Journal articles on the topic 'Administration: Finance, 1920'

The article, based on the analysis of scientific approaches to understanding the form of activity of public administration bodies, examines the concepts and types of activity forms of the People’s Commissariat of Finance of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic in the 1920s. The form of activity of public administration bodies of the USSR in the 1920s is the external design of administrative activity. Regarding the activities of public administration bodies of the USSR in the 1920s, it is possible to apply the generally accepted in legal science division of forms of administrative activity into legal and non-legal. It is proved that the legal form of activity of the People’s Commissariat of Finance of the USSR (Plenipotentiary of the People’s Commissariat of Finance of the RSFSR under the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR) in the 1920s is manifested in the following forms: adoption of regulations (orders and regulations of the) Board of the People’s Commissariat of Finance of the USSR); adoption of individual acts. The Administrative Code of the USSR of October 12, 1927 regulated the procedure for announcing normative (administrative) acts. A special group of regulations of that time were administrative acts. Individual acts are defined as administrative prescriptions of a personalized nature, adopted in the process of authoritative activity of public administration in order to ensure the tasks of administrative and legal regulation. Such acts include resolutions of the board of the People’s Commissariat of Finance of the USSR (Plenipotentiary of the People’s Commissariat of Finance of the RSFSR under the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR). Key words: public administration, Council of the people’s commissariat, constitution, people’s commissariat, body of state power, organizational forms, legal forms.

Currently, the country is still recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic, during which the Federal Government was forced to expand many of the programs under the Social Security Administration. During the height of the pandemic, government spending has increased to an obligation of 4.16 trillion. As the general public celebrated the booming economy of the mid and early 1920’s the economy appeared to grow at a steady rate of approximately 5%, while the unemployment rate at the time averaged around 4%. Because of this boom in the economy, many Americans moved into cities and began to invest heavily in the stock market and other nontraditional investments for the time that promised the greatest return on their investment.

The army has always played a major role in the performance of defence tasks in Hungary. This article presents the development of Hungary’s national defence from the collapse of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy in 1918 to the present day. It describes the ground, cavalry and air units of the Royal Hungarian Army stationed in Debrecen since 1920, the military facilities used by the Soviet Red Army in Debrecen, and the units of the Hungarian Defence Forces operating in the city. It presents the work, activities, tasks and military facilities of the following entities: HDF 5th “István Bocskai” Infantry Brigade, HDF 24th “Gergely Bornemissza” Reconnaissance Regiment, HDF 2nd “vitéz Antal Vattay” Territorial Defence Regiment, 3rd “Sándor Oláh” Territorial Defence Battalion and the HDF Military Administration and Central Registry Command 2nd Augmentation and Recruitment Centre, and the 3rd Augmentation and Recruitment Office, the last two of which being responsible for providing supplies.

From the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 through the New Deal, American legislators commonly endowed administrative agencies with broad discretionary power. They did so over the objections of an intellectual founder of the American administrative state. The American-born, German-educated lawyer and political scientist Ernst Freund developed an Americanized version of the Rechtsstaat—a government bound by fixed and definite rules—in an impressive body of scholarship between 1894 and 1915. In 1920 he eagerly took up an offer from the Commonwealth Fund to finance a comprehensive study of administration in the United States. Here was his chance to show that a Continental version of the Rule of Law had come to America. Unfortunately for Freund, the Commonwealth Fund yoked him to the Austrian-born, American-educated Felix Frankfurter, a celebrant of the enlightened discretion of administrators. Freund's major publication for the Commonwealth Fund, Administrative Powers over Persons and Property (1928), made little impression on scholars of administrative law, who took their lead from Frankfurter. Today the Rechtsstaat is largely the beau ideal of libertarian critics of the New Deal; few recognize that it is also part of the diverse legacy of Progressive reform.

