Academic literature on the topic 'Advertising – Tobacco industry'

BackgroundCigarette packs are a form of advertising that distributes brand information wherever smokers go. In the 21st century, tobacco companies began using onserts on cigarette packs to communicate new advertising messages to smokers.MethodsWe reviewed tobacco industry documents dated 1926 to 2017 to identify how the tobacco industry developed and used onserts in marketing and to serve the industry’s political and legal objectives.ResultsOnserts added to cigarette packs became a more cost-effective way for brands to market in the year 2000. Manufacturers then began studying them, finding that new messages were appealing, while repeated messages were ignored. By 2005, tobacco companies were using onserts to effectively communicate about new tobacco products and packaging changes. They also used repeated ‘corporate responsibility’ messages that were, according to the industry’s own research, likely to be ignored.ConclusionsTobacco companies have expanded on cigarette pack-based advertising. Twenty-first century onserts simultaneously seek to increase sales using materials that are novel, attractive and provide independent value, while undercutting public health messages about the risks of tobacco use using materials that repeat over time and are comparatively unattractive. Health authorities can use this industry research to mandate onserts to communicate effective health messages.

This paper examines political-economic, cultural, and marketing changes during the 1930s that solidified the domestic tobacco industry and cigarette smoking as a socially normative practice. During this decade, farm production of cigarette tobacco grew exponentially in southern Ontario, as did cigarette manufacturing operations, mostly in Montréal. Cigarette marketing and advertising were prolific, as evidenced by the bevy of premium promotions, gift rebates, sports sponsorships, and athlete and celebrity testimonial advertising. Women, for the first time, were routinely targeted by cigarette advertising, and their entry into the ranks of “legitimate” smokers proved a watershed for tobacco manufacturers. Two specific developments further boosted the long-term viability of the cigarette industry. First, Canada’s dominant tobacco firm, Imperial Tobacco, spent heavily on public relations advertising to overcome public criticism of its cut-throat merchandising practices. Second, menthol and filtered cigarettes first appeared in the 1930s, ads for which reassured smokers worried about sore throats and persistent coughs. Long before the tobacco industry’s massive public relations response in the 1950s to the “cancer scare” (which included the heavy promotion of filtered brands as “safer” cigarettes), Imperial Tobacco, among others, was versed in issue-management public relations and forms of cigarette “health marketing.”

The Index of Receptivity to Tobacco Industry Promotion (IRTIP) is a model that is used by hundreds of articles. The causal claim based on findings from this model is even more pervasive, and has resulted in much of the modern post 1998 tobacco legislation that is still enforced. This thesis tested the link between adolescent receptivity to tobacco industry promotion and susceptibility to smoking. Pierce et al. (1998) reported that they had found a positive and causal association between receptivity and susceptibility by using IRTIP. They claimed that receptivity to tobacco industry promotion was the only significant causal factor affecting adolescent susceptibility to smoking. Exposure to peer and parental smoking was not found to be a significant effect. A review of the literature found that many sections of IRTIP differ from accepted marketing theory on how cigarette advertising and promotions affect adolescent adoption of cigarette smoking. The proxy measures used in IRTIP were shown to diverge from those previously used for measuring the constructs of Attention, Intention, Desire and Action (AIDA) in marketing communications. IRTIP also differs from previous theory by including measures that attempt to quantify the effect of tobacco premiums into a model that was designed to measure the effects of advertising.

Thesis (MComm)--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The tobacco industry of South Africa has fallen under strict legislation and control measures from the South African government since the passing of the initial Tobacco Products Control Act, 1993. Further amendments have been made to the initial act, namely Tobacco Products Control Amendment Act, 1999 and the proposed Tobacco Products Control Amendment Bill, 2004. This assignment emerges against the backdrop of the alcoholic beverage industry coming under similar scrutiny to that of the tobacco industry from government legislation and control measures The main objective of this assignment was to discover the similarities, if any, between the tobacco industry and the alcoholic beverage industry of South Africa, specifically with regard to their advertising practices before legislation. The purpose of this assignment is to discover whether or not the alcoholic beverage industry can learn from the example of the tobacco industry in order to maintain its self-regulation, rather than to fall under the control of State regulation and legislation. The literature and empirical study sought to achieve the following four objectives: 1.) To gain a thorough understanding of the tobacco legislation on a global scale; 2.) To analyse the control measures and legislation of tobacco in a South African context; 3.) To identify any similarities between the tobacco industry and alcoholic beverage industry of South Africa and 4.) To identify means in which the alcoholic beverage industry can work with the State in order to maintain the self-regulation of its industry. Findings indicate that similarities arise when comparing tobacco and alcohol, as both of them have addictive qualities, are often used from a very young age and both have laws prohibiting sale to minors. The success gained in South Africa with regard to anti-tobacco initiatives and government legislation since the introduction of the first Tobacco Act in 1993, has led to certain members of society feeling that similar, if not the same, strict strategies and / or legislative measures should be used to address the public health problems relating to alcohol.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Suid-Afrikaanse tabaknywerheid val onder streng wetgewing en beheermaatreëls deur die Suid-Afrikaanse regering sedert die aanvanklike Wet op die Beheer van Tabakprodukte, 1993 aanvaar is. Verdere wysigings op die aanvanklike wet is aanvaar, naamlik die Wysigingswet op die Beheer van Tabakprodukte, 1999 en die voorgestelde Wysigingswetsontwerp op die Beheer van Tabakprodukte, 2004. Hierdie werk spruit voort teen die agtergrond van die alkoholdranknywerheid wat onder 'n soortgelyke soeklig geplaas is as die tabaknywerheid by wyse van regeringswetgewing en beheermaatreëls. Die hoofoogmerk van hierdie werk was om die ooreenkomste, indien enige, vas te stel tussen die tabaknywerheid en die alkoholdranknywerheid van Suid-Afrika, spesifiek met betrekking tot hul adverteringspraktyke vóór wetgewing. Die doel van hierdie werk was om vas te stel of die alkoholdranknywerheid uit die voorbeeld van die tabaknywerheid kan leer aldan nie, met die oog op die voortsetting van sy selfbeheer, eerder as om onder die beheer van Staatsregulering en wetgewing te val. Die bronmateriaal en empiriese studie was daarop toegespits om die volgende vier doelwitte te bereik: 1.) Om 'n behoorlike begrip te verkry van tabakwetgewing op 'n globale skaal; 2.) Om die beheermaatreëls en wetgewing oor tabak in 'n Suid-Afrikaanse konteks te analiseer; 3.) Om enige ooreenkomste tussen die tabak- en die alkoholdranknywerheid in Suid-Afrika te identifiseer en 4.) Om wyses te identifiseer waardeur die alkoholdranknywerheid met die Staat kan saamwerk om die selfbeheer van die nywerheid te behou. Bevindinge dui aan dat ooreenkomste wel ontstaan wanneer tabak en alkohol met mekaar vergelyk word, veral omdat albei verslawende eienskappe bevat, dikwels deur persone vanaf 'n baie jong ouderdom gebruik word en dat wetgewing albei verbied om aan minderjariges verkoop te word. Die sukses wat in Suid-Afrika rakende anti-tabakinisiatiewe en wetgewing behaal is sedert die inwerkingstelling van die eerste Wet op die Beheer van Tabak in 1993 het daartoe gelei dat sekere lede van die gemeenskap van mening is dat soortgelyke, indien nie dieselfde nie, streng strategieë en/of wetgewende maatreëls aangewend behoort te word om die openbare gesondheidsprobleme rakende alkohol aan te spreek.

Jack Benny ingeniously intertwined the advertising messages of his sponsors into his radio comedy narratives. Although early sponsors like Canada Dry were affronted by the sly, cynical attitude Benny’s joking commercials assailed the product with. Critics and the public and acclaimed the way Benny and his writers, and longtime announcer Don Wilson, brought humor and pleasure to the business of selling products. Sponsors were thrilled with the sales results. The advertising industry found Benny the best salesman they ever found. After his association with Jell-O (that pulled a failing product to great profits), Benny met the challenge of working with an infamous sponsor, American Tobacco, whose harsh ad tactics spawned a barrage of critical complaints. With creative skill, Benny and his writers devised absurdist tactics, the crazy songs of the Sportsmen Quartet and nonsense phrases, which pleased the sponsor yet delighted critics and listeners.