Relevant bibliographies by topics / Administration of Political aspects Rwanda

Academic literature on the topic 'Administration of Political aspects Rwanda'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Administration of Political aspects Rwanda"

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SADAT, LEILA. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 2009): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990082.

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AbstractThe Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500–800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts to exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Rwanda as a case study, the article illustrates the issues, concerns, and difficulties that arise when multiple jurisdictions assert a right to exercise criminal jurisdiction over the perpetrators of serious atrocity crimes. Beginning with a discussion of the political context, this article considers what the competing narratives and litigation in various fora have meant for the project of international and transnational criminal justice. Cases involving the commission of atrocities pose unique challenges for the international legal order. As the normative structure of international criminal law has arguably been strengthened, political constraints increasingly come to the fore. As illustrated by Rwanda, universal jurisdiction or other bases of jurisdiction may remain necessary vehicles for justice and reconciliation, or, at the very least, they may serve as a catalyst for change in Rwanda itself.
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Keating, Ambassador Colin. "Rwanda: the Political Failure of the UN Security Council." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104003.

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This article discusses the role of the UN Security Council during the crisis in Rwanda in 1993/94. It focuses on the peacekeeping dimensions of the Council’s involvement. It is a perspective from a practitioner, rather than an academic. It also makes some observations about whether the Rwanda crisis has had an enduring influence on Security Council practice. It does not address the impact on practical aspects of peacekeeping or on the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations.
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Harhoff, Frederik. "The Rwanda Tribunal: A presentation of some legal aspects." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 321 (December 1997): 665–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400077755.

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If we look back to the diverse origins of the laws of warfare, one basic question which seems to have occupied the early lawmakers was: why, in fact, should there be legal limitations to belligerent actions aimed at destroying a foreign foe? At first glance, any such constraints would appear to be contrary to the very purpose of warfare and thus of no value to those who were either forced to resist an armed attack or who themselves wished to wage war against an enemy.
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Khmelyuk, V., N. Podolchak, and V. Karkovska. "POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION: INSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS." Law and public administration, no. 2 (2021): 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32840/pdu.2021.2.27.

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Fernandes, Edesio. "Juridico-political Aspects of Metropolitan Administration in Brazil." Third World Planning Review 14, no. 3 (August 1992): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/twpr.14.3.01367508h1373793.

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Todorovski, Dimo, and Jossam Potel. "Exploring the Nexus between Displacement and Land Administration: The Case of Rwanda." Land 8, no. 4 (March 29, 2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land8040055.

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In conflict situations, many people are displaced because of hostility and arms in the area. Displaced people are forced to leave behind their properties, and this in turn interrupts the relationship between people and their land. The emergency period in particular has been identified as a weak point in the humanitarian response to land issues in post-conflict situations. In addition, during this period of response, most post-conflict governments do not prioritize land administration as an emergency issue due to other social, economic, security, and political challenges, which countries face in the immediate aftermath of the conflict. In the longer run, this results in post-conflict illegal land occupation, secondary occupation, numerous disputes and claims over land, and dysfunctional government institutions that legalize these illegal and secondary occupations. This research explores the nexus between displacement and land administration in a post-conflict context. It uses empirical data from fieldwork in Rwanda, and discusses how government interventions in land administration in emergency and early recovery periods of post-conflict situations affect future land administration during the reconstruction phase. The post-conflict Rwandan government envisaged proper land administration as a contributor to sustainable peace and security as it enhances social equity and prevents conflicts. Thus, it embarked on a nationwide systematic land registration program to register land all over the country with the aim of easing land administration practices and reducing successive land-related claims and disputes. However, the program faced many challenges, among which were continuous land claims and disputes. Our research anticipates these continued land claims and disputes are due to how land issues were handled in the emergency and early recovery period of the post-conflict Rwanda, especially during land sharing initiatives and Imidugudu (collective settlement policy).
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Mbori, Harrison. "Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza v. The Republic of Rwanda." American Journal of International Law 112, no. 4 (October 2018): 713–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2018.74.

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In its landmark November 24, 2017 judgment in Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza v. The Republic of Rwanda, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACtHPR) or Court) held that certain aspects of the right to a fair trial (presumption of innocence and illegal searches) and the right to freedom of expression under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Banjul Charter) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) had been violated by the Republic of Rwanda (Respondent State). In its final orders, however, the Court rejected the applicant's prayer for immediate release and deferred its decision on other forms of reparation. The judgment has broad implications on how African states protect and respect the rights to a fair trial and freedom of expression. The case also offers some vital lessons on state backlash towards human rights litigation and African states’ compliance with decisions of international courts (ICs).
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Bolotina, Ye, O. Shubna, A. Кvasha, and V. Melchenko. "Political Aspects of Public Administration in the Public Sector of Ukraine." Economic Herald of the Donbas, no. 4 (66) (2021): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/1817-3772-2021-4(66)-68-74.

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The article reveals the basic theoretical principles of public administration. The stages of formation and development of public administration are studied. It was found that public administration, as a system of public administration in Ukraine, needs to be reformed in a market economy and democratization of society. The main problems of formation and development of the system of public administration in terms of compliance with the European political trend of integration of public and personal factors, expanding the sphere of state influence while maximizing rights and freedoms, absolutization of the administrative factor of social transformations are considered. It is established that public administration: provides implements the decisions of the authorities; applies democratic, public, liberal forms and methods of managing the social, social and economic development of the country. The main factors that influenced the emergence in many countries of the world of such a new form of government in the public sector as public administration. Based on the understanding of the peculiarities of the evolution of the management model in the public sector, the need to introduce the concept of "public administration" into scientific circulation is substantiated. Recommendations for decentralization of management in the context of domestic reforms to increase the efficiency of the system of public authorities on an innovative basis are offered. In this context, it is extremely important to implement initiatives on constitutional changes in the decentralization of power, the priorities of the Public Administration Reform Strategy of Ukraine for 2016-2020; development of a new version of the Law of Ukraine "On Civil Service", which regulates the basic principles, legal and organizational principles of public service.
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Ngarambe, Francois-Xavier. "Social Security in Rwanda: Overcoming Indifference." International Social Security Review 56, no. 3-4 (November 2003): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-246x.00165.

