJ | Stellenbosch Theological Journal 6, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2020.v6n2.a7.

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The essay aims to articulate how Aeschylus’s tragic trilogy The Oresteia articulates what I call a ‘poetics of equity’. After placing the genesis of this article within a theological debate between David Bentley Hart and Rowan Williams on the viability of a Christian appropriation of tragedy, I aim to show - using the suggestive work of J. Peter Euben (amongst others)– that The Oresteia dramatizes a growth in perspective and linguistic capaciousness which confirms Williams’s general picture of ancient tragedy. The progress of the trilogy, from the Agamemnon to The Eumenides, can be shown to represent ever-deepening awareness of mutual claims of justice and recognition, and moreover that its linguistic indeterminacy manifests the breadth and instability of the lexicon of justice (dikē), and how this plays itself out within the Aeschylean narrative.
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44

Dr. Rani Tiwari. "Theme of Redemption in Eliot’s The Family Reunion." Creative Launcher 7, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2022.7.1.10.

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Thomas Sterns Eliot’s second full length poetic play, The Family Reunion is known for its modernity in the matter of expression but medievalism for its contents. Nobody can ignore its importance about its recognition and contribution as a modern play. With this play Eliot presented different kinds of religious modernistic themes. It shows a kind of mirror to the psychological state of human beings. Eliot has presented the spiritual struggle of a lonely character, Harry who is suffering from the hallucination and experiences of having involvement in the act of sinister and desire for its atonement. Harry seems to be unavoidably burdened with the curse which is related to his familial background. Ultimately, he decides to expiate for the same. His feelings of expiation become so strong that he resigns the comfortable ways of life at the place where his family used to reside, the name of the place has been described as Wishwood although none of the wishes seems finely been perfected. He follows the path of self-denial for gaining redemption for himself and his community. Different kinds of mythical and religious images have been used and created to prove its religious concerns. The alteration of Eumenides from hounds of hell is justified not only by “Oresteia of Aeschyus. With this play, Eliot has tried to explain the idea that suffering leans to atonement. Eliot attempted to connect the classical with the modern. This play has two levels of reality. On the surface level, there is a reunion of the family members of Harry. On the deeper level, Furies pursue Harry. Agatha helps Harry to follow the bright angels. He suffers for redemption. This play reflects Eliot’s recurrent preoccupation with Original Sin. The play is remarkable to greater concerns which is related to a purgatorial confrontation between the human spirit and the Divine spirits which may be called as the Supreme Power. Eliot emphasizes the possibility of salvation through redemption.
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45

Morosi, Francesco, and Guido Paduano. "AESCHYLUS, EUMENIDES 522–5." Classical Quarterly, March 9, 2022, 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838822000118.

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Abstract Eumenides 517–25 contains a centrepiece of Aeschylean ideology—the role of punishment and fear in the ruling of the city. However, the text is vexed by serious issues at lines 522–5. This paper reassesses the main problems, reviews the most influential emendations, and puts forward a new hypothesis. It argues in favour of circumscribing the corruption, offering a new interpretation that permits retention of parts of the text that most editors have deemed impossible to restore.
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46

Carrara, Laura. "Il processo Areopagitico di Oreste: Le Eumenidi di Eschilo e la tradizione Attica." Philologus 151, no. 1 (January 1, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2007-0102.

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AbstractThe importance of determining the exact origin of the trial of Orestes before the Areopagus at the end of Aeschylus's Eumenides has not been fully acknowledged by modern scholars. Through a close scrutiny of the surviving evidences concerning the genealogical book of Pherecydes, the aition of the Choes-festival and the roll of the Twelve Gods in the sphere of mythic history, this article suggests that there is no reason to accept the widespread belief that Aeschylus was (only) the heir of some pre-existent attic tradition. The trial of Orestes before the Athenian court turns out to be Aeschylus' own innovation, used by the poet to convey his new vision of justice.
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47

Wyburgh, Sonny. "Mantica della madre, profeta del padre Una genealogia in Aesch. Eum. 1-20." Num. 40 (n.s.) – Giugno 2022 – Fasc. 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/lexis/2724-1564/2022/01/003.

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This paper aims to discuss the genealogical contents and structure of the opening verses of Aeschylus’ Eumenides. Considering genealogies as mythical digressions ideologically orientated, I will outline those elements that do not appear elsewhere in traditions concerning the foundation of the Delphic oracle. By analysing the connections between the poetic imagery and the audience’s ritual and mythological competence, I will demonstrate how Aeschylus enhances Athens’ positive cultural role in the establishment of a panhellenic sanctuary such as Delphi. Thus, these opening verses allow us to observe the mechanisms of identity construction through mythopoesis.
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48

Stolfi, Emanuele. "LA DEMOCRAZIA A TEATRO." VOL. 1 N. 2 (2021) VOL. 2, N.2 (2021) (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.30682/specula0102a.

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This paper focuses on some juridical and political aspects of the Athenian theater, with specific attention to three voting scenes (in Aeschylus’ Suppliants and Eumenides and Sophocles’ Ajax). The author examines the meaning attributed in the tragedy to the vote itself, with the different result that occurs in those three scenes: unanimous or majority decision, parity of votes.
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49

Buis, Emiliano J. "Athena’s Vote: Imperial Proceedings and the Hegemonic Origins of International Criminal Law in Aeschylus’ Eumenides." International Criminal Law Review, February 1, 2022, 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10125.

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Abstract In this paper, the author gives an account of the final trial scene in Aeschylus’ Eumenides, which in his opinion could be described as a subtle literary representation of the imperial justification of the exercise of criminal legal power over foreigners in classical Athens. Based on a philosophical exploration of the importance of criminal pollution and the need to create a new tribunal—the Areopagus—to institutionally overcome its dreadful consequences, it is contended that Aeschylean drama provides us with an aesthetic justification in antiquity for the creation (and imposition) of courts concerned with international offences which were considered to be extremely serious and dangerous for Athenian interests.
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50

Cavallo, Riccardo. "Violent Origins of Law." Filozoficzne Aspekty Genezy, January 20, 2022, 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53763/fag.2019-2020.16-17.1.

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The aim of this article is to analyse an issue discussed by philosophers and legal scholars since ancient times: the violent origins of law. In other words, it attempts to respond to the following questions: can we ultimately trace the origins of law back to violence, and could it be that law is in fact a continuation of violence by other means? To this purpose, there will be retraced the law-violence relation as portrayed in the Greek tragedy The Eumenides where Aeschylus focuses on Orestes’ trial, is of particular relevance when it comes to questioning the origins of law. At the same time, there will be followed the footsteps of Michel Foucault and Walter Benjamin who had the undoubted merit of having brought to light, within the tragic framework of the twentieth century, the relationship between law and violence.
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