Taiwan and China are two countries that have a long history of ideology, government, and territory. The two countries have been at war since 1920 between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang until the ROC government finally moved to the island of Taiwan. Since then, cross-strait relations politically have not been good. On the other hand, trade between the two countries is very good, especially after the formation of the ECFA trade agreement in 2010 which made exports and imports easier. In trade expectations theory, this research analyzes the existence of a “peaceful trade” relationship between the two countries through trade and investment. China has trade dependence on Taiwan in integrated circuit commodities because Taiwan can produce good quality integrated circuits. Based on the principle of dependency, trade relations create “peaceful trade” conditions for cross-strait relations in unstable political conditions. Integrated circuits are also needed by many countries so that Taiwan can control 60% of trade in the global market. Taiwan also has dependence on China for FDI. The value of Taiwan’s FDI to China in 2021 is 46 times higher than integrated circuit exports to China in 2021. This research looks at cross-strait relations between Taiwan and China in ECFA cooperation regarding cross-border trade during the Tsai Ing-wen administration. The qualitative method used in this research took data from the Ministry of Finance of Taiwan. This research analyzes the trade relations between the two countries from exports, imports and FDI as the main findings so that the dependence of the economies of the two countries to date has created conditions for cross-strait relations.

The paper deals with the theory and practical experience of Soviet economic reforms in 1921—1985. The authors discuss current literature on the subject and suggest methodological tools for the analysis of Soviet economic reforms, their stages and conceptions. Special attention is paid to the “new economic policy” of the 1920s (nep) and “Kosygin reform” of 1965. The authors figure out three basic concepts of Soviet reforms: improvement of planning administration, development of the key indicator of economic performance, and complex improvements of the economic mechanism

In the process of adopting the Vidovdan Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1921), one of the topical issues was the form of supervision that the state government would exercise over the local self-government. In this article, the author first elaborates on the development of this constitutional document, with specific reference to the constitutional drafts proposed by the governments of Milenko Vesnić and Nikola Pašić, the amendments introduced by the Constitutional Committee, and the adoption of the constitution in the Constituent Assembly on 28 June 1921 (St. Vitus Day). The Vodovdan Constitution was the legal ground for adopting two important legislative acts in April 1922: the Law on General Administration and the Law on Regional and District Self-Governmnent. The author analyzes the constitutional and statutory provisions that regulated the legal position of state authorities in the administrative districts, counties and local self-government bodies, as well as their mutual relations. State supervision over the local self-government activities, primarily at the regional (district) level, has been observed in the context of state supervision over the administrative acts/ documents and local administrative bodies. In particular, the author focuses on the supervision over regional finances, considering not only the importance of these funds for the functioning of the regional self-government but also the restrictions which the regional government was exposed to. The aim of the research is to point out to the legal relations between the central (state) administration and local self-government in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, which were initially envisaged in the Vidovdan Constitution and subsequently instituted by the the 1922 Law on Regional and District Self-Government.

In 1922, British colonial Gambia demonetized the French 5-franc coin, which had been legal tender at a fixed rate in the colony since 1843. Until World War I, this rate was close to the international rate under the gold standard. When the franc began to depreciate in 1918, however, a gap emerged between the Gambian rate and the international rate, prompting a rapid influx of the coins. The demonetization cost the colonial administration over a year's revenue, affecting the later development of the colony. The 1920s have long been a fruitful period for the study of monetary history owing to the instability of exchange rates during and after the war. This article extends the study of this period to examine the impact of these changes on dependent colonies in West Africa, highlighting the importance of local compromises and particularities in colonial monetary systems.