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Shiu-hing, Lo. "Aspects of Political Development in Macao." China Quarterly 120 (December 1989): 837–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100001849x.

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Under the terms of a secret agreement reached between China and Portugal in 1979, Portugal was to continue administering Macao but sovereignty was transferred to China. Eight years later however, the Sino–Portuguese agreement on Macao's future was signed, which stipulated that it would become a Chinese Special Administrative Region on 20 December 1999. Whereas the transitional stage from Portuguese to Chinese administration began in 1987, political development started in 1976 when the principle of democracy was introduced into the colonial legislature (two years after a military coup had toppled the regime of Marcello Caetano in Portugal). This article will explore aspects of Macao's political development since the Portuguese revolution in 1974.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Administration of Political aspects Rwanda"

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Karlsson, Joakim. "Etnicitet och demokratisering i dagens Rwanda : En kvalitativ studie om etnicitet och demokratisering i Rwanda." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-35049.

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The purpose of this study is to explain if the existence of ethnic groups in Rwanda has complicated its democratization and explain what opportunities Rwanda has to be democratized. To fulfill the purpose of the study, I intend to answer two questions: 1) Does the existence of ethnic groups obstructed democratization in Rwanda? and 2) What opportunities has Rwanda to be democratized? To answer the first research question Dahl's theory of subcultures and democratization is used and to answer the second research question van de Walle's theory of democratization is used in the region of sub-Saharan Africa. Literature used in the study are Dahl's Polyarchy and van de Walle Africa’s range of regimes and Freedom House annual reports. Scientific articles also complements the previously mentioned materials. The study's main limitations regarding democracy, measured at the national level and temporal boundaries from 1994 through 2014, although historical experience before 1994 also analyzed. The study is a theory consuming trial when the case Rwanda stands in the center and shapes itself through a qualitative methodology. The study's conclusions is that the existence of ethnic groups have complicated democratization in Rwanda since all ethnic groups may not participate in political processes and there are no major agreements between the ethnic groups who strive to provide certainty for each ethnic group. Rwanda has however managed to fix many national problems since the genocide in 1994, which is mainly combat corruption. The study's second conclusion is that the Rwandan possibilities for a future democratization seen as small mainly because today's political oppression is great although Rwanda has the capacity to solve national problems overshadowed the country of these problems.
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Sahinkuye, Mathias. "Human rights and the rule of law in Rwanda : reconstruction of a failed state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51792.

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Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Human rights denials have more characterised Rwandan history than their promotion and protection. When the Rwandan State emerged from Tutsi domination and colonialism, many Rwandans hoped that the era of liberty had at least dawned. But the reality has been a total disappointment and replicas of earlier abuses have emerged, despite the ratification by Rwanda of most international human rights instruments. This dissertation is premised on the assumption that Rwanda has failed as a democratic constitutional State, and the whole socio-economic-political system has gone wrong. Chapter one argues that disequilibrium was built into the Rwandan system before colonisation and evangelisation. There was a 'consensus' that Tutsis were a superior minority race, able to govern and dominate, well organised and accepted by their Hutu subjects. The colonists and the Catholic Church exploited this injustice for their indirect rule. In a world evolving towards the international human rights system, this had a very precarious foundation in Rwanda. Indeed, poor management of changes due to evangelisation, education and market economy led to the denial of human dignity. It exacerbated division in favour of Hutus rather than reinforcing national unity. Chapter two considers the Hutu regime as a failure of a democratic constitutional State in the postcolonial era, despite the promise to serve the interests of all Rwandans through democracy and respect for human rights. In a one-party State, a handful of Hutus have monopolised power and resources. The institutional infrastructure for the management of the State and protection of human rights was set up to safeguard the interests of the ruling group only and oppress the rest of the population. The Hutu government, particularly, took revenge on Tutsis that they killed, forced into exile and denied access to public affairs. Hutu opponents, real or imaginary, and people from other regions than that of the President were also denied such access. Separation of powers was purposely just a theory, whence a non-independent judiciary, interference of the executive in the functioning of other branches of government and abuse of legislative power became the reality. In order to perpetuate the ruling group's hegemony, civil society was hindered, while states of emergency were used to deny the right to life, liberty and the security of the person. Many other rights were also denied regardless of whether the denial was a legacy of the past or just a result of the undemocratic nature of the State and the underdevelopment of the country. The Hutu regime's failure to promote national unity resulted in a genocide which took the lives of many Tutsis and Hutus. Whereas the current Tutsi government presented itself as committed to democracy and human rights, Chapter three argues that it was a mutatis mutandis replica of the Hutu rule. Indeed, the State system and resources have been captured by a group of Tutsis while other Tutsis have been left without hope and Hutus have become second-class citizens, whence justice and national unity are in jeopardy. By avoiding to tackle the fundamental issue of nation-statehood, the United Nations have failed to maintain peace and security. The failure to condemn Ugandan aggression against Rwanda, the forced repatriation of refugees, and the non-prosecution of Tutsis involved in crimes against humanity have proved the demise of international law and the maintenance of the culture of impunity in Rwanda. The author nonetheless argues that respect for human rights and establishment of the rule of law are still possible through a process of reconciliation and reconstruction.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van Rwanda word meer deur die miskenning van menseregte as erkenning en beskerming daarvan gekenmerk. Toe die Rwandese Staat onder Tutsi oorheersing en kolonialisme uit verrys, het baie Rwandese gehoop dat die tydperk van vryheid ten minste aangebreek het, maar die werklikheid was algeheel teleurstellend en weergawes van vroeëre misbruike het weer tevore getree, ten spyte daarvan dat Rwanda die meeste internasionale werktuie vir menseregte bekragtig het. Hierdie verhandeling berus op die aanname dat Rwanda as 'n demokratiese grondwetlike staat misluk het en dat die sosio-ekonomies-politieke stelsel geheel-en-al verkeerd geloop het. Hoofstuk een argumenteer dat 'n wanbalans voor die kolonisasie en evangelisasie van die land reeds in die Rwandese stelsel ingebou is. Daar was 'konsensus' waarvolgens Tutsis beskou is as 'n superieure minderheidsras wat in staat was om te regeer en te oorheers, wat goed georganiseer was en deur hul Hutu onderdane aanvaar is. Die koloniste en die Katolieke Kerk het hierdie onreg ten voordeel van hul indirekte heerskappy uitgebuit. In 'n wêreld wat op pad was na 'n internasionale menseregtestelsel was die grondslag wat hiervoor in Rwanda gelê is uiters onseker. Swak bestuur van veranderinge wat deur evangelisasie, opvoeding en 'n mark-ekonomie teweeggebring is, het in werklikheid tot miskenning van menseregte gelei. Dit het skeiding tot voordeel van die Hutus vererger, eerder as om nasionale eenheid te versterk. Hoofstuk twee kyk na die Hutu regime as 'n mislukte demokratiese konstitusionele staat in die postkoloniale era, ten spyte van die belofte om die belange van alle Rwandese deur demokrasie en eerbied vir menseregte te dien. In die eenpartystaat het 'n handjievol Hutus die mag en hulpbronne gemonopoliseer. Die institusionele infrastruktuur vir die bestuur van die Staat is opgestel om die belange van die heersersgroep te beveilig en die res van die bevolking te onderdruk. Die Hutu regering het hul veralop Tutsis gewreek deur hulle te vermoor, tot ballingskap te dryf en hul toegang tot openbare sake te weier. Hutu teenstanders, werklik of vermeend, en mense vanaf ander streke as die waarvan die President afkomstig was, is ook van sodanige toegang weerhou. Die verspreiding van mag was doelbewus niks meer as teoreties nie, vandaar die nie-onafhanklikheid van die regbank, inmenging by die funksionering van ander vertakkings van die regering deur die uitvoerende gesag en die misbruik van die wetgewende gesag. In die poging om die regerende groep se hegemonie te bestendig, is die burgerlike samelewing belemmer en is daar van noodtoestande gebruik gemaak om die reg tot lewe, vryheid en die veiligheid van die persoon aan te tas. Baie ander regte is ook geweier, ongeag of die weiering daarvan as gevolg van die nalatenskap van die verlede of die ondemokratiese aard van die Staat en die onderontwikkeldheid van die land moontlik was. Die feit dat die Hutu regering ten opsigte van die bevordering van nasionale eenheid misluk het, het gelei na In menseslagting wat die lewens van vele Tutsis en Hutus geëis het. Terwyl die huidige Tutsi regering homself as verbonde tot demokrasie en menseregte voordoen, argumenteer Hoofstuk drie dat die regering bloot 'n mutatis mutandi weergawe van die Hutu regering is. In werklikheid is die staatsisteem en die hulpbronne deur 'n groep Tutsis gebuit, die res van die Tutsis is sonder hoop gelaat en die Hutus is tot tweederangse burgers gemaak, wat vrede en sekuriteit in gevaar stel. Met die ontwyking van die grondliggende kwessie van nasieskap, het die Verenigde Volke ten opsigte van die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit gefaal. Die onvermoë om Uganda se aggressie teenoor Rwanda te verdoem, die gedwonge repatriasie van vlugtelinge en die gebrek aan vervolging van Tutsis wat skuldig is aan misdade teen die mensheid het die afstanddoening van internasionale wetgewing en die ondersteuning van die kultuur van straffeloosheid in Rwanda bewys. Desnieteenstaande argumenteer die skrywer dat respek vir menseregte en die instelling van regsoewereiniteit nog steeds deur middel van 'n proses van versoening en heropbouing in Rwanda moontlik gemaak kan word.
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Nsabimana, Christian Garuka. "The concept of power sharing in the constitutions of Burundi and Rwanda." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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Spencer, Petra. "Rethinking Democracy and Development : A Minor Field Study of the Political sphere in Rwanda." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-15751.

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Purpose and Questions: There seem to exist diametrically different views regarding Rwanda’s political sphere, whether the country has made any progress at all since the 90s, and if they have been successful in establishing democracy or not. A field study was therefore carried out, plus additional research to get a more comprehensive view of the political sphere of Rwanda. The purpose of the field study was to experience and analyse the political ambiance and developments by personal experience and interview people on the ground, rather then just rely on books, media and other academics, in order to clarify if the country is progressing or not. These questions guided my research: Has Rwanda been successful in establishing democracy, in terms of fulfilling the criteria’s that constitutes “polyarchy”? - What are the democracy attitudes of the citizens? Has Rwanda made any progress at all the last decade (not just politically, but socio- economically as well), in other words is the country undergoing a modernization process? Method: This research took its first step in a minor field study (MFS), conducted in Rwanda in the summer of 2010, and later as field research again in February/ March of 2011. In order to fulfil the purpose this research undertook both qualitative and quantitative methods, in a two-part analysis, in which there are a total of one qualitative part and two more quantitative parts. Results and Conclusion: The analysis shows that Rwanda is progressing, not just politically, but socio-economically as well. The qualitative part shows that some political and civic rights seem to be curtailed, but it is important to remember the legacy of a genocide. The survey however shows that over half of the respondents believe (to some extent) that democratic principles are being respected, and that there exist political pluralism and political space in Rwanda. The genocaidaires could come back to power through democratic practices, therefore it is important that things develop carefully and that a strong leadership rules the country. The government has really managed to bring Rwanda back up on its feet and the country is clearly progressing. Rwanda can serve as a model for other countries to follow. Despite the war and ethnic diversity Rwanda has come a long way. The country seem to have established some form of democratic principles, not the same as we have in the West off course, but maybe they can’t and shouldn’t follow the models of the West since they have their own special context they have to live up to.
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Holgersson, Peter. "Varför sker FN:s fredsframtvingande operationer? : En undersökning utifrån två fall, Bosnien samt Rwanda." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-1982.

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Lundsgård, Teresia. "The International Society on Genocide - A comparative case study of Rwanda and Darfur." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-24100.

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As the 21st century has been approaching the concept of genocide is nothing new, rather the opposite. Since the beginning of the 1990s we have seen several major genocides taking place around the world, all in where hundreds of thousands of people have been brutally murdered, died or ended up forced to flee from their own country, home and sense of security. This thesis will examine the differences and similarities on how the world has acted in two major genocides: Rwanda 1994 and Darfur 2003-2007.
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Arnoldsson, Henric. "Recognizing the Failing Layers of International Institutions during the Genocides in Rwanda." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-10047.

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This thesis aims at finding the reasons for the genocide in Rwanda, not only in the history of the country, but also the reason why the international institutions failed to prevent it. The thesis begins with a historical background of Rwanda where key actors in the conflict are presented and in the end presents an explanatory model which is based upon the facts gathered during the thesis. The model aims at explaining why the genocide happened and it is built up of layers. These layers have their background in Rwanda’s history and also international institutions, such as the UN. The layers of importance which led to the genocide are: Rwanda’s colonial past, the Arusha Accords and the mandate of UNAMIR (failure of the United Nations), a uni-polar world, increasing poverty, and the assassination of President Habyarimana. There were few available strategies in the standard arsenal of international political means that could have been used to stop the genocide, both before it broke out, but especially after it had begun.


Uppsatsen ämnar hitta de bakomliggande orsaker till folkmordet, inte bara i Rwandas historia men också varför internationella instutitioner, så som FN, inte bidrog till att förhindra folkmorden. I det fortlöpande arbetet med uppsatsen har en modell utvecklats vilken ämnar förklara vad som hände, och som är byggd på den information som framkommit under arbetets gång. Modellen bygger på ett flertal lager av händelser. Dessa lager bygger på händelser som inte bara rör Rwandas historia utan också på vad de internationella institutionerna bidrog med i konflikten. De identifierade lagren som ligger till grund för konflikten är Rwandas koloniala bakgrund, Arusha Accords och mandatet för UNAMIR, en unipolär värld, ökande fattigdom samt mordet på President Habyarimana. Det fanns få tillgängliga politiska strategier som kunde ha använts för att stoppa folkmordet.

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Gaudreault, Francis. "Chasing the “East Asian Miracle” in Africa? : A Case Study Analysis of the Rwandan Governance Reform Process Since 2000." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39158.

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In the last few decades, many governments around the world—especially in emerging economies—have strayed from neoliberal prescriptions to get closer to a model originating from East Asia: the developmental state. These East Asian countries (Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan) instead of just regulating market mechanisms, have exercised strong control over their economies and society through highly-ambitious long-term economic and social development programs implemented in tight partnership with the private sector. Indeed, this phenomenon is worth exploring when we ask the question of how governance and political economy is evolving in the world and what are the new approaches that can inform governments. This Ph.D. thesis focuses on the evolution of strategies for social and economic development and more specifically on the emergence of developmental states in Africa. By looking at the case of Rwanda that is often considered as a success story in Africa, the aim of this thesis is to show how much this state is transforming its institutions in line with a model that resembles the developmental state, but with its specificities and perspective. Based on a large selection of primary sources gathered in Rwanda between 2015 and 2016, we argue that the system of governance of Rwanda has evolved in a different direction than the typical neo-liberal model often advocated by the West and is following a developmentalist approach much closer to some early East Asian developmental states. The case of Rwanda is a good starting point to analyze the emergence of alternative governance models in Africa which illustrate the current change in today’s political economy.
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Krüger, Sandra. "The Genocide in Rwanda : An Interpretative Case Study of the UN Decision-Making Process." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43618.

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This thesis uses an interpretative case study of the Rwandan genocide to explore and analyze factors in the decision-making process of the United Nations. Using defensive structural realism and its concepts and theories explained by Stephen Walt, a level-by-level analyses is conducted.             Conducted from a realist point of view, the study found that there was no clear way to foresee the upcoming genocide for certain, yet the increase in violence in the near future was. Yet, the UN member states were still dealing with the aftermath of their intervention in Somalia which, besides other factors, lead to a broken will of the member states to support the UNAMIR mission when it became clear that it would not be an easy and quick peace mission. With this reluctancy the member states did indeed limit the possibilities for the UN to act but the Security Council as well as any other competent bodies of the UN could have called upon the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in order to get everyone to pull on one string.              The conclusions from the analysis suggest, that a broad spectrum of factors motivated the decision-making process at that time. It is impossible to know exactly who knew what, but in this case, it became clear that the decision-making bodies of the UN did not adequately respond to the situation at hand, genocide or not, because of factors which had nothing to do with the original conflict. Such as the repercussions from the Somalia intervention or simple miscommunication within and between departments.
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Glavanis, Pandelis Michalis. "Aspects of the economic and social history of the Greek community in Alexandria during the nineteenth century." Thesis, University of Hull, 1989. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3580.

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This study is intended to be a contribution to nineteenth century Egyptian historiography with particular reference to a discussion of aspects of the economic and social role and activities of the Greek community in Alexandria. Given, however, the almost total absence of studies on the role and activities of the modern history of the Greeks in Egypt, this study constitutes both a pioneering and preliminary contribution.
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Books on the topic "Administration of Political aspects Rwanda"

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Rwanda, un génocide populaire. Paris: Karthala, 2008.

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Le défi de l'ethnisme: Rwanda et Burundi. Paris: Éditions Karthala, 2012.

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Rwanda: Autoréconciliation et droits citoyens : une dialectique politico-culturelle. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2004.

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Overdulve, C. M. Rwanda: Un peuple avec une histoire. Paris: Harmattan, 1997.

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Rwanda: Part de dieu et part du diable : récit. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2002.

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Prunier, Gérard. Rwanda, 1959-1996: Histoire d'un génocide. [Paris]: Éditions Dagorno, 1997.

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Ethnic politics and democratic transition in Rwanda. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Marrus, Michael Robert. Modern political trials. 2nd ed. [Toronto]: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 2007.

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Marrus, Michael Robert. Modern political trials. 2nd ed. [Toronto]: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 2008.

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Reyntjens, Filip. L' Afrique des Grands Lacs en crise: Rwanda, Burundi, 1988-1994. Paris: Karthala, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Administration of Political aspects Rwanda"

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Takeuchi, Shinichi, and Jean Marara. "Land Law Reform and Complex State-Building Process in Rwanda." In African Land Reform Under Economic Liberalisation, 137–52. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4725-3_7.

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AbstractThis study sheds light on recent land law (land tenure) reform in Rwanda by examining its close and complex relations with state-building. By prioritising land law reform and receiving strong support from external funding agencies, the post-civil warRwanda became the first African country to complete land registration throughout its territory. Land law reform should be considered a part of the radical interventions in rural areas frequently implemented by the Rwandan Patriotic Front-led government and, therefore, has been closely connected to its aspiration to reinforce the existent political order. The government has utilised reform and external financial support for this purpose. However, despite the success of the one-time land registration, Rwanda has encountered serious difficulties in institutionalising sustainable registering systems since transactions of land have been recorded only in exceptional cases. Additionally, it suggests that the government does not have a strong incentive to collect accurate information about properties in rural areas. The widening gap between recorded information and the real situation may affect land administration, which is of tremendous importance to Rwanda and, thus, possibly undermine state control over society.
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Islas, Paul Moch, Anne K. Calef, and Cristina Aparicio. "2013 Mexico’s Education Reform: A Multi-dimensional Analysis." In Implementing Deeper Learning and 21st Education Reforms, 79–107. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57039-2_4.

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Abstract The 2013 education reform to Mexico’s education system had two main goals, one explicit, to improve the quality of education and one implicit, to reassert federal authority over the education sector. Beginning with institutional and political mechanisms that introduced evaluations to the teaching profession, the reform sought a shift in Mexican educational culture. This chapter will begin by analyzing Mexico in international and domestic contexts to understand the urgency of the reform. It will then use Reimers (2020b and 2020c) five perspectives on education change to analyze the reform and evaluate the sequence in which it was implemented. The chapter concludes by outlining the results of the reform to date and summarizing the relationship between the five perspectives. Ultimately, we argue that the initial deprioritization of technical aspects, including pedagogical and curricular ones, stymied the cultural shift towards an educational model grounded in twenty-first century competencies that the reform sought. When coupled with a limited political cycle and uneven implementation at a state level, the reform’s sequence left little time for full implementation of its more pedagogical aspects, such as the new education model, and ultimately faced dramatic reprisal from the new presidential administration.
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Kristianssen, Ann-Catrin. "Establishing Vision Zero in New York City – The Story of a Pioneer." In The Vision Zero Handbook, 1–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23176-7_20-1.

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AbstractVision Zero was established in 2014 as the foundation of the New York City road safety policy. The purpose of this chapter is to understand why and how Vision Zero was introduced as well as by whom and with what tools. The chapter focuses on understanding this policy change in New York City and is based on a document study and 18 semi-structured interview with 19 respondents city administration staff, researchers, media, and NGOs. The analysis is made by looking closer at the state of four aspects by the time of the establishment of Vision Zero – problem framing, policy formulation, political actors, and proposed solutions. This theoretical framework is mainly based on the work of John Kingdon (Agenda, Alternatives, and Public Policies. Little, Brown, Boston, 1984) and Michael Howlett (Public Policy Adm 34(4):405–430, 2019). The chapter states that there were several factors leading to the adoption of Vision Zero. First, the road safety problems were not as serious as in many other regions of the USA, but compared to other major cities in the western world, the fatalities and serious injuries in New York City were deemed unacceptable by politicians, NGOs, and the public. The imminent problem on the ground was further emphasized by several high-profile cases of child fatalities in traffic crashes. Second, the Vision Zero policy or philosophy was a coherent and above all a successfully tested policy based on a scientific foundation. The credit for introducing Vision Zero in the New York City context is given to non-governmental organizations such as Transportation Alternatives and Families for Safe Streets and specific public administrators in key positions. These actors were all searching for new solutions, and as the politicians placed road safety high on the agenda, a window of opportunity was opened to Vision Zero. In addition, politicians, with the support and pressure from NGOs, established a policy program based on Vision Zero, and this program further established a belief in Vision Zero as a credible way forward. There was and is criticism directed towards the policy based on equity and that Vision Zero risks strengthening discriminatory structures. The basic idea of adapting the physical infrastructure to accommodate human mistakes is challenging in many American contexts, but in a diverse city such as New York, this approach may be able to address equity, according to several respondents, if based on solid crash data. The Vision Zero in New York City differs from the original Swedish version in mainly two ways: the focus in New York on law enforcement and on the behavior of the individual road user.
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Kristianssen, Ann-Catrin. "Establishing Vision Zero in New York City: The Story of a Pioneer." In The Vision Zero Handbook, 571–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76505-7_20.

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AbstractVision Zero was established in 2014 as the foundation of the New York City road safety policy. The purpose of this chapter is to understand why and how Vision Zero was introduced as well as by whom and with what tools. The chapter focuses on understanding this policy change in New York City and is based on a document study and 18 semi-structured interview with 19 respondents city administration staff, researchers, media, and NGOs. The analysis is made by looking closer at the state of four aspects by the time of the establishment of Vision Zero – problem framing, policy formulation, political actors, and proposed solutions. This theoretical framework is mainly based on the work of John Kingdon (Agenda, Alternatives, and Public Policies. Little, Brown, Boston, 1984) and Michael Howlett (Public Policy Adm 34(4):405–430, 2019). The chapter states that there were several factors leading to the adoption of Vision Zero. First, the road safety problems were not as serious as in many other regions of the USA, but compared to other major cities in the western world, the fatalities and serious injuries in New York City were deemed unacceptable by politicians, NGOs, and the public. The imminent problem on the ground was further emphasized by several high-profile cases of child fatalities in traffic crashes. Second, the Vision Zero policy or philosophy was a coherent and above all a successfully tested policy based on a scientific foundation. The credit for introducing Vision Zero in the New York City context is given to non-governmental organizations such as Transportation Alternatives and Families for Safe Streets and specific public administrators in key positions. These actors were all searching for new solutions, and as the politicians placed road safety high on the agenda, a window of opportunity was opened to Vision Zero. In addition, politicians, with the support and pressure from NGOs, established a policy program based on Vision Zero, and this program further established a belief in Vision Zero as a credible way forward. There was and is criticism directed towards the policy based on equity and that Vision Zero risks strengthening discriminatory structures. The basic idea of adapting the physical infrastructure to accommodate human mistakes is challenging in many American contexts, but in a diverse city such as New York, this approach may be able to address equity, according to several respondents, if based on solid crash data. The Vision Zero in New York City differs from the original Swedish version in mainly two ways: the focus in New York on law enforcement and on the behavior of the individual road user.
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Kleiner, Tuuli-Marja, and Reinhold Melcher. "The Relation Between Moral Attitudes and Political Identity." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 203–29. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3677-3.ch009.

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This study investigates how moral values structure the left/right identification of citizens. Specifically, this chapter reconnoitres how moral attitudes relate to the political fringes on both sides compared to economic attitudes. Using pooled data drawn from the World Value Survey (WVS) and the European Value Survey (EVS), this chapter calculates point-biseral correlation coefficients for 12 European countries at different points in time (1982-2014). The findings indicate that (1) both cultural and economic aspects determine mass political identification, (2) the significance of cultural aspects seems higher in traditional countries, (3) all influences remain largely stable over time. In addition, (4) this chapter identifies an unexpected pattern: while the economic dimension structures the political realm quite evenly, moral orientations seem to be divided into the ‘moral universalists' on the left pole and the ‘moral conservatives', who consider themselves as either moderate or rightist.
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Bignoux, Stephane. "Engaging Young Voters in the Political Process." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 89–112. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3677-3.ch004.

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The aim of this chapter is to analyse young voter engagement in modern Western democracies. Why young voters? Young voters are disengaged from the political process. In order to complete the analysis, the author adapts an engagement model from social media marketing. The adapted model consists of three parts: consumption, contribution, and (co) creation of brand related materials. The author hypothesises that each aspect of the model is related to the other and that all three aspects of the model are positively related to loyalty to the political party brand. The aim of this conceptual adaptation is to investigate a new way to re-engage young voters with the political party brand, thereby strengthening one pillar of modern democracy.
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Williams, Timothy P., Sylvestre Nzahabwanayo, Tom Lavers, and Eric Ndushabandi. "Distributing Social Transfers in Rwanda." In The Politics of Distributing Social Transfers, 90–118. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192862525.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter examines the political dynamics shaping the distribution of Rwanda’s Vision 2020 Umurenge Programme (VUP). The research finds that, first, despite selecting ‘most likely’ cases for variation within Rwanda, there is little evidence of systematic variation in state capacity and programme implementation between research sites. This suggests that the government’s stated commitment to uniform implementation across the country may have addressed past variation in the reach of the state. Second, despite relatively high levels of infrastructural power across the sites, significant challenges remain. Notably, the pressures of top-down performance assessment have tended to prioritize the productive aspects of the programme, forcing local officials to make difficult choices that undermine the VUP’s protective role. As such, the chapter highlights the importance not just of infrastructural power, but the purposes for which that power is deployed.
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Alican, Fuat. "Political and Cultural Issues in Digital Public Administration." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 43–73. IGI Global, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-3691-0.ch003.

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Political and cultural aspects of digital public undertakings in developing countries are often neglected as more emphasis is placed on the technological components. The mutual impact between political or cultural issues and emerging trends such as cloud computing and social networks exacerbate the problem. This chapter analyzes political and cultural issues which have a significant impact on digital public administration and e-government initiatives in developing countries, also taking into consideration the emerging tendencies and technologies. It combines theory and practice, including studies that demonstrate different political or cultural issues involved in the digital undertakings in these countries, examples from different contexts and nations, and a case study from Turkey. The chapter starts with examples of different political issues, analyzing and summarizing some of the most relevant of these issues, including existing literature related to each subject. It continues with cultural issues. The subsequent section contains a discussion of how political and cultural issues relate to the tendencies of the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) sector, and why this context is important for digital initiatives in developing countries, as an initial guide to existing and future challenges. The chapter ends with the case of Turkey, which demonstrates political and cultural issues faced on both national and regional levels, in the context of digital public administration and emerging trends in ICTs.
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Cakar, Ulas, and Haeeun Kim. "Experiences of Non-Profit Organizations in Korea." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 499–528. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0731-4.ch023.

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Social, cultural, and economic aspects of a country decide the formation and development of the country's non-profit organizations. Examining Korean NPOs shows uniqueness in their birth characteristics, historical advancement, and current location. This chapter presents discussions on definitions and functions of Korean NPOs, their development history regarding political regimes, current situation which the organizations are facing, and opportunities to overcome the challenges. The democracy movement in the 1980s facilitated activities of NPOs and different political regimes have been providing diverse backgrounds for NPOs' performance. Currently, Korean NPOs are confronted with challenges in functional and managerial aspects. The authors propose facilitating the high internet usage of Korea into a power tool for NPOs and turning the attention toward clubs and societies as possible remedies for the difficulties. This chapter is expected to promote understanding of Korean NPOs and provide insights for the future development of Korean NPO literature.
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Akers, Eugene J. "Technology Diffusion in Public Administration." In Handbook of Research on Public Information Technology, 339–48. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-857-4.ch033.

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The ability to understand the salient aspects of innovations, as perceived by the members of a social system, is essential to the success of planned change. The diffusion of information technology in the public sector provides the opportunity to apply the appropriateness of diffusion theory in a combined context of information technology and public policy innovation. Past studies support the salience of diffusion theory and the adoption of information technology (Attewell, 1992; Brancheau & Wetherbe, 1990; Chau & Tam, 1997; Cooper & Zmud, 1990; Damanpour, 1991; Fichman, 1992; Swanson, 1994; Tornatzky & Fleischer, 1990). Other studies suggest that existing theory in public policy adoption adequately provide a framework to guide research in technology adoption in the public sector (Akers, 2006; Berman & Martin, 1992; Berry, 1994; Berry & Berry, 1990; Glick & Hays, 1991; Gray, 1973; Hays, 1996; Hwang & Gray, 1991; Mintrom, 1997; Rogers, 1962; True & Mintrom, 2001; Walker, 1969; Welch & Thompson, 1980) However, there is little research that combines both frameworks for understanding the adoption of information technology in public organizations or within political subdivisions. Using classical diffusion theory, information technology adoption, and public policy adoption theory, there is sufficient contextual relevance of these theories to guide research in the adoption of public information technology in public organizations and political subdivisions.
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Conference papers on the topic "Administration of Political aspects Rwanda"

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Salnikova, O. F., and O. V. Kapshtyk. "Analysis of legal mechanisms of public administration military and political aspects of security." In INFLUENCE OF EUROPEANIZATION ON PUBLIC MANAGEMENT AND ADMINISTRATION IN UKRAINE. Baltija Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-249-4-15.

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Machyniak, Jan. "POLITICAL ASPECTS AS A DETERMINANT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION FUNCTIONING- THE CASE OF SLOVAKIA AFTER 1989." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.030.

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Pramusinto, Bambang, Endang Larasati, Hardi Warsono, and Sundarso Sundarso. "Aspects of Administration Service Integrated of Sub-District in Semarang City." In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Indonesian Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2019, 21-22 October 2019, Semarang, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.21-10-2019.2294354.

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Barinova, Valeria, Artyom Fomenkov, Tatyana Zorina, and Victor Smirnov. "SIGNIFICANT ASPECTS OF DIGITALIZATION OF MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION (BASED ON MATERIALS FROM NIZHNY NOVGOROD)." In MODERN CITY: POWER, GOVERNMENT, ECONOMY. Digital Transformation State and Municipal Administration. Perm National Research Polytechnic University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/65.049-66/2021.01.

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The article deals with issues related to the digitalization of municipal ad-ministration in Nizhny Novgorod. Achievements and problems in the provision of municipal services in digital form are identified. The importance of using digital technologies in the framework of initiative budgeting is indicated. New opportunities for the use of digital technologies in the political sphere at the municipal level are identified.
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Klarić, Mirko. "„SMART CITY” CONCEPT AS A POSSIBLE ANSWER TO NEW CHALLENGES IN POST-COVID ERA." In The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22442.

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The “Smart City” concept and “smart digitalization” represent implementation of information and communication technologies in local government units. This is a new approach to local governance in managing various local government services and delivery of goods. Local government represents a form of political and administrative territorial organization, with specific local tasks and services regarding the local community. It has a separate jurisdiction and specific autonomy and functions mostly independently of the central government administration. Different administrative and political systems have different models of local government organization. The position of local government units depends on the degree of centralization present in the political system. Local government organization and public authorities are focused on delivery of goods and maintaining various public services for the local community, and their services usually have a local character. Their radius of influence is territorially limited in local units and social communities connected with these units. Services and tasks provided from local government units are specific because they usually influence daily life and quality of living in the local community. The concept of “Smart City” and implementation of “smart digitalization” in managing local public tasks and delivery of local services and goods can improve local governance and help in establishing an efficient model of local government administration. In this paper a comparative and deductive approach is used to explain main elements of the “Smart City” concept and their application to local government tasks and obligations. Second, it uses a synthetic approach to explore how implementation of “smart digitalization” and the “Smart City” concept can be used as an efficient tool for social, economic, and political challenges in the post-Covid era.
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HETTIARACHCHI, A. A. "UNDERLYING REASONS BEHIND THE SUSTENANCE OF RAGGING IN SRI LANKAN UNIVERSITIES: Findings from a state university in Colombo, Sri Lanka." In 13th International Research Conference - FARU 2020. Faculty of Architecture Research Unit (FARU), University of Moratuwa, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31705/faru.2020.18.

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Ragging is a deep-seated long-lasting social practice found in the state university system of Sri Lanka. Considering the negative, damaging impacts on physical, psychological, social, cognitive and behavioural aspects of undergraduates, it has been identified as a punishable offence under the Prohibition of Ragging and other forms of violence in educational institutions Act, No. 20 of 1998. Despite the array of harmful effects, ragging has evolved during the past five decades and sustained thus far amidst severe punishments imposed. The objective of the current study was to identify the underlying deep-rooted reasons behind sustenance of ragging in state universities with reference to a selected university (UOX) in Colombo, Sri Lanka. In-depth interviews were conducted with a heterogeneous sample (n=20) of volunteers. The study exposed an interconnected feeding system comprised of a minority of significant personnel among freshers, seniors, student unions, staff, administration, industry and political parties who play a decisive role in justifying the need and thereby support the sustenance of ragging. These findings may enable university authorities to find creative and innovative solutions to combat this menace to create a conducive academic environment for the future student community of State Universities in Sri Lanka.
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Bataveljić, Dragan, Dragan Vojinović, and Dejan Logarušic. "MODEL PODELE VLASTI U PRVOM USTAVU PRVE JUGOSLOVENSKE DRŽAVE – VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.187b.

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In this paper, the co-authors first analyzed the meaning and scope of the provisions of Vidovdan Constitution, as well as the circumstances that preceded its adoption. They include, among other things, the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes that took place on December 1st, 1918 in Belgrade, then, the constitutional provisional arrangement, as well as various debates held at the Constitutional Convention. Also, it should be mentioned that the final adoption of this Constitution was preceded by several constitutional drafts, so, the co-authors of this paper hope that their legal analysis will attract the attention of contemporary and future constitutionalists and legal historians. In the text that follows, the co-authors will attempt to shed the light on both social and political aspects of the conflicts of that time and clashes in the Assembly. The central part of the paper is dedicated to the issue of the organization of government (administration) in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes based on Vidovdan Constitution. Namely, from the date of merging into a common state, until the date of the adoption of this Constitution, there was rather a long lapse of time, more than two and a half years. This created a lot of problems and the principle issue was the struggle to consolidate a newly formed state. Such constitutional provisional arrangement left a number of adverse consequences since the decisions passed by the Government established just temporary, provisional constitutional arrangements. Of course, at the given moment they were of great significance, but they generated the constitutional and legal framework of the newly formed state.
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Anifowose, Titilayo. "Significance of cultural heritage assets in the definition of urban morphology. A case of Egba-Ake in South-West Nigeria." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/fxzs7229.

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This study defined morphological importance of cultural heritage assets and formation of Egba-Ake town. Cultural heritages include man’s physical imaginative products which can be touched and seen include buildings, crafts, tools, ivory, cowries, paintings, textiles, pestles, mortars, food, wooden objects, tombs & grave goods, temples, dresses, pottery & potsherd pavements, monuments, books and artifacts. Morphology are factors that influence city/community formation which are determined by synthetic and natural determinants. Cultural heritage assets are whatever is valued by people today that was also cherished by former generations. This research explored the importance of cultural heritage assets in relation to urban fabrics formation of Egba-Ake. Qualitative method was adopted in this study, in-depth interviews and personal observation was used for data collection while Nvivo words tree and satellite imagery was used to analyze collected data. Ake’s palace and Itoku market is located at the center around which the Egba-Ake evolved. Ake’s Palace (political and cultural hub of the town) and Itoku market (the economic heritage of the town) was used to preserve various aspects of Egba-Ake cultural heritage. Ela festival (new yam festival) is annually celebrated cultural activity in Egba-Ake. This finding is relevant to policy makers as it allows the support of potential common structures for heritage administration in Egba-Ake. Effect of heritage in EgbaAke morphology is the new palace of Alake (the cultural ruler) of Egba-Ake were renovated and new once built a few years ago with modern architectural designs, furniture and fittings. This has made the Alake’s Palace to meet ‘international standards’. Social amenities and infrastructures like electricity supply, water systems, hospitals, good roads, administrative offices, schools; communication networks, etc. are now a major feature in Egba-Ake town. Further studies will enhance the implementation issues which may arise from the creation of a framework for cultural heritage management, with emphasis on risk management and risk reduction of cultural heritage.
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