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Karlsson, Joakim. "Etnicitet och demokratisering i dagens Rwanda : En kvalitativ studie om etnicitet och demokratisering i Rwanda." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-35049.
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The purpose of this study is to explain if the existence of ethnic groups in Rwanda has complicated its democratization and explain what opportunities Rwanda has to be democratized. To fulfill the purpose of the study, I intend to answer two questions: 1) Does the existence of ethnic groups obstructed democratization in Rwanda? and 2) What opportunities has Rwanda to be democratized? To answer the first research question Dahl's theory of subcultures and democratization is used and to answer the second research question van de Walle's theory of democratization is used in the region of sub-Saharan Africa. Literature used in the study are Dahl's Polyarchy and van de Walle Africa’s range of regimes and Freedom House annual reports. Scientific articles also complements the previously mentioned materials. The study's main limitations regarding democracy, measured at the national level and temporal boundaries from 1994 through 2014, although historical experience before 1994 also analyzed. The study is a theory consuming trial when the case Rwanda stands in the center and shapes itself through a qualitative methodology. The study's conclusions is that the existence of ethnic groups have complicated democratization in Rwanda since all ethnic groups may not participate in political processes and there are no major agreements between the ethnic groups who strive to provide certainty for each ethnic group. Rwanda has however managed to fix many national problems since the genocide in 1994, which is mainly combat corruption. The study's second conclusion is that the Rwandan possibilities for a future democratization seen as small mainly because today's political oppression is great although Rwanda has the capacity to solve national problems overshadowed the country of these problems.
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Sahinkuye, Mathias. "Human rights and the rule of law in Rwanda : reconstruction of a failed state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51792.
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Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Human rights denials have more characterised Rwandan history than their promotion and protection. When the Rwandan State emerged from Tutsi domination and colonialism, many Rwandans hoped that the era of liberty had at least dawned. But the reality has been a total disappointment and replicas of earlier abuses have emerged, despite the ratification by Rwanda of most international human rights instruments. This dissertation is premised on the assumption that Rwanda has failed as a democratic constitutional State, and the whole socio-economic-political system has gone wrong. Chapter one argues that disequilibrium was built into the Rwandan system before colonisation and evangelisation. There was a 'consensus' that Tutsis were a superior minority race, able to govern and dominate, well organised and accepted by their Hutu subjects. The colonists and the Catholic Church exploited this injustice for their indirect rule. In a world evolving towards the international human rights system, this had a very precarious foundation in Rwanda. Indeed, poor management of changes due to evangelisation, education and market economy led to the denial of human dignity. It exacerbated division in favour of Hutus rather than reinforcing national unity. Chapter two considers the Hutu regime as a failure of a democratic constitutional State in the postcolonial era, despite the promise to serve the interests of all Rwandans through democracy and respect for human rights. In a one-party State, a handful of Hutus have monopolised power and resources. The institutional infrastructure for the management of the State and protection of human rights was set up to safeguard the interests of the ruling group only and oppress the rest of the population. The Hutu government, particularly, took revenge on Tutsis that they killed, forced into exile and denied access to public affairs. Hutu opponents, real or imaginary, and people from other regions than that of the President were also denied such access. Separation of powers was purposely just a theory, whence a non-independent judiciary, interference of the executive in the functioning of other branches of government and abuse of legislative power became the reality. In order to perpetuate the ruling group's hegemony, civil society was hindered, while states of emergency were used to deny the right to life, liberty and the security of the person. Many other rights were also denied regardless of whether the denial was a legacy of the past or just a result of the undemocratic nature of the State and the underdevelopment of the country. The Hutu regime's failure to promote national unity resulted in a genocide which took the lives of many Tutsis and Hutus. Whereas the current Tutsi government presented itself as committed to democracy and human rights, Chapter three argues that it was a mutatis mutandis replica of the Hutu rule. Indeed, the State system and resources have been captured by a group of Tutsis while other Tutsis have been left without hope and Hutus have become second-class citizens, whence justice and national unity are in jeopardy. By avoiding to tackle the fundamental issue of nation-statehood, the United Nations have failed to maintain peace and security. The failure to condemn Ugandan aggression against Rwanda, the forced repatriation of refugees, and the non-prosecution of Tutsis involved in crimes against humanity have proved the demise of international law and the maintenance of the culture of impunity in Rwanda. The author nonetheless argues that respect for human rights and establishment of the rule of law are still possible through a process of reconciliation and reconstruction.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van Rwanda word meer deur die miskenning van menseregte as erkenning en beskerming daarvan gekenmerk. Toe die Rwandese Staat onder Tutsi oorheersing en kolonialisme uit verrys, het baie Rwandese gehoop dat die tydperk van vryheid ten minste aangebreek het, maar die werklikheid was algeheel teleurstellend en weergawes van vroeëre misbruike het weer tevore getree, ten spyte daarvan dat Rwanda die meeste internasionale werktuie vir menseregte bekragtig het. Hierdie verhandeling berus op die aanname dat Rwanda as 'n demokratiese grondwetlike staat misluk het en dat die sosio-ekonomies-politieke stelsel geheel-en-al verkeerd geloop het. Hoofstuk een argumenteer dat 'n wanbalans voor die kolonisasie en evangelisasie van die land reeds in die Rwandese stelsel ingebou is. Daar was 'konsensus' waarvolgens Tutsis beskou is as 'n superieure minderheidsras wat in staat was om te regeer en te oorheers, wat goed georganiseer was en deur hul Hutu onderdane aanvaar is. Die koloniste en die Katolieke Kerk het hierdie onreg ten voordeel van hul indirekte heerskappy uitgebuit. In 'n wêreld wat op pad was na 'n internasionale menseregtestelsel was die grondslag wat hiervoor in Rwanda gelê is uiters onseker. Swak bestuur van veranderinge wat deur evangelisasie, opvoeding en 'n mark-ekonomie teweeggebring is, het in werklikheid tot miskenning van menseregte gelei. Dit het skeiding tot voordeel van die Hutus vererger, eerder as om nasionale eenheid te versterk. Hoofstuk twee kyk na die Hutu regime as 'n mislukte demokratiese konstitusionele staat in die postkoloniale era, ten spyte van die belofte om die belange van alle Rwandese deur demokrasie en eerbied vir menseregte te dien. In die eenpartystaat het 'n handjievol Hutus die mag en hulpbronne gemonopoliseer. Die institusionele infrastruktuur vir die bestuur van die Staat is opgestel om die belange van die heersersgroep te beveilig en die res van die bevolking te onderdruk. Die Hutu regering het hul veralop Tutsis gewreek deur hulle te vermoor, tot ballingskap te dryf en hul toegang tot openbare sake te weier. Hutu teenstanders, werklik of vermeend, en mense vanaf ander streke as die waarvan die President afkomstig was, is ook van sodanige toegang weerhou. Die verspreiding van mag was doelbewus niks meer as teoreties nie, vandaar die nie-onafhanklikheid van die regbank, inmenging by die funksionering van ander vertakkings van die regering deur die uitvoerende gesag en die misbruik van die wetgewende gesag. In die poging om die regerende groep se hegemonie te bestendig, is die burgerlike samelewing belemmer en is daar van noodtoestande gebruik gemaak om die reg tot lewe, vryheid en die veiligheid van die persoon aan te tas. Baie ander regte is ook geweier, ongeag of die weiering daarvan as gevolg van die nalatenskap van die verlede of die ondemokratiese aard van die Staat en die onderontwikkeldheid van die land moontlik was. Die feit dat die Hutu regering ten opsigte van die bevordering van nasionale eenheid misluk het, het gelei na In menseslagting wat die lewens van vele Tutsis en Hutus geëis het. Terwyl die huidige Tutsi regering homself as verbonde tot demokrasie en menseregte voordoen, argumenteer Hoofstuk drie dat die regering bloot 'n mutatis mutandi weergawe van die Hutu regering is. In werklikheid is die staatsisteem en die hulpbronne deur 'n groep Tutsis gebuit, die res van die Tutsis is sonder hoop gelaat en die Hutus is tot tweederangse burgers gemaak, wat vrede en sekuriteit in gevaar stel. Met die ontwyking van die grondliggende kwessie van nasieskap, het die Verenigde Volke ten opsigte van die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit gefaal. Die onvermoë om Uganda se aggressie teenoor Rwanda te verdoem, die gedwonge repatriasie van vlugtelinge en die gebrek aan vervolging van Tutsis wat skuldig is aan misdade teen die mensheid het die afstanddoening van internasionale wetgewing en die ondersteuning van die kultuur van straffeloosheid in Rwanda bewys. Desnieteenstaande argumenteer die skrywer dat respek vir menseregte en die instelling van regsoewereiniteit nog steeds deur middel van 'n proses van versoening en heropbouing in Rwanda moontlik gemaak kan word.
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Nsabimana, Christian Garuka. "The concept of power sharing in the constitutions of Burundi and Rwanda." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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Spencer, Petra. "Rethinking Democracy and Development : A Minor Field Study of the Political sphere in Rwanda." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-15751.
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Purpose and Questions: There seem to exist diametrically different views regarding Rwanda’s political sphere, whether the country has made any progress at all since the 90s, and if they have been successful in establishing democracy or not. A field study was therefore carried out, plus additional research to get a more comprehensive view of the political sphere of Rwanda. The purpose of the field study was to experience and analyse the political ambiance and developments by personal experience and interview people on the ground, rather then just rely on books, media and other academics, in order to clarify if the country is progressing or not. These questions guided my research: Has Rwanda been successful in establishing democracy, in terms of fulfilling the criteria’s that constitutes “polyarchy”? - What are the democracy attitudes of the citizens? Has Rwanda made any progress at all the last decade (not just politically, but socio- economically as well), in other words is the country undergoing a modernization process? Method: This research took its first step in a minor field study (MFS), conducted in Rwanda in the summer of 2010, and later as field research again in February/ March of 2011. In order to fulfil the purpose this research undertook both qualitative and quantitative methods, in a two-part analysis, in which there are a total of one qualitative part and two more quantitative parts. Results and Conclusion: The analysis shows that Rwanda is progressing, not just politically, but socio-economically as well. The qualitative part shows that some political and civic rights seem to be curtailed, but it is important to remember the legacy of a genocide. The survey however shows that over half of the respondents believe (to some extent) that democratic principles are being respected, and that there exist political pluralism and political space in Rwanda. The genocaidaires could come back to power through democratic practices, therefore it is important that things develop carefully and that a strong leadership rules the country. The government has really managed to bring Rwanda back up on its feet and the country is clearly progressing. Rwanda can serve as a model for other countries to follow. Despite the war and ethnic diversity Rwanda has come a long way. The country seem to have established some form of democratic principles, not the same as we have in the West off course, but maybe they can’t and shouldn’t follow the models of the West since they have their own special context they have to live up to.
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Holgersson, Peter. "Varför sker FN:s fredsframtvingande operationer? : En undersökning utifrån två fall, Bosnien samt Rwanda." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-1982.
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Lundsgård, Teresia. "The International Society on Genocide - A comparative case study of Rwanda and Darfur." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-24100.
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As the 21st century has been approaching the concept of genocide is nothing new, rather the opposite. Since the beginning of the 1990s we have seen several major genocides taking place around the world, all in where hundreds of thousands of people have been brutally murdered, died or ended up forced to flee from their own country, home and sense of security. This thesis will examine the differences and similarities on how the world has acted in two major genocides: Rwanda 1994 and Darfur 2003-2007.
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Arnoldsson, Henric. "Recognizing the Failing Layers of International Institutions during the Genocides in Rwanda." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-10047.
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This thesis aims at finding the reasons for the genocide in Rwanda, not only in the history of the country, but also the reason why the international institutions failed to prevent it. The thesis begins with a historical background of Rwanda where key actors in the conflict are presented and in the end presents an explanatory model which is based upon the facts gathered during the thesis. The model aims at explaining why the genocide happened and it is built up of layers. These layers have their background in Rwanda’s history and also international institutions, such as the UN. The layers of importance which led to the genocide are: Rwanda’s colonial past, the Arusha Accords and the mandate of UNAMIR (failure of the United Nations), a uni-polar world, increasing poverty, and the assassination of President Habyarimana. There were few available strategies in the standard arsenal of international political means that could have been used to stop the genocide, both before it broke out, but especially after it had begun.
Uppsatsen ämnar hitta de bakomliggande orsaker till folkmordet, inte bara i Rwandas historia men också varför internationella instutitioner, så som FN, inte bidrog till att förhindra folkmorden. I det fortlöpande arbetet med uppsatsen har en modell utvecklats vilken ämnar förklara vad som hände, och som är byggd på den information som framkommit under arbetets gång. Modellen bygger på ett flertal lager av händelser. Dessa lager bygger på händelser som inte bara rör Rwandas historia utan också på vad de internationella institutionerna bidrog med i konflikten. De identifierade lagren som ligger till grund för konflikten är Rwandas koloniala bakgrund, Arusha Accords och mandatet för UNAMIR, en unipolär värld, ökande fattigdom samt mordet på President Habyarimana. Det fanns få tillgängliga politiska strategier som kunde ha använts för att stoppa folkmordet.
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Gaudreault, Francis. "Chasing the “East Asian Miracle” in Africa? : A Case Study Analysis of the Rwandan Governance Reform Process Since 2000." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39158.
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In the last few decades, many governments around the world—especially in emerging economies—have strayed from neoliberal prescriptions to get closer to a model originating from East Asia: the developmental state. These East Asian countries (Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan) instead of just regulating market mechanisms, have exercised strong control over their economies and society through highly-ambitious long-term economic and social development programs implemented in tight partnership with the private sector. Indeed, this phenomenon is worth exploring when we ask the question of how governance and political economy is evolving in the world and what are the new approaches that can inform governments. This Ph.D. thesis focuses on the evolution of strategies for social and economic development and more specifically on the emergence of developmental states in Africa. By looking at the case of Rwanda that is often considered as a success story in Africa, the aim of this thesis is to show how much this state is transforming its institutions in line with a model that resembles the developmental state, but with its specificities and perspective. Based on a large selection of primary sources gathered in Rwanda between 2015 and 2016, we argue that the system of governance of Rwanda has evolved in a different direction than the typical neo-liberal model often advocated by the West and is following a developmentalist approach much closer to some early East Asian developmental states. The case of Rwanda is a good starting point to analyze the emergence of alternative governance models in Africa which illustrate the current change in today’s political economy.
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Krüger, Sandra. "The Genocide in Rwanda : An Interpretative Case Study of the UN Decision-Making Process." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43618.
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This thesis uses an interpretative case study of the Rwandan genocide to explore and analyze factors in the decision-making process of the United Nations. Using defensive structural realism and its concepts and theories explained by Stephen Walt, a level-by-level analyses is conducted. Conducted from a realist point of view, the study found that there was no clear way to foresee the upcoming genocide for certain, yet the increase in violence in the near future was. Yet, the UN member states were still dealing with the aftermath of their intervention in Somalia which, besides other factors, lead to a broken will of the member states to support the UNAMIR mission when it became clear that it would not be an easy and quick peace mission. With this reluctancy the member states did indeed limit the possibilities for the UN to act but the Security Council as well as any other competent bodies of the UN could have called upon the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in order to get everyone to pull on one string. The conclusions from the analysis suggest, that a broad spectrum of factors motivated the decision-making process at that time. It is impossible to know exactly who knew what, but in this case, it became clear that the decision-making bodies of the UN did not adequately respond to the situation at hand, genocide or not, because of factors which had nothing to do with the original conflict. Such as the repercussions from the Somalia intervention or simple miscommunication within and between departments.
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Glavanis, Pandelis Michalis. "Aspects of the economic and social history of the Greek community in Alexandria during the nineteenth century." Thesis, University of Hull, 1989. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3580.
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This study is intended to be a contribution to nineteenth century Egyptian historiography with particular reference to a discussion of aspects of the economic and social role and activities of the Greek community in Alexandria. Given, however, the almost total absence of studies on the role and activities of the modern history of the Greeks in Egypt, this study constitutes both a pioneering and preliminary contribution.
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Hendricks, Susan M. "Contextual and individual factors and the use of influencing tactics in adult eduction program planning." Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1172470.
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Understanding the political nature of adult education program planning is important for practitioners and researchers. This multivariate study clarified the relationships between contextual factors (nature of the power relationship and degree of situational conflict), individual planner's characteristics (perceived problem solving effectiveness, years of experience program planning), and the use of different power and influencing tactics in adult education program planning. Based on theoretical models specified by Cervero and Wilson (1994) and later Yang (1996), the Problem Solving Inventory (Heppner, 1988) and the Power and Influencing Tactics Scale (Yang, 1996) provided instrumentation.A sample of 245 graduate students and faculty in Adult and/or Continuing Education programs completed the informed consent and all the self-report study instruments. Participants were middle-aged (M = 40.84), female (65.1%), and white (82.0%). Most held master's degrees (50.8%) or bachelor's degrees (41.1%) and worked in a public organization (57.1%) of moderate size. Most participants reported low conflict situations and strong perceived problem solving ability.Two significant canonical correlations were initially identified, though only the first held practical importance. In the first canonical correlation (Rc = 0.524; Rc ² = 0.275; p>0.01), high conflict was the singular meaningful predictor variable and there were several moderately strong criterion variables: high counteracting, low reasoning, and low consulting. This canonical correlation was named "When reasoning and consulting fail: counteracting in the face of conflict." Furthermore, in consensual planning situations, reasoning and consulting were favored, while counteracting was not. Three of the hypotheses that were generated to specifically test different uses of influencing tactics under different individual and contextual conditions were partially accepted. Being an early attempt to characterize complex constructs quantitatively, this study suggests that further work is needed to identify and measure the factors that are most critical. Future qualitative research should clarify the nature of power and conflict, and focus on describing the actual use of different influencing tactics in the field. Quantitative research should focus on reliability of instruments and theoretical model clarification with a broader range of adult education program planners.Department of Educational Leadership
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Ng, Siu-ling Giselle, and 吳小玲. "Accountability in public administration: the case of Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31214514.
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Acres, William Dixon. "The early political career of Sir Robert Cecil c. 1582-1597 : some aspects of late Elizabethan secretarial administration." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272767.
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Halstead, John. "Government for the people : the primacy of substance in the justification of democracy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:32341b15-3985-421e-9365-f90143466cce.
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Many political philosophers believe that sometimes we ought to tolerate substantive injustice for the sake of the intrinsic importance of democracy. In this thesis, I argue that they are mistaken. The substantive justice of outcomes has primacy over the putative intrinsic procedural justice of democracy. This is a very strong form of instrumentalism: if we face a choice between a minor substantive injustice and massive political inequality, then we ought to accept the political inequality. The thesis is divided into three parts. In the first part, I lay out the conceptual landscape for the discussion. I argue that assertions about justice are reducible to assertions about rights and that assertions about rights can be appropriately dealt with by the Hohfeldian analytic framework. Instrumentalists would gain from using this framework. The Primacy of Substance (POS) is true if people lack non-derivative individual or group democratic claim rights to do injustice. I defend my thesis by appealing to intuitions about injustices committed by gangs. I argue that gangs do not have rights to do injustice and this does not change merely because they choose to do the injustice democratically. Many philosophers accept this for severe injustices, but deny it for mild injustices. I argue that those positions are in error. People do not have democratic rights to do even mild substantive injustice. In the second part, I argue that popular intrinsic proceduralist arguments from equal respect and autonomy pose no threat to the POS. An appeal to equal respect in political philosophy, on one sense of respect, is equivalent to an appeal to the requirements of political morality. Interpreted in this way, in the absence of further argument, the appeal to equal respect begs the question against the POS. The POS is a theory about the requirements of political morality and so about the requirements of equal respect. Other arguments from equal respect rely on the appeal to contingent social beliefs which may be associated with political power. If this argument were sound, then there could be rights to do severe injustices such as rape and murder. Since people cannot have rights to do these things, contingent social beliefs cannot ground rights in the way suggested and so cannot ground democratic rights. Arguments from autonomy also do not threaten the POS. People's rights to act autonomously stop at the rights of others. This is true from the point of view of a variety of different theories of autonomy. Finally, one cannot, contra prominent arguments defend intrinsic proceduralism on the basis of what I call Truth Restricting Intrinsic Proceduralism (TRIP), which holds that people have democratic rights to decide on reasonably contentious matters of substantive justice. When we are responding to the fact that someone reasonably believes that a law ought to be enacted, we ought to pay attention to the content of that belief. Intrinsic proceduralism asks us to pay attention to the fact that they reasonably believe it. This is a mistake. Even if we accept that people have a right to impose their reasonable view, many voters in the real world are not reasonable, many people reasonably deny the reasonableness of others, and many people reasonably deny the proposition that people have a right to impose their reasonable view. Thus, even if we accept the premise, it does not imply that we ought to use democracy in the real world or in a large number of close possible worlds. Moreover, all of the most prominent arguments for TRIP have failed. Finally, proponents of TRIP have failed to recognise that it entails the democratic right to do severe substantive injustice. Since we ought to reject all theories which have this implication, we ought to reject TRIP. There is no remaining way to refute the POS.
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Crouzet, Yann. "Les aspects politiques et juridiques de l'écrit en Bretagne romaine." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100088.
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Devenue province, la Bretagne romaine connaît une profonde acculturation, modifiant les activités politiques et économiques passées. Parmi les importations, l’écrit constitue une nouveauté s’installant tant comme un outil de communication quotidienne qu’un vecteur du pouvoir. Commun aux diverses provinces de l’Empire, il permet autant d’établir un lien administratif, commercial et culturel avec la capitale romaine, qu’il creuse un fossé entre ceux qui savent la maîtriser, et les autres. Instrument du quotidien des forts romains, l’écrit est le liant indispensable permettant aux légions en place de gérer le territoire. Le monde civil n’est pas en reste. Au-delà de la symbolique, c’est l’ensemble des activités funéraires, alimentaires, économiques ou encore religieuses qui semble avoir été impacté. Tout Breton baigne, à divers degrés, dans cette nouvelle culture de la communication écrite, celle d’une expression durable de la volonté, qu’elle soit individuelle ou commune. Cet acte joue un rôle novateur dans les relations de droit au sein de la Bretagne romaineSince Roman Britain became a province, it experienced a profound acculturation, amending the past political and economical activities. Among the imports, writing is a novelty, that became a tool of daily communication and a vector of power. Shared by various provinces of the Empire, it allows establishing an administrative, and commercial and cultural link with the Roman capital city, as much as widening a gap between those who know how to master it and the others. As the instrument of everyday life in the Roman forts, writing is an essential binder for the legions in place to manage the territory. The civilian world is not outdone. Beyond the symbolism, all funeral, economic, religious or food related activities seem to have been affected. Every Breton is immersed, to various degrees, in this new culture of written communication, that of a long lasting expression of the individual or common willpower. This act plays a pioneering role in the law relationships within Roman Britain
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Mogashoa, M. W. "The interface between politics and administration in the Limpopo Department of Education." Thesis, University of Limpopo (Turfloop Campus), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1051.
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Thesis (MPA) --University of Limpopo, 2006The study conducted was based on the political and administrative interface in the Department of Education in Limpopo. This provincial Department has experienced challenges that originated from the offices of both the Executive Authority and the Accounting officer. This grey area in the Department had almost paralysed the whole system and it became imperative that it be studied in an attempt to find possible solutions. An extensive scientific body of knowledge from different scholars and their findings contributed to a new direction recommended for consideration. The findings presented have the capacity to hamstring any organisation. The findings reveal, among others, that: the complementary bureaucratic model is threatened by time, and its challenges are enormous; there is little knowledge among politicians and administrators regarding interface matters; administrators do not have a global picture regarding the result of unethical conduct; more research on interface matters needs to be done and results published for the public to be educated while politicians and administrators should be continuously trained; the fluidity of the interface needs continuous focus to avoid plunging the department into an untenable situation.
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Kenney, Douglas S. 1964. "River basin administration and the Colorado: past practices and future alternatives." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/191177.
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The vast majority of large river systems in the United States cross (or comprise) one or more state lines, creating numerous administrative challenges. Addressing these multijurisdictional challenges in an efficient and equitable manner often requires the development of sophisticated institutional arrangements. Several types of "regional organizations" have been created for this purpose, including compact commissions, interstate councils, basin interagency committees, interagency-interstate commissions, federal-interstate compact commissions, federal regional agencies, and the single federal administrator format. These organizations feature a wide variety of authorities and responsibilities; what they inevitably share in common is a hostile political environment, a consequence of political geography and bureaucratic entrenchment. In this study, the challenges associated with the governance, administration, and management of interstate water resources are examined, using the Colorado River Basin as a case study. The Colorado is the only major river in the United States utilizing the "single federal administrator" format, an institutional arrangement that is often criticized for its subordination of the states and its concentration of policy-making authorities in the hands of administrators. When evaluated against carefully defined normative criteria, the Colorado is shown to feature many institutional deficiencies that are, in part, derivative of the Colorado's unique institutional arrangements. The primary objective of this study is to determine if the governance and management of the Colorado could be improved by the establishment of an alternative form of regional water organization. It is concluded that a type of federal-interstate compact commission, if carefully tailored to the political realities of the region, could improve many of the observed institutional deficiencies. This study also presents a widely-applicable methodology for the description and evaluation of institutional arrangements.
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Nina, Daniel. "Popular justice in a "new South Africa": from people's courts to community courts in Alexandra." Centre for Applied Legal Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72807.
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Imagine a "new South Africa" in which, to borrow an idea from a former bureaucrat of the US State Department, history has come to an end.3 A new society in which class, race and gender are no longer necessary categories to define the social phenomenon. South Africa will be, then, the "terrestrial paradise". However, I am afraid to remind the reader that in this particular African country, history has not come to an end. This country experiences the most open and rude expression of struggle (class, race and gender), and it is difficult to foresee that in this period of transition, history or the struggle, will come to an end. Popular justice vis ei vis state justice is, perhaps, one of the best examples in which the struggle between the oppressed and the oppressors is manifested. But the popular justice that I am thinking of, is that particular experience of "people’s legality" that has emerged in South Africa since the popular revolts of the mid-1980s. It could have its origins in African (customary) traditions (Bapela, 1987), but the cultural experience that emerged during the last decade went beyond its traditionalist roots (Suttner, 1986). Thus, the distinctive element of popular justice is that it has been ingrained in a democratic movement for empowering the people. What people?4 Whose justice? In the specific context of South Africa, by people I understand the working class and working classes, unemployed and marginal sectors, and different social sectors that are struggling for equality (ie the youth, women, gays and lesbians, and others). By justice, I mean the development of a new legality that will take into consideration the many gains that have been achieved within the Western legal system of "rights and obligations" (Pashukanis, 1978:100), and that goes beyond that model in the construction of a democratic society with wider social participation. So far, it has been in South Africa’s black townships that an incipient expression of popular justice has emerged.6 The 1980s people’s courts represented a synthesis of a popular project defining its own structures of legality. State repression over these popular structures did not represent the end of the project. In contrast to other points of view that have viewed this experience as a prefigurative enterprise that did not accomplish its aims (see in general Allison, 1990), I argue that the experience of popular justice of the 1980s laid the foundation for a (long term) project leading towards a radical conception of democracy (Laclau, 1990:chapter 6).Occasional papers (University of the Witwatersrand. Centre for Applied Legal Studies) ; v. 15
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Long, Robert Arni. "Mayors and Chief Administrative Officers Relationships: Aspects of Functional Relationships." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1569323833668306.
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Fu, Yuk-kam Connie, and 傅玉琴. "The use of web 2.0 social media tools by the HKSAR Government." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46780324.
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Fung, Man-chee, and 馮敏芝. "Evaluation of the implementation of social media of Hong Kong Government." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46780361.
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E-engagement in public policies can be defined as citizens’ connection with and
participation in making public policies. The primary goal of connecting citizens during
making public policies is to improve efficiency of the governance of government and the
acceptance of public policies. To enhance public engagement in making public policies,
the Hong Kong Government is trying out to take soundings from the community and to
gauge public views on the government and public policies through social media platform,
such as Facebook, twitters, blogs and so on.
To evaluate the implementation of social media of the Hong Kong Government,
including how the social media encourages public engagement in public policies, how
and why the government employs the views collected from social media platforms in
making public policies, framework of Public Involvement Spectrum in Local Governance
put forward by the International Association for Public Participation (IAP2), its adapted
form developed by Lukensmeyer and Torres and case studies methodology will be
applied in this dissertation.
This dissertation sought to understand more on the implementation of social media by
the Hong Kong Government and what strategy should be applied by the government in
e-engagement.
This study suggested that the Hong Kong Government tend to use social media to
inform, involve and collect views from the public rather than empowering the public in
making public policies. And the Hong Kong Government has successfully increased
public awareness of certain public policies or issues through social media platform but
the acceptance on certain policies or the support rating for the Government may not be
benefited from the use of social media. Based on the analysis and observations from
this study, it provides a useful and practical roadmap for future study and development
of social media in e-engagement.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Master
Master of Public Administration
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Mhlaba, Mabalana Wilson. "Judging and politics." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2052.
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Kjellström, Sara. "Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown : How the Rwandan government has legitimized its rule 2010-2019." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-415692.
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The aim of this thesis is to study how electoral authoritarian regimes remain resilient over time, by observing how they handle challenges to their rule. More specifically, the thesis will focus on the strategies used to legitimize further rule. This will be achieved by conducting a case study on Rwanda and investigating how the Rwandan government uses insecurity and threat perception to legitimize further rule during the period 2010-2019. The theoretical framework consists of both Andreas Schedler’s definition of an electoral authoritarian regime as well as securitization theory. The material used is speech acts by important actors from the time period in question as well as law changes and information on how existing laws are used. With the use of critical discourse analysis, the thesis concludes that the Rwandan government has developed a discourse of traitor/patriot by securitizing traitors, strategically varying in intensity throughout the time period. Political opposition is effectively repressed by referring to the threats mentioned in the speech acts. To successfully circumvent the main flaw of electoral authoritarian regimes according to Schedler’s theory (uncertainty), the Rwandan government creates uncertainties themselves and then refers to the very same uncertainties to legitimize continuous rule.
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Williams, Brian Don. "An Investigation of the Impact of Social Vulnerability Research on the Practice of Emergency Management." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011783/.
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This dissertation examines the extent to which social vulnerability, as studied by researchers across multiple disciplines, has influenced the practice of emergency management at the local level. This study addresses two major research questions to accomplish this goal. First, how do local emergency managers perceive and define social vulnerability? Second, what strategies do local emergency managers employ to reach and meet the needs of socially vulnerable populations? Semi-structured interviews were conducted in person or by phone with a sample of local emergency managers, city managers, and American Red Cross personnel from the Houston - Galveston and the South East Texas regions as defined by the respective Councils of Government. A modified grounded theory approach was used with a constant comparative method to identify themes for each research question. Triangulation was accomplished through secondary census data and supplemental interviews. The interview data reveal that social vulnerability research has had an indirect influence on the practice of emergency management at the local level. This influence is facilitated through state and federal policy, training, and plans development. Based on the interview data, four themes were identified that capture the various ways in which local emergency management officials perceive and define social vulnerability. These include vulnerability as poverty and culture, vulnerability as a lack of security, vulnerability as a moral imperative, and vulnerability as a lack of awareness and knowledge. In terms of strategies employed to address social vulnerability, the data suggest four themes: leaving it to the professionals, bringing in volunteers, leveraging protocols to build buy-in, and fostering flexibility. The findings reveal the importance in closing the knowledge gap between research and practice, because increased damage, harm, and death can occur when the social inequalities of everyday life are not addressed in the planning process by emergency managers. The findings also reveal that state and federal policy, training, and plans development are the most trusted sources by emergency managers to transfer knowledge to practice. Additionally, with the proliferation of emergency management degree programs at the undergraduate and graduate levels, higher education can potentially play a more active and visible role in bridging the gap between research and practice, particularly as it relates to social vulnerability.
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Adams, Ubanesia Lolita. "Promoting gender equality in the Provincial Administration of the Western Cape : an appraisal based on perceptions of gender focal persons and the Head of the Western Cape Office on the Status of Women for Gender Equality." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52419.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African government has committed itself to the promotion of gender equality in the national constitution and also with the signing and ratifying of regional and international documents. Examples of a regional document is the Southern African Development Community Declaration on Gender and Development and international document the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Beijing Platform for Action. The Gender Machinery in South Africa was created at a national level to promote gender equality on all levels of government through structures on provincial and local government levels. This study focused on the provincial level and more specifically on the gender focal persons and the Office on the Status of Women for Gender Equality in the Provincial Administration of the Western Cape (PAWC). The study was done with the aim to assess progress on the promotion of gender equality in the PAWC. Information was gathered through interviews with members of Gender focal units and the Head of the Office on the Status of Women for Gender Equality. Interviews were conducted with seven of the nine departments in the Provincial Administration of the Western Cape. Findings on the promotion of gender equality indicate that a long road lies ahead. Limited Progress is seen, however, and can be attributed to the work of dedicated gender focal persons and the Office on the Status of Women for Gender Equality. Specific to the work of dedicated gender focal persons this study finds that within the context of financial and other constraints relating to an absence of specified expectations and a double workload, progress is still made under these circumstances. Based on the findings the following recommendations are made. Firstly, broad scale gender awareness training is required for the personnel of the provincial administration. Secondly, there is a need to develop a job description for gender work and if reasonable to integrate this into the line function of gender focal persons. Thirdly, the gender focal units need to have a specific budget for gender-related work, as this will facilitate planning for gender-related projects. Finally further training is required for the gender focal persons regarding gender mainstreaming and how to translate the goals of gender mainstreaming into action in the respective departments.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regering van Suid Afrika het met die nasionale grondwet, streeks dokumente en internasionale dokumente 'n verbintenis gemaak om geslagsgelykheid te bevorder. Voorbeelde van streeks dokumente is die "Southern African Development Community Declaration on Gender and Development" en internasionale dokumente is die "Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women" en die "Beijing Platform for Action". Nasionale strukture in Suid Afrika is saamgestel om geslagsgelykheid te bevorder op nasionale, provinsiale en plaaslike regerings vlakke. In hierdie studie was die fokus op die provisiale vlak en meer spesifiek die geslags fokus eenhede en die Kantoor vir die Status van Vroue vir Geslagsgelykheid in die Provisiale Administrasie van die Weskaap. Hierdie studie is gedoen met die doel om die vordering met betrekking tot geslagsgelykheid te evalueer. Inligting vir ontleding is ingesamel deur middel van onderhoude met geslags fokus persone en die hoof van die Kantoor vir die Status van Vroue vir Geslagsgelykheid. Onderhoude was gevoer met verteenwoordigers van sewe uit nege departmente van die provinsiale administrasie. Bevindinge rondom die bevordering van geslagsgelykheid toon dat daar nog 'n lang pad vorentoe is, maar dat daar wel beperkte vordering binne die provisiale administrasie gemaak word. Hierdie vordering kan toegeskryf word aan die werk van vasbeslote geslags fokus persone en die hoof van die Kantoor vir die Status van Vroue vir Geslagsgelykheid. Spesifiek tot die werk van vasbeslote geslags fokus persone wys die studie dat binne finansiële en ander beperkinge daar wel steeds vordering rondom geslagsgelykheid is binne sekere departmente. Gebaseer op die bevindinge word voorgestel dat daar eerstens ten volle bewussmakingssessies oor geslagsgelykheid gehou word vir alle personeel van die administrasie. Tweedens, dat daar 'n posbeskrywing geformuleer word vir mense wat binne die geslags fokus eenhede werk en indien moontlik moet daar gekyk word of dit deel van die lyn funksie van die geslags fokus persone gemaak kan word. Derdens moet dat daar aan die verskeie geslags fokus eenhede 'n begroting gegee word sodat projekte vir die bevordering van geslagsgelykheid beter beplan kan word. Laastens is dit belangrik dat die lede van die geslags fokus eenhede verdere opleiding kry met betrekking tot "gender mainstreaming" en die omskrywing hiervan in spesifike aksies.
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Doyle, Charles James. "The judicial reaction in south-eastern France, 1794-1800." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59cc347e-6a12-4540-8d81-65018e2170da.
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The thesis investigates and analyses the hitherto neglected phenomenon of political reaction within the judiciary of south-eastern France during the period between the Thermidorian Reaction and the advent of the Consulate. The character, objectives and effects of the 'reaction judiciaire1 are studied through a series of different perspectives. The first task is to highlight the discrepancy between the concepts of the social and political effects of a revamped judicial system formulated during the Year III and the corrupt abuse of judicial power by reactionary provincial judges. Indeed, the study constantly seeks to explore the conceptual as well as the practical damage inflicted on the Directorial regime by the supposed trustees of the post-Terrorist republican settlement. Emphasis is placed upon the collaboration between the southern judges and the counter-revolutionary elements within the local community, especially in the discussion of the origins of the judicial reaction. The changes of technique and of objective which the judiciary experienced are explored in full. It is described from its beginnings as a weapon of retribution for the aggrieved local community against the former agents of the Terror to its role in the subversion of regional jacobinism to its support for the period of unchecked counter-revolution during the Year V and finally to its function as a 'rearguard' defender of arrested counter- revolutionaries during the period of the Second Directory. In addition, due consideration is given to the motivation of individual judges who operated the reaction. It is hoped that the thesis has provided a model for the study of the causes, techniques and aims of political reaction from within an independent state power. Furthermore, it is hoped that the work is seminal in its suggestion that judicial reaction and its many ramifications had both a direct and indirect bearing upon the fall of the Directory.
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St, John-Smith Christopher. "The judiciary and the political use and abuse of the law by the Caroline regime, 1625-1640." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cf332e84-3b73-4e0b-86e8-b3ea55e41ced.
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In December 1640 the Long Parliament brought accusations against Lord Keeper Finch and six judges of the three main Westminster courts. These asserted the illegality of decisions and opinions given by these judges. This thesis examines those accusations and argues that the government of Charles I engaged in a defensible process of political management of the law and the judges to legitimate its policies particularly after the suspension of parliament in 1629. This policy emerged as a response to the government's difficulties in enforcing the payment of the Forced Loan caused by its dubious legality. The policy took advantage of important features of the contemporary relationship between the law and the government and it had five features. The most senior and able lawyers were recruited as government law officers and counsel. They amassed and used a substantial and well researched body of legal authority to support royal rights. The chief justices were appointed from amongst the government lawyers and were used as political managers of their courts. New incentives were offered as rewards for the most senior judges. Judicial views on aspects of government policy were sought in advance and the Privy Council was used to by-pass the judges if necessary. These features are examined in relation to government revenue policies including distraint of knighthood fines and the forest laws, and religious policies in relation to the application of the writ of prohibition to the economic condition of the Church and High Commission. The application of this analysis to the Ship Money Case is considered. It is concluded that the judges were manipulated rather than coerced and often successfully avoided the pressure by technical stratagems. Most importantly the government showed that it generally had the law on its side. That had serious political implications but went a long way towards exonerating the judges.
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Santos, Flávio Rosendo dos. "A influência política na gestão das empresas estatais à luz do direito fundamental à boa administração e da governança corporativa e pública." Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2015. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/1592.
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Este estudo dedica-se a explicar em que medida a influência política na gestão das empresas estatais pode ser considerada legítima à luz do direito fundamental à boa administração pública e da governança corporativa e pública, motivo pelo qual se empreendeu pesquisa bibliográfica e documental pautada no método dedutivo de trabalho, na qual foram investigados e apresentados conceitos e questões relativas ao Estado, governo, política, Administração Pública direita e indireta, princípios constitucionais da Administração Pública, direito fundamental à boa administração pública, governança corporativa e pública e empresas estatais. Com base nas premissas encontradas nas obras e legislações consultadas, foi possível concluir que a influência política na gestão das empresas estatais pode ser considerada legítima à luz do direito fundamental à boa administração pública quando promova o interesse público e o atingimento de finalidades públicas, com eficácia, eficiência e observância dos direitos dos cidadãos e dos princípios e regras que compõem o regime jurídico da Administração Pública; e pode ser considerada legítima à luz da governança corporativa e pública se, de forma transparente e conforme as normas pertinentes, busca propiciar não o benefício privado dos agentes políticos, mas a promoção do interesse público ou, em outras palavras, o incremento do valor público produzido por elas, sem deixar de proteger e garantir os direitos de seus stakeholders e shareholders.This study is dedicated to explain the extent to which political influence in the management of state-owned enterprises can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance and corporate and public governance, for which was undertaken bibliographical and documentary research guided by the deductive method of work, in which were investigated and presented concepts and issues relating to the State, Government, politics, Public Administration, constitutional principles of Public Administration, the fundamental right to good administration, corporate and public governance and state enterprises. Based on the assumptions found in the works and consulted laws it was possible to conclude that the political influence in state-owned enterprises management can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance if it promotes the public interest and the public purposes achievement, effectively, efficiently and if it preserves the citizens' rights and the principles and rules that make up the legal framework for public administration; and can be considered legitimate in the light of corporate and public governance to the extent that, in a transparent manner and according to the relevant rules, it seeks not the private benefit of politicians, but to promote the public interest or, in other words, the increase of public value produced by them, while protecting and guaranteeing the rights of its stakeholders and shareholders.
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Sikuza, Pumeza Ndabakazi Vuyelwa. "The impact of credible municipal budget planning and implementation on service delivery: a comparative study of two municipalities." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12725.
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Poor service delivery in South Africa is a serious problem.The poor delivery of services by municipalities has left many communities dissatisfied and even led to service delivery protests. The delivery of services to municipalities is financed through municipal budgets and this study evaluated the quality of the municipal budgets of two municipalities with one budget being credible and the other not being credible. Selected municipal conditional grant spending as well as the findings of the Auditor General’s office against each municipality were assessed and compared with each other. The purpose of this study was to assess whether a municipality with a credible budget achieved more of its service delivery targets than one which had a budget which was not credible. The findings of this study were that the municipality with the credible budget performed better, in terms of conditional grant spending and against predetermined objectives, than the municipality with the budget which was not credible. Therefore, more concerted efforts should be made by all relevant spheres of government to improve the quality of municipal budgets as this will ultimately lead to improved service delivery.
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Yee, Wai-hang, and 余偉鏗. "How do networks work?: studying the internal dynamics of the environmental organizational network in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38907148.
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Stanglin, Gerald Minor. "Perceptions and Assessments of Power in Legislative Politics for Texas Public Community College Administrative Leadership." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332283/.
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The problem with which this study was concerned is the
political influence of community/junior college chief executive
officers (CEOs) and campus presidents on the state legislature, both directly and indirectly, in the funding of community colleges in Texas. Perceptions of effectiveness were recorded by survey from campus presidents and CEOs as well as from legislators and key legislators. In addition, interviews were conducted with several key legislators and the chief administrators of the two statewide community college organizations.
The purpose of the study was to analyze the policy-making process in Texas of which community/junior colleges are a part. The influential relationships and interactions of the sixty-five CEOs and campus presidents of the public community college districts and campuses in Texas were analyzed after a survey instrument was administered. Perceptions of rank—and—file legislators were gathered through use of another survey instrument and perceptions of key legislators were gathered in the same manner but with the addition of a personal interview. Certain questions were asked of them concerning interactions and communication with leaders of community colleges. With the legislators and the presidents certain demographic data was collected and analyzed as a part of the study.
Among the findings, campus presidents and CEOs do not have sufficient levels of acquaintance, interaction and communication to heavily influence local people whom they consider powerful in state funding of community colleges. Furthermore, legislators do not receive enough communication from powerful local group members to positively influence their decisions regarding community college funding. Presidents and CEOs from the metropolitan districts communicate most often with their legislators followed by those from rural districts. Board members from the metropolitan districts are most active in communicating with their legislators. Finally, legislators view the community college nearest them as equal to or better than community colleges statewide.
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Nerland, Krista. "Trying the Court : an assessment of the challenges facing the ICC in Uganda and Darfur." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112509.
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The ICC, which came into force in 2002, was held up by human rights activists as a force that would transform a culture of impunity into a culture of accountability. However, after five years of activity, the evidence suggests that the Court's effect has been mixed. Its ability to achieve retributive justice, broader reconciliation and restorative justice, as well as to deter future offences and promote peace has been variable, at best. Despite the Court's claim that politics are not its job, political missteps and support are adversely affecting the work of a judicious Court. Using the cases of Uganda and Darfur, this paper argues that the most significant factors impacting the Court's ability to achieve the four aims outlined are its lack of enforcement capacity, lack of international political will, the result of geo-political interests and concerns over the norm of state sovereignty, and lack of attention to political context by the Court itself.
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English, Ashley E. "Megachurches and Economic Development: A Theoretical Understanding of Church Involvement at the Local Level." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc848127/.
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Why do megachurches participate in economic development, and who benefits from their participation? Frumkin's framework for understanding nonprofit and voluntary action and extra-role behavior are theories tested to answer these questions. My research employs a mixed-methods research design conducted in two phases. In phase one, I analyze 42 responses to an online survey to provide data about the prevalence and nature of economic development activities offered by megachurches in the Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston-Sugar Land-Baytown Metropolitan Statistical Areas. Phase two involved 23 semi-structured telephone interviews with megachurch leadership to provide data that explains the rationale for why megachurches offer economic development activities and who benefits. Evidence from this research demonstrates that megachurches are participating in economic development for reasons consistent with both demand-side and supply-side arguments. Findings also show that megachurches take on extra-role behaviors for in response to community expectations and the values of members and staff. Implications for understanding partnership decisions and collaborations between faith-based organizations and local governments are discussed.
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Gustafsson, Mariana S. "Reassembling Local E-Government : A study of actors’ translations of digitalisation in public administration." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-138859.
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The digitalisation of society decidedly affects public administration. Swedish public administration has long worked with information technologies for an effective and improved management of public services. But new and increased use of information technologies in society poses new challenges. New demands on information security are increasing, while accessibility and transparency are important priorities in policies on digitalisation in public services. However, the central government’s ambitions and expectations with regard to digitalisation face a slow and hesitant implementation in local governments. There are important differences between municipalities in priorities, local needs, and implementation mechanisms in connection with e-government. In this thesis, I argue there is a need to reconsider the role of governance mechanisms in e-government. There is a need to understand local translations of national policies and technological developments in relation to the goals of more effective and legitimate public administration. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyse tensions that emerge in the implementation of egovernment in local public administration. On the basis of a constructivist and interpretivist approach, I have undertaken two empirical studies. One focuses on municipal administration of education in Linköping. The other focuses on a governance network on digitalisation policy in Östergötland. The studies are presented in four papers. The issues addressed in the papers are further analysed with a focus on four fields of tension, using network governance theory and translation theory. This shows that the implementation of e-government in local public administration is a tension-laden process. The four fields of tension relate to: different logics and dilemmas for adoption and implementation; concerns and ambiguities in a context of unclear organisational and institutional arrangements; concerns and resistance from professional users; and a reassessment of the meaning of security as a reference for the interpretation of information security. I contend that established managerial and evolutionary models of e-government leave important process-related aspects out of the analysis of change in public administration. The contribution of this thesis lies in its description and analysis of the four identified fields of tension. One significant implication of my analysis is that reassembling current governance mechanisms in local public administration is crucial.Samhällets digitalisering påverkar tydligt den offentliga förvaltningen. Svensk förvaltning har länge arbetat med datorer för effektivisering och förbättrad administration. Men idag ställs nya krav då digitala verktyg för informationshantering och kommunikation används allt mer i samhället och på nya sätt. Kraven på säker informationshantering ökar, samtidigt som tillgänglighet och transparens är viktiga ledord i policyer kring digitaliserad förvaltning. I Sverige är det tydligt att regeringens ambitioner med digitaliseringen av förvaltning inte går i linje med vad som sker och implementeras i kommunerna. Skillnaderna ligger i hur e-förvaltning prioriteras, förankras i lokala behov och implementeras. Därför krävs både förbättrad styrning och tydligare möjligheter att lokalt översätta nationella policyer och internationell teknikutveckling för en effektivare och mer legitim digital förvaltning. Syftet med avhandlingen är att analysera implementering av digitalisering i kommunala förvaltningar utifrån nätverksstyrning (governance) och översätts av olika aktörsgrupper.Studiens konstruktivistiska och tolkande ansats baseras på två empiriska studier. Den första handlar om kommunal utbildningsadministration och den andra om den regionala digitala agendan i Östergötland. Studierna presenteras i fyra artiklar. De övergripande slutsatserna pekar på spänningar som uppstår när digitaliseringen blir en del av den kommunala förvaltningspraktiken. Spänningarna har identifierats i relation till medarbetarnas varierande kompetenser, informationssäkerhet samt kommunernas olika resurser och kompetenser vilka betingas av dess storlek och förutsättnignar. Bidraget visar att etablerade managementmodell och evolutionära perspektiv är otillräckliga för att tolka och förklara hur digitaliseringen förändrar kommunal förvaltning. Istället framhålls betydelsen av att skapa förståelsen för hur digtalisering översätts i olika sammanhang. Analyserna pekar på behovet av att öppna för nya sätt att styra och organisera digital offentlig förvaltning.
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Sacco, Muriel. "Lutter contre la dualisation socio-spatiale dans les quartiers défavorisés de Bruxelles et de Montréal: changements et convergences à l'épreuve des logiques d'acteurs et des dynamiques institutionnelles." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209799.
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Notre recherche doctorale porte sur les politiques de lutte contre la dualisation socio-spatiale menées à Bruxelles et Montréal. Ces politiques publiques ont été introduites à la fin des années 1980 dans un très grand nombre de villes occidentales (Equal Opportunity Policies et Urban Regeneration Policies dans le cadre du programme Action for Cities en Grande-Bretagne, Soziale Stadt en Allemagne, la politique de la ville en France, Urban et Objectif 2 au niveau européen, etc.) en raison de la montée de l’exclusion et de menace pesant sur la cohésion sociale urbaine. Ces politiques publiques se fondent sur la logique de ciblage territorial, de mobilisation locale et sur une approche intégrée mêlant des actions sur le bâti, les équipements collectifs et des actions sociales. C’est pourquoi elles introduisent plusieurs ruptures par rapport aux modes d’intervention publique à l’œuvre jusqu’alors. La diffusion de ces politiques publiques nous a incitée à interroger la standardisation et les transformations de l’action publique véhiculées par ce type de politiques publiques. Notre démarche se caractérise non seulement par la comparaison de deux villes, mais aussi de deux politiques publiques et de trois quartiers dans chacune des deux villes. 1.\
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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White, Jill Fredryce. "The commodification of caring : a search for understanding of the impact of the New Zealand health reforms on nursing practice and the nursing profession : a journey of the heart /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw5822.pdf.
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Rood, Jason Alexander. "Public Participation in Emergency Management." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/333.
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With disasters increasing in frequency and costs each year, this study seeks to explore ways greater public participation can assist emergency managers in their mission to keep communities safe. Specifically this study examines the policy process and administrative functions of emergency management to illuminated the benefits and hindrances involved in greater participation. This study conducted a qualitative analysis of governmental documents, disaster case studies, international research, as well as political science and administrative doctrines, to arrive at its conclusions. The results of this study reveal that the public is a largely untapped resource in the emergency management field. Engaging the public dialogically in early policy stages and emergency management phases is essential to successful inclusion for both administrators and communities. Specifically, public inclusion creates expanded knowledge, shared learning, personal responsibility, and increased social capital. Faced with the growing threat from disasters, emergency management can create communities that are both more resilient and sustainable by increasing public participation.
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殷玉涵. "中國網絡公眾輿論看美國及政策含義." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2597680.
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Hanabe, Lulamile Donacious. "Local government budgetary reforms reconsidered: the case of Amatole District Municipality, province of the Eastern Cape." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/15093.
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This research critically analysed the role, if any, that is played by the budgetary reforms in enhancing basic service delivery, with specific reference to the case of Amathole District Municipality. The main objectives of this study were to investigate and evaluate the causes of possible challenges encountered by the ADM in the implementation of local government budgetary reforms; to assess and determine the role played by budgetary reforms in promoting basic service delivery by the Amathole District Municipality; to analyse the extent to which budgetary reforms are used in the preparation of the municipal budget and the IDP; and to evaluate the level of ADM institutional capacity in delivering basic services to communities in terms of the municipality’s capital budget and financial plan. The study is premised on the fact that there is no guaranteed service delivery without a sound financial management and planning. In this study, it is acknowledged that municipalities in South Africa are struggling to implement the local government budgetary reforms; and as such, South African municipalities could succeed in rendering effective and efficient public services, provided the matters of governance are adhered to, as well as financial governance in particular. This research is solely based on the assumption that the Amathole District Municipality’s budgets and budget process, like other municipalities in South Africa, are done for the sake of compliance with the requirements of National Treasury and the MFMA – with less emphasis being placed on enhanced basic service delivery to communities. The study proposed to provide a brief literature review on the basic service delivery, with reference to the South African context, as well as a theoretical overview on the evolution of developmental local government budgetary reforms. The empirical survey and research methodology employed in the study are described, followed by the operationalization of the survey questionnaire used for gathering the field data. The research findings of the empirical survey are then statistically analysed, using statistical procedures. The qualitative data analysis involved thematic content analysis, being interpreted and reported on. The triangulation-research methodology was employed with the emphasis being on the quantitative and qualitative methodologies. The sample comprised councillors, officials and ward committee members. Questionnaires, with open and closed-ended questions, were employed for the councillors and the officials. Focus-group interviews were conducted with the ward committee members from the respective local municipalities.The findings strongly suggest that, the introduction of the budgetary reforms indeed resulted in a shift by municipalities from their core mandate – that is service delivery – to a more legislative-compliant mode of practice. Recommendations flowing from, inter alia, the results of the empirical study, are presented to improve financial governance and service delivery in the Amathole District Municipality, as well as in other municipalities in South Africa. If adopted, these recommendations should enable the Amathole District Municipality, as a development agent, to fulfil its developmental mandate, thereby addressing the matters of financial governance and service delivery.
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Gardner, Kasey Christopher. "Ideology in California : the role of oppositional interaction as a strategy in the campaign for Proposition 8." Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/718.
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This thesis analyzes the ideologies present the campaign rhetoric surrounding the 2008 California legislative initiative Proposition·8. Using Foss' method of ideological criticism the campaign is read prior after the opposition response to determine if an ideological shift occurs. The study is framed to identify this shift as a potential product of oppositional interaction, a characteristic of rhetoric defined by Smith and Windes.
The study concludes that the shift in ideology during the campaign by the supporters of Proposition 8 was a significant development. The response from the Proposition 8 campaign reframed the debate, making the electorate vulnerable to a different ideology. This new ideology places the state education apparatus, not the courts, in the spotlight as the state mechanism that is in dispute in the marriage controversy. When placed in .this context, theories of political economy are employed to explain how the electorate may have interpreted these arguments.
One. explanation offered is that the response ideology of the Proposition 8 campaign allowed voters to vote to outlaw gay marriages as a proactive response to a mistrust of education. The discussion section indicates that this could be an adjustment to existing ideologies, or development of an issues specific ideology that is only relevant for one issue in the mind of the individual. Ultimately, this study demonstrated the utility of ideology as a method to analyze political rhetoric and examines the role that oppositional interaction plays in the long-term development of public dialectic.
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Keyes, Laura Marie. "Age Friendly Cities: The Bureaucratic Responsiveness Effects on Age Friendly Policy Adoption." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984140/.
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Challenging a long-held attachment to the medical model, this research develops a cultural model placing local governments at the center of policy making and refocusing policy attention on mobility, housing, the built environment and services. To examine the phenomenon of age friendly policy adoption by cities and the magnitude of adoption, a 21-question web-based survey was administered to a sample of 1,050 cities from the U.S. Census having a population over 10,000 and having at least 14% of their population aged 65 years and over. The goal of the questionnaire was to help identify what kind of policy objectives cities establish to facilitate the opportunity for older adults to live healthy and independent lives in their communities as they age. Multiple linear and ordinal regression models examined the likelihood of policy action by cities and provide evidence as to why some cities support more age friendly policy actions than others. Evidence illustrates theoretical advancement providing support for a cultural model of aging. The cultural model includes multiple factors including bureaucratic responsiveness reflected in the management values of the administration. Findings show variation in the integration of a cultural awareness of aging in the municipality's needs assessment, strategic goals, citizen engagement strategies, and budgetary principles. Cities with a cultural awareness of aging are more likely to adopt age friendly policies. Findings also provide support for the argument that the public administrator is not the driving sole factor in decision making. A shared spaced with mobilized citizen need of individuals 65 and over is identified.
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Tshilumba, Kalombo Muadiamvita Gilbert. "Les idéologies politiques africaines: mythe du pouvoir ou instance du développement ?réflexion épistémologique sur le nationalisme congolais à la lumière de la théorie rawlsienne de la justice." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210475.
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Les idéologies politiques africaines :mythe du pouvoir ou instance du développement ?Réflexion épistémologique sur le nationalisme congolais à la lumière de la théorie rawlsienne de la justice.
Panafricanisme, négritude, consciencisme, socialisme et nationalisme ont eu en gros sur le sol africain, une double mission :-délivrer les pays du joug colonial
sortir ces pays du sous-développement par un travail d’une
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Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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李美玲. "政府信用重建與社會信用體系建設 : 社會轉型期政府信用機制研究." Thesis, University of Macau, 2004. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636892.
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朱百鳴. "當前我國政府誠信建設問題研究." Thesis, University of Macau, 2004. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636937.
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Cavalcante, João Paulo de Souza. "Implementação de políticas públicas e relações intergovernamentais: uma análise da legislação sob a perspectiva dos dilemas de ação coletiva no transporte público coletivo da Região Metropolitana de Curitiba (RMC)." Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2015. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/1428.
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As regiões metropolitanas são o local onde se pode observar com mais clareza as grandes dicotomias presentes na sociedade brasileira. Riqueza e pobreza, qualidade de vida e falta de oportunidades. Nesse sentido, alguns dos maus resultados em matéria de políticas públicas podem ser associados a problemas em sua implementação. Diante deste contexto, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a forma com a qual a legislação relativa à implementação de políticas públicas de transporte coletivo na Região Metropolitana de Curitiba lida com os dilemas de ação coletiva. Essa análise perpassa as relações intergovernamentais entre os municípios componentes da Região Metropolitana de Curitiba e o Estado do Paraná, responsáveis pela implementação de políticas de transporte público coletivo. A dificuldade em lidar com os dilemas de ação coletiva, intrínseca à implementação de políticas, ao federalismo, à conformação das regiões metropolitanas e até mesmo ao fornecimento de sistemas de transporte público coletivo é o pressuposto que fundamenta a presente pesquisa. Para proceder àquela análise, a abordagem utilizada foi a qualitativa, de objetivos exploratórios e descritivos. Os meios pelos quais se busca respostas a tais objetivos foram as pesquisas de tipo bibliográfico e documental. Neste último aspecto, procedeu-se à análise de conteúdo dos documentos coletados, consubstanciados na legislação que normatiza a implementação de políticas públicas de transporte coletivo na Região Metropolitana de Curitiba. Essa análise buscou identificar a presença ou ausência de determinados conceitos relativos à coordenação e cooperação para a implementação de políticas públicas em contextos interativos. Como resultados, tem-se que: a) apesar de o legislador reconhecer a necessidade de que haja cooperação em matéria de políticas públicas, inexiste modelo para tanto; b) houve três distintas fases em matéria de cooperação: imposição de normas por parte da União, extrema descentralização e, a atual, com o aparecimento de modelos para a ação coletiva; c) os modelos atuais passam pela possibilidade de estabelecimento de consórcios públicos e pela governança interfederativa nas áreas metropolitanas. Enfim, concluiu-se que as normas que regem o cenário da implementação de políticas públicas de transporte na RMC são, ao mesmo tempo, problemas e obstáculos às esperadas condutas cooperativas, pois, por um lado, estimulam a competição entre os entes e a superioridade hierárquica de uns sobre outros, e, por outro, reconhecem a necessidade da ação coletiva. Ainda assim, por mais de 20 anos a RMC logrou manter uma rede integrada de transportes ativa, o que sugere a participação ativa dos atores sociais responsáveis por essa política pública.Metropolitan areas present clearly the greatest dichotomies in Brazilian society. Wealth and poverty, quality of life and lack of opportunities. In this sense, some of the bad results in terms of public policies can be associated with problems in its implementation. In this study, the analysis relies in the intergovernmental relations between the municipalities that composes the Metropolitan Region of Curitiba (RMC) and the state of Paraná, all of them responsible for the implementation of public transportation policies. The difficulty in dealing with the dilemmas of collective action, intrinsic to the implementation of policies, federalism, the conformation of metropolitan region itself and even the provision of public transportation systems is the assumption underlying this research. To carry out the analysis, it was used a qualitative approach, with exploratory and descriptive objectives. This research used bibliographic and documentary approach to accomplish its objectives. Regarding to the later approach, the procedure was to analyze the collected documents that included the whole legislation that regulates the implementation of public transport policies in the metropolitan region of Curitiba. The document analysis sought to identify the presence or absence of certain concepts related to coordination and cooperation for the implementation of public policies in interactive contexts. The results led to the following conclusions: a) although the legislators recognize the necessity for cooperation in public policy there are no pattern to follow; b) there have been three distinct phases for cooperation, starting with the imposition of norms by the Union, going through a phase of extreme decentralization and the current one, where seem to appear the first patterns for collective action; c) current pattern seems to be the establishment of public consortia and interfederative governance in metropolitan areas. Conclusions lead to the understanding that the rules governing the implementation of public transport policies in the RMC are at the same time, problems and obstacles to the expected cooperative behavior, because on the one hand, they stimulate competition between the entities and the hierarchical superiority of some over others. On the other hand it recognizes the need for collective action. Even so, for more than 20 years the RMC managed to maintain an integrated network of active transport, which suggests the active participation of the individuals responsible for this policy.
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Birantamije, Gérard. "La crise de l'Etat et la Réforme du Secteur de la Sécurité: essai d'analyse de l'opérationnalisation de la notion d'appropriation locale dans le contexte de la Réforme de la Police nationale du Burundi." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209480.
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Depuis les années 2000, la Réforme du secteur de la sécurité fait partie des politiques publiques internationales préconisées par la Communauté internationale pour permettre la gestion de crise de l’Etat et la transition de la guerre à la paix. Faisant suite à l’échec de l’aide au développement, qui a insisté sur l’absence d’appropriation locale comme la cause fondamentale, la communauté internationale fait appel à une véritable appropriation locale de la réforme du secteur de la sécurité. L’étude se propose d’analyser l’opérationnalisation de cette notion d’appropriation locale dans le contexte de la Réforme du secteur de la sécurité au Burundi. Cette thèse se pose la question de savoir pourquoi les acteurs internationaux en sont arrivés à poser l’appropriation locale comme une condition de la réforme du secteur de la sécurité. L’analyse est basée sur trois indicateurs :la conviction des acteurs locaux, la formulation et la mise en œuvre des réformes, et la coordination des acteurs et des activités de réforme ;et se focalise sur les données empiriques recueillies au sujet du processus de la réforme de la police nationale du Burundi. L’étude montre que l’appropriation locale est une stratégie mobilisée par les acteurs internationaux pour banaliser leurs interventions et transférer leurs modèles de réforme en s’appuyant sur les intentionnalités de responsabilité et de souveraineté des acteurs locaux que véhicule cette notion. Cette étude conclut que dans le contexte de la crise de l’Etat, la notion d’appropriation locale est un discours qui affermit l’interventionnisme international en donnant l’illusion d’accorder plus de place aux acteurs locaux dans la conduite des réformes. //
Since the 2000s, Security Sector Reform is one of the international public policies advocated by the International community in order to deal with the state crisis and the transition from war to peace. Due to the failure of development aid which emphasized the lack of local ownership as its root cause, the International community calls for a genuine local ownership of the Security Sector Reform. This study analyses the operationalization of the concept of local ownership in the context of the Security sector reform in Burundi. This thesis raises the question of why international actors have come to consider local ownership as a condition of Security sector reform. The analysis is based on three indicators: the conviction of local actors, the formulation and implementation of reforms, and the coordination of actors and reform activities, and is focused on empirical data about the Burundi National police reform process. The study shows that local ownership is a strategy mobilized by international actors to both trivialize their interventions and transfer their reform models while the genuine intentionality of the notion is one of responsibility and sovereignty of local actors. This study concludes that in the context of the crisis of the state, local ownership notion is a discourse that strengthens the international interventionism in giving the illusion of more space given to local actors in the implementation of reforms.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Johnson, Pamela. "Control, compliance and conformity at the University of Fort Hare 1916 - 2000: a Gramscian approach." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013126.
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Arising from Marxist theory, critical theory investigates the mechanisms that enable continued domination in capitalist society, with a view to revealing the real, but obscured, nature of social relations and enabling these to be challenged by subjugated classes. Within the broad spectrum of Marxist theory, social relations of domination and subordination are assigned according to the relationship of social classes to economic production. However, the neo-Marxist perspective developed by Antonio Gramsci locates relations of power within the broader context of the political economy. In doing so, the role of the State in a capitalist society assumes greater significance than that of maintaining and securing social relations on behalf of the dominant class through coercion and force. Instead, the State embarks on a range of activities in the attempted “exercise of hegemony”, or the cultivation of general acceptance by all social classes of existing social relations and conditions. Gramsci refers to this desired outcome as “consent”, the product of the successful exercise of hegemony, a political function which is thus crucial to the accumulation of capital. When unsuccessful, dissent cannot be contained by the State, and the extent to which contestation constitutes a threat is revealed by recourse to coercion. The manner in which relations of power are cemented through the exercise of hegemony lies at the core of this thesis. It investigates the relationship between the State and the administrators of an institution within civil society, the University of Fort Hare, as well as the responses to the activities of the State and University Administration within the University itself, over an extended period of time between 1916 and 2000. This period is divided into three specific time frames, according to changes in the expression of the South African State. In general, it is seen that conformity characterises the relationship between the State and the University Administration, underscoring the success of the State in fostering the role of education in the reproduction of social relations and values and in eliciting conformity. The nature of conformity is seen to vary according to different expressions of the State and changes in social relations, which are in turn informed by the overarching political economy and events taking place within society and the University of Fort Hare. Manifestations of consent and dissent, as responses to the attempted exercise of hegemony, are presented in the three periods corresponding to different expressions of the State. Four reasons for conformity, as presented by Gramscian scholar Joseph V Femia (1981), are utilised in order to explain and illustrate the nature of control and compliance at the University of Fort Hare between 1916 and 2000.
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Tian, Xiao. "Content analysis of the Beijing Summer Olympic Games' effects in the New York Times." Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/838.
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Relying on framing theory, this study used The New York Times to explore how Chinese news was depicted before, during and after the Beijing Summer Olympics. The research regarding how the Chinese government tried to leverage the Olympics to enhance its image is often deliberated. However, there have only been a 3 few studies on the evaluation of the effects the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games had on the image of China, as depicted by The New York Times. This study generated an understanding of the impact the presentations of The New York Times had on the soft power used by China through the Beijing Summer Olympic Games. The study examined how the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics were associated with the depiction of Chinese news in The New York Times during the pre-, mid-, and post-Olympics years. Specifically, world and business sections within The New York Times were mainly influenced by the effects of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. In addition, there were no direct associations found between the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and how China was depicted photographically in The New York Times. In terms of the above factors; this study showed that China's national image did not improve in the New York Times after the 2008 Bejing Summer Olympic Games.
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Mukandoli, Colette. "Hindrances in the process of political decentralisation in Rwanda : a case study of Nyarugenge district." Thesis, 2008. http://encore.tut.ac.za/iii/cpro/DigitalItemViewPage.external?sp=1000260.
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M. Tech. Public Management Tshwane University of Technology 2008.This research departed from the hypothesis that inadequacies in terms of finances, human resources and infrastructure are what impedes the smooth implementation of the decentrilisation process in Rwanda. This study attempts to identify how the process of decentralisation in Nyarugenge District took place, and what kind of impact different resources and infrastructure had on the process of decentralisation. The study reveals that Rwanda has long suffered impediments to its decentralisation process. Recommendations include improving the financial, human resources and infrastructure aspects.
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McGinn, Therese J. "The Effects of Conflict on Fertility Desires and Behavior in Rwanda." Thesis, 2004. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8571NQN.
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Rwanda experienced genocide from April to July 1994 during which over 800,000 people were murdered. Among the far-reaching changes that followed this event among individuals and in society overall, the Rwandan Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) showed that contraceptive prevalence declined from 13% in 1992 to 4% in 2000 among married women of reproductive age.
This dissertation has two hypotheses concerning Rwandan women's fertility preferences and behavior following the genocide. It is hypothesized that, first, high levels of conflict reduced women's desire for a child or for additional children and second, that women who experienced relatively high levels of conflict were more likely to act on their wish to not have a child or another child by using modern contraceptives than were women who experienced relatively low levels of conflict.
The study's logistic regression dependent (outcome) variables were desire for a or another child and the use of modern contraceptives; the source for these data was the 2000 DHS. Three groups of independent variables were included: socio-demographic variables, also from the 2000 DHS, included age, number of living children, education level, urban/rural residence and socio-economic status; availability of family planning services, assessed using women's perception of distance as a barrier to obtaining health care for themselves, from the 2000 DHS, and quality of health services, assessed with data from the 2001 Service Provision Assessment; and experience of conflict, measured as the percentage of the 1994 commune populations that resided in refugee camps in 1995. Communes were considered `high migration' if 10 percent or more of their populations migrated to camps and `low migration' if less than 10 percent of their populations migrated to camps. Women who lived in high migration communes were considered to have relatively high experience of conflict and those who lived in low migration communes were consider dot have relatively low experience of conflict.
Analysis showed that residents of high migration communes were significantly less likely to want a or another child as compared to residents of low migration communes (OR = .74); it appeared that the social environment of high migration had a dampening effect on desire for children. The analysis also showed that residents of high migration communes were significantly less likely to use a modern contraceptive method than were those of low migration communes (OR = .57), even though they were less likely to want a or another child and even when family planning services were reasonably available.
The reasons for these results are unclear, and many factors may contribute. The generalized trauma experienced by the population may have had a numbing effect, in which taking action in any domain was difficult. Women may have felt pressured by society to have children as the society emerged from war, despite their own preferences. The population may also have distrusted government health facilities - the only source of services for most - in light of the interactions with officials during and after the genocide. However, another set of reasons specific to women and women's health may also have influenced the findings. There is a pervasive social stigma around reproductive health; these services have generally lagged behind other primary health care components. Moreover, rape was used as a weapon of war in the genocide; these experiences may have reduced women's willingness to seek reproductive health services specifically. Finally, the Rwandan genocide and its preparation were decidedly misogynistic; this pervasive dehumanization may have made it particularly difficult for women to seek care for their sexual and reproductive health needs and desires. This complex personal, social, physical and political context may explain why Rwandan women who may not have wanted a child or additional children nonetheless did not consistently act on their desires in the years following the 1994 genocide.
The dissertation includes a series of essays providing the author's personal perspective on working in Rwanda in the 1980s and 1990s and being present in the country at the start of the genocide in April 1994.