Existence of the cities above the Arctic Circle is a topic that is gaining importance. Most scholars adhere to economic approach, some to urbanistic, and rarely to social. However, it is the sociocultural situation that distinguishes a city from a settlement near a plant, the quality of the urban environment playing a decisive role in preservation (or loss) of population. Urban environment is a multidimensional notion. This paper aims to correlate the elements of the urban environment of Norilsk created with direct involvement of the Norilsk Nickel Smelter with those evolved entirely without its intervention. The paper demonstrates that absolutization of departmentalism in city life can camouflage essential features of the urban environment, while the widely used notion of “single-industry town” (monogorod) contradicts the very essence of the city. The work is based on archival materials and memoirs of the Norilsk citizens, some are being introduced into scientific use. The authors employed “new urban history” approach, in particular, works of Henri Lefebvre. The paper analyses the sources and specific character of urban population growth, investigates the driving forces of Norilsk development and improvement. The paper also shows constructive and destructive influence of the smelter upon the urban environment. The paper explores the ways in which residents contributed to city development. Additionally, it considers natural and climatic factors. The authors conclude that it is wrong to overemphasize the activities of the Norilsk Nickel Smelter in creation of Norilsk and to contrapose city and plant. Though there are clear physical boundaries for both town and plant, their social and cultural spheres are interconnected. The development of plant and town are like two sides of a coin. Those who inhabited the town and those who worked for the smelter or managed it were with few exceptions the same people. The plant organized and financed city construction and development, but realization was in the hands of its citizens. Even if the initiative belonged to the plant administration, side issues of municipal improvement were settled by dint of citizens’ activities. The geographical position of Norilsk influenced its specific lifestyle. It was impossible to cope individually with existential threats of living beyond the Arctic Circle. In this respect, the smelter paternalism was natural. Simultaneously, the difficulties of everyday life united people and formed collective spirit that remained even when people left the town. The same hardships promoted construction of health and wellbeing resources, contributing to urban development, organized and sponsored by the smelter. Altogether, the paper argues that the development of the smelter and the town was interrelated. It became a crucial factor for survival in extreme environments.

It seems to be generally accepted that school meals played a small but important role in the creation of conceptual and practical space for the first green shoots of the modern welfare state, and that their provision, no matter how modest at the outset, therefore represented a major departure in the history of social policy. As Bentley Gilbert notes: “The passage of the Education (Provision of Meals) Act of 1906, and the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act of 1907, establishing medical inspection in State schools, marked the beginning of the construction of the welfare state. For the historian, feeding was the more important measure, not because it was wider in scope or more beneficial, but simply because it occurred first.” Thus the Liberal party's reforming administration of 1906–14 began with legislation on free school meals and school medical inspection. According to Pat Thane, this “was the first extension from the field of schooling into that of welfare of the principle that a publicly financed benefit could be granted to those in need, free both of charge and of the disabilities associated with the Poor Law,” and Charles Webster suggests that “the foundations were laid for the principle of providing publicly funded welfare benefits for an entire class of recipient without the imposition of the kind of limitations traditionally imposed under the Poor Law.” In more general terms, Ulla Gustafsson has asserted that school meals “inform our understanding of the relationship between the state, the family and children.”

The history of Brazilian accounting has not been explored at length. Through a historical survey, this article presents the history of the Double-entry Bookkeeping Committee of 1914. After the Proclamation of the Republic was announced in 1889, the government started to expand its administrative bodies, necessitating the introduction of a bureaucracy able to perform new functions. In the same period, Brazil experienced a strong economic development with the development of its coffee industry. In 1905, under the leadership of Carlos de Carvalho, São Paulo State Treasury bookkeeping tasks were introduced under a double-entry bookkeeping system and through accrual and financial accounting. Double-entry bookkeeping practices in the federal public accounting system, although enshrined in law since 1808, were only fully realized after the creation of the Double-entry Bookkeeping Committee in 1914. In that same year, due to the negotiation of a second funding loan, English creditor bank auditors requested a balance of the National Treasury from the Minister of Finance Rivadávia Corrêa. Because the balance had not been prepared in eight years, the Double-entry Bookkeeping Committee was established in June of 1914, and this body completed a technical audit of Revenues and Expenditures. The committee also conducted the state administration's first Asset and Liability audit since the colonial era. The Double-entry Bookkeeping Committee of 1914 spearheaded changes to the Brazilian public accounting system, including the creation of the Public Accounting Code in 1922 and the approval of Central Accounting Office of the Republic regulation in 1924, strengthening and ascribing perpetuity to practices adopted after 1914.

Austria has a very long tradition in monument protection. Already in 1853, the central commission to research and preserve the built historic monuments started to operate. The current law on monument protection is from the year 1923. Hence, the most successful steps to secure the country’s built cultural heritage date back to a new provincial legislation, administration and finance system implemented in the early 70ies of the 19th century based on so-called Old-City Preservation Acts. By this sensitive approach, Austria safeguarded the most important historic city centers of Austria like Salzburg, Graz and Vienna vividly in their traditional characteristics without turning them into museum cities without contemporary life. Especially Vienna managed to balance the protection of its extent historic urban environments with parallel ongoing directed urban expansion. This paper will reflect the genesis of this very successful integrated conservation process for its capital Vienna in the context of the Austrian tradition of monument protection and the European Year of Architectural Heritage 1975. Further, it will outline its legal, administrative and financial framework. Finally, it will describe its different phases of development reacting on shifting goals during the course of the times.

The origins of the American university system are generally traced to a reform cycle that began in the late 1890s and culminated in the 1920s when most colleges and universities adopted institutional structures, faculty routines, and financial systems that approximated those of a modern corporation. As contemporary educational historians have rewritten the saga of higher education reform, the institutional changes that swept through colleges during this formative period have come to be viewed as a virtually inevitable functional response to the demands of political and economic modernization. The underlying historiographic theme of modernization theory is that as higher institutions expanded in size, internal diversity, and organizational complexity, university presidents responded with the only feasible administrative alternative that could restore effective control and economic efficiency to educational institutions. Indeed, Laurence Veysey's classic rendition of this scenario concludes that a corporate type of bureaucratic administration became “essential” if higher institutions were to avoid educational confusion and fiscal insolvency, while adjusting to the cultural, economic, and political demands placed on them by industrial society.

Abstract A search of the Irish State Administration Database (ISAD, www.isad.ie), which records the origins, life cycle, policy domain and functions of all central public organisations since the foundation of the Irish state over a century ago, reveals that, following the formative and turbulent year of 1922, the Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General was the first new agency formally established in 1923. The primacy given to what we might now refer to as a supreme audit institution (SAI) for the public sector reflects the importance of financial control to the effective functioning and legitimacy of the executive organs of the nascent state. In this paper we analyse the changing range and scope of functions undertaken by the Comptroller and Auditor General in its first century. We examine first the sustained growth in the number and type of public bodies subject to Comptroller and Auditor General scrutiny. Second, we look at the broadening in scope of audit functions beyond the traditional concerns of regularity, ensuring the money was spent for the purposes for which it was given (financial and compliance audit), to encompass wider values such as efficiency, economy and effectiveness and even performance, more broadly conceived. Finally, as well as the instrumental perspective on the role of the Comptroller and Auditor General’s Office, we reflect on the key relationships and cultural and symbolic dimensions of the Office’s work across time. From this analysis we draw some conclusions about the nature of financial control in the contemporary state, as compared with the early Irish state.

Abstract Administrative procedures (APs) are tools to protect fundamental human rights in statecitizen relations. As the modernization of public administration regulation is undergoing a transformation in the direction of reducing detailed rules on APs and, by the same token, emphasizing fundamental or general principles, research on the development and the state of the art of administrative principles in the general administrative procedure acts (APAs) of selected Eastern Europe countries with a common heritage of Austrian law dating back to 1925 (Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and the Czech Republic) was carried out. The normative-comparative analysis reveals differences in approaches to and the pace of APAs reform and content; some countries are taking a more radical approach, mainly by following good governance dimensions. Convergence based on Council of Europe and EU initiatives is also evident. Classical guarantees against the misuse of power (principles of legality, equality, proportionality, rights of defense, etc.) are therefore crucial. The most progress seems to have been made by Croatia and the Czech Republic; by focusing on partnerships in administrative-legal relations in the sense of good administration, these two countries have, among other things, set a trend for other countries to follow.

Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.________‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part One: 1918-1935After the First World War and the introduction of simple universal male suffrage, the Socialist Party was almost as large as the Catholic Party. Elections sharpened the regional and ideological asymmetry. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders; the Socialists acquired a similar position in Wallonia. Coalition gov-ernments were a necessity at the national level. In the Chamber, both the Socialists and the Christian Democratic wing of the Catholics had a strong base of power, but entering in the government turned out to be much more difficult. Governments remained dominated by the conservative wing of the Catholic Party and by the Liberal Party, with support from the king and high finance. Once the Socialist minimum program had been accepted out of fear of a social revolution in the years 1918-1921, the Socialists were only tolerated in government during crises or in case there was no other possibility (1925-1927, 1935-1940). This explains an increasing frustration among Walloon Socialists. At the same time, Flemish Socialists’ anticlericalism hindered their cooperation with Christian Democrats and members of the Flemish Movement, as in Antwerp, and that also held true for the forming of national governments.In the Belgian Workers’ Party (BWP), balance had changed. Power now lay spread among four actors: the federations, the party administration, the parliamentary faction, and sometimes, government ministers. Unity was sometimes hard to find. In 1919 Flemish socialism became much stronger. In Flanders it took 25 seats (18 more than in 1914) and, with 25.5% of the vote, was the second-largest party. In addition, the centre of gravity moved from Ghent to Antwerp, which with six seats became the fourth-largest federation in the BWP. Camille Huysmans’s appeal as the figurehead strengthened its profile with regard to the Flemish Movement. At first, Huysmans had to defend the treatment of the Flemish Question as a matter of individual conscience for party members, even against the Ghent and Kortrijk federations, which had abandoned the foremost pre-war demand of the Flemish Movement, the transformation of the University of Ghent into a Dutch-language institution. As 1930, the centenary of Belgium, approached, the Flemish Movement became stronger once again and an electoral breakthrough by a Flemish nationalist party was feared. An overall solution to the Flemish problem was pressing, also in the BWP. Internal divisions needed to be bridged in order to give full attention to socioeconomic questions, in light of the financial crisis. The unity of Belgium and of the party came first and foremost. In 1929 this led to the ‘Compromis des Belges’ (Compromise of the Belgians) and a few months later to the lesser-known but more radical position of the party, the ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’. Building on the pre-war vision of the existence of two peoples within Belgium, this point of view was imbued with the right of each people to cultural autonomy, based on the principle of regional monolingualism, at the expense of linguistic minorities. For Flemish socialists this came down to a full transformation of Flanders into a Dutch-speaking society, beginning with education and the University of Ghent. The majority of Walloon socialists went along with this, though not without some reluctance. In return, they demanded the elimination of any form of required bilingualism in Belgium, which they saw as a form of Flemish colonialism. In Wallonia and in national institutions (the army, the central administration), monolingual Walloons had a right to be recruited and have a career without a knowledge of Dutch, just as knowledge of Dutch as a second national language was not supposed to be imposed in Wallonia. The significance of this internal compromise has received insufficient attention in the historiography. The same observation applies to the finding that both national workers’ movements – the BWP from the ranks of the opposition – forced the introduction of the principle of territoriality in 1930-1932: an interim phase C of Miroslav Hroch’s model.

Two of the main practical problems which confronted the Xinzheng reforms (1901–1911) were, on the one hand, financial issues, and on the other, personnel issues. In this paper, I will concentrate on the latter. When one thinks of the reforms in relation to administrative personnel, the main aspects generally brought up are centered upon innovations introduced at that time. Among other things, we could mention the new schools or, to be more general, the new educational system that was built up around the empire—mostly after 1900—to prepare a new generation of officials trained in specific fields of ‘modern’ knowledge. They, in turn, were expected to fill in the positions in the newly set up administrative institutions at the central and local levels. Their new training was to allow them to be in charge of the new responsibilities the reformed Qing bureaucratic apparatus had set out to perform in such fields as justice, fiscality and finances, the military and police, education or public health, to name but a few. To summarize, the search for talented men, a Chinese age-old principle for sound government, was trusted to that for new talents. The 1905 disbanding of the traditional examination system did much to reinforce this trend. During the first decade of the 20th century, the steady increase in the number of Chinese young men going abroad to study—especially to Japan—can serve as a testimony to this `new knowledge and new talent fever' of the late Qing. The fights against one another to which some of the central and provincial administrative offices resorted in order to secure for themselves the services of those deemed of talent are but another exemplary illustration of this aspect.

Abstract Ernst Wolf Mommsen (1910–1979) was one of the best-known steel managers of the old German Federal Republic. In 1970 he was recruited as an under-secretary of state by the Federal Ministry of Defence with responsibility for armaments and procurement and returned to industry in 1973 as Chairman of Friedrich Krupp GmbH. Based on extensive archival research, the article examines the background to this twofold switch through the «revolving door». The focus is on the question of whether Mommsen’s entrepreneurial activity could be used successfully in the state administration. Furthermore, the meaning of this revolving door phenomenon with respect to the entanglement of politics and industry in the German Federal Republic of the 70s will be discussed.

Leishmaniasis is widely considered a disease that emerged in Sri Lanka in the 1990s. However, a comprehensive case report from 1904 suggests that the presence of Leishmaniasis was well demonstrated in Sri Lanka long before that. The Annual Administration Reports of Ceylon/Sri Lanka from 1895 to 1970 and the Ceylon Blue Book from 1821 to 1937 are official historical documents that provide an annual performance, progress, goals achieved, and finances of Sri Lanka during that time. Both these documents are available in the National Archives. The Ceylon Administrative Report of 1904 reports a full record of observation of Leishman-Donovan bodies in Sri Lanka for the first time. These reports contain a total of 33,438 cases of leishmaniasis in the years 1928 to 1938, 1953, 1956, 1957, 1959, 1960, and 1961 to 1962. Up to 1938, the term “cutaneous leishmaniasis” was used, and after 1938, the term “leishmaniasis” was used in these reports. “Kala-azar” was also mentioned in 11 administrative reports between 1900 and 1947. In 1947, an extensive vector study has been carried out where they reported kala-azar cases. This well-documented government health information clearly shows that the history of leishmaniasis is almost the same as the global history in which the first case with Leishman-Donovan bodies were reported in 1903.

This paper reconstructs Ekaterinburg’s economic landscape in 1914. The research is based on the 1910 city map and quantitative data from the 1914 city phonebook and relies on the space syntax method. During the study, the authors created a database including 390 local companies’ phone numbers before World War I classified in accordance with the Fisher-Clark economic sector model (primary sector — extraction of raw materials, secondary — manufacturing, tertiary — service industries, quaternary — finances and information services, quinary sector — administration, education, medicine, sciences, etc.). The research demonstrates that there were just a couple of primary sector businesses in Ekaterinburg in the early twentieth century. Most secondary sector plants and factories had been moved outside of the city, while the others were evenly distributed following the environmental regulations and proximity to labour force. Tertiary sector firms dominated in the western part of the city and formed a commercial district around Market Square. The quaternary sector companies had almost the same location, spreading further to the northwest. Quinary sector organisations were dispersed all over the city with a notable concentration in the center and north-western part. The reconstruction of the Ekaterinburg economic landscape reveals that its centre occupied the area around the dam that locked the Iset River running through the city and spread towards the west and north-west part in the early twentieth century forming the city’s future business district.

Abstract This paper employs elite formation quantitative indices to directly and transparently compare the role of the Irish secondary school system in the formation of Ireland’s political and judicial elites, over its history as an independent country (1922–2022). Whereas other elite studies have tended to compare either the same elite formation systems or the same elites, across countries, we examine the eliteness, influence and exclusiveness of one formation system in the creation of two very different societal elites. Our results suggest that the secondary schools that educated Ireland’s superior court judges were significantly more elite and influential than those that educated its cabinet ministers. Additionally, the vast majority of the secondary schools that educated superior court judges, and about 30 per cent of those that educated cabinet ministers, were fee-paying schools, a category of school that constitutes only a tiny fraction of the secondary schools in the country.

The St. John's commercial community took little interest in the administration of the Municipal Council from the city's incorporation in 1888 to 1913. Most prominent merchants were pressed for time because of their businesses; they preferred either to sit in the prestigious Legislative Council or, occasionally, to seek election to the House of Assembly. Under the terms of the 1888 Municipal Act, membership in these legislative bodies gave the merchants considerable control over the city's finances and management. The Municipal Council constantly experienced financial difficulties because of insufficient revenue for improvements. The aim of the civic reform movement organized in December, 1913, by William Gilbert Gosling, the President of the Board of Trade, was to devise means of obtaining additional revenue for municipal improvements. In effect, this meant increasing the property tax, a prospect the city's merchants were forced to accept to achieve an improved water supply for greater fire protection. The additional revenue was to be used also to provide better housing for the poor and to improve public health and sanitary conditions. Early in 1914 the Board of Trade was successful in having the elective council replaced by an appointed commission of businessmen. This commission was intended to administer the city for one year from July 1, 1914, re-organize the various municipal departments, and draft a new municipal charter that would give the council the revenue it required. Gosling's initiative set in motion the events that led to the charter of 1921, the basis of present-day municipal government in St. John's.

Introduction: Many commercial insurers and Medicare have published coverage policies detailing the medical necessity and accessibility of erectile dysfunction (ED) treatment, including implantable penile prosthesis (IPP). Approximately 61% of adults aged 18–64 years in the United States (US) receive health benefits via employer-sponsored health plans (ESHP) and 23% of employers reported medical benefit exclusion for sexual dysfunction treatment. Objective: To obtain nationwide US estimates of the proportions of patients denied IPP treatment due to ESHP exclusions (overall and by state, healthcare insurer, and labor sector industry). Methods: De-identified data from an industry IPP insurance benefit verification database from October 1, 2018 to December 31, 2021 were analyzed to evaluate ESHP-related barriers to IPP access. Results: Among 2,638 patients with commercial insurance and employer data, 34.0% were denied IPP treatment due to ESHP benefit exclusions. ESHPs in Washington (60.7%), Louisiana (55.4%), Arizona (46.6%), Nebraska (45.5%), Ohio (43.3%), and Georgia (43.1%) had the highest exclusion rates, whereas Iowa (19.0%), Alabama (18.9%), Maryland (17.3%), Rhode Island (13.0%), and New York (7.1%) had the lowest exclusion rates. Patients with Aetna insurance had the greatest proportion of exclusions (62.4%), followed by Cigna (61.0%), employer-owned health plans (47.2%), other commercial plans (41.8%), Anthem (37.3%), Blue Cross Blue Shield (BCBS) state plans (24.1%), United Healthcare (15.4%), and Humana (0.0%). The exclusion rate was highest for employees of the leisure and hospitality industry (51.9%), followed by religious organizations (50.0%), health care (40.5%), construction, mining, or agriculture (39.1%), education (38.9%), retail and wholesale trade (36.9%), manufacturing (36.7%), utilities (36.2%), professional and business services (35.4%), transportation (32.6%), finance and insurance (29.1%), labor union organizations (26.9%), and finally public, state, and government administration (25.1%). Conclusions: Despite insurance carrier medical policies, 34.0% of men with an ESHP are denied access to IPP ED treatment due to their ESHP benefit exclusions. ESHP exclusion rates varied geographically, by insurer, and by labor sector industry.

In the 2021 research service report “Estimation of the GDP share of public institutions” issued by the National Assembly Budget Office, there are many differences in the definition of public institutions and the availability of basic statistical data, so the “definition of public institutions” hinders the creation of statistical data. indicating that it is happening. If the creation of statistics, which is extremely important in modern society, is hindered by legal definition, it can be said that the responsibility of legal scholars has played a significant role. Although the legal concept of public enterprise has improved a lot in recent years, the influence of the anachronistic Otto Mayer’s concept is still ubiquitous. In the European Union, where most of the civil law countries are located, the Commission noted in 1980, precisely this criterion, qualifying as public any undertaking over which the public authorities may exercise directly or indirectly a dominant influence on the property, the financial participation or the rules they impose. Otto Mayer used the word “établissement public” interchangeably with the word public enterprise(“entreprise publique”), referring to a public enterprise as “the sum total of material or human means for the purpose of continuously serving a specified public interest in the hands of a public administration.” In France, it was the Blanco decision in 1873 that public service was declared as criterion to the “Droit Administratif” in the administrative litigation, and public service was divided into administrative public service and commercial and industrial public service. Since it was the 1921, West African Commercial Society decision, the commercial and industrial public service activities was excluded from the subject of administrative action and became the subject of civil suit. Otto Mayer understood public service as public service, which is the public administration activity that is subject to administrative suit in its entirety, that is, the public enterprise he expressed.(“entreprise publique”). Until World War I, public corporations as corporations that we understand today had been laissez-faire based on the concept of “the night watch state (Etat gendarme),” and due to the general mobilization nature of World War I, the state did not intervene extensively in the economy. At the beginning, due to the nationalization of private companies to wage war, public corporations began to become popular, and after the end of World War I, the West African commercial society judgment in 1921 made the activities of public corporations the subject of civil law suits. So, today’s organic concept of a public enterprise and Otto Mayer's concept of an operative nature must be disconnected. The word “public enterprise patent” used by Otto Meyer also refers to today's public service patents of an administrative nature, such as patents on eminent domain, which is a completely different concept from today's public corporations consisting of commercial and industrial corporations and joint stock companies under commercial law. Therefore, it should no longer be used. The Act on the Operation of Public Institutions is not an Basic Law. It is a plan to classify public corporations and quasi-governmental organizations based on the proportion of their own revenues out of total revenues, rather than classifying public corporations and quasi-governmental organizations based on their respective legal characteristics. As a convenient idea only for financial control by the Ministry of Finance, it is necessary to seek a control method corresponding to the classification according to the legal nature. The Local Public Enterprise Act confuses public corporations in the functional and organizational senses from their definition. Administrative law evolves in line with political and socioeconomic changes.

A company named "Stach Ploats Gemente Sourabaia " was built in 1927, and the company's name was changed to Perusahaan Daerah Potong Hewan Kodya Dati II Surabaya. (Animal slaugtering company owned by Local Government Surabaya) by Local Regulation (Perda) No. 11, 1982 and Peraturan Daerah (local Regulation) No. 5, 1988. This research title is Performance Measurement on Surabaya Animal Slaughtering Company Using Balanced Scorecard Consept and Polily Perspective . The company has main duty to manage animal slaughtering sen1ice, such as cows, goats and pigs to Surabaya community forwards hygiened meat which is healty. Futhermove, the company has also duty to increase regional goverment income and social fanction. The objective of this research is to identity measured performance aspects, performance measurement results and healty level of the company, also effectiveness policy need to be done to develop existence of the company.Method of this research is descriptive method for policy making. Techniques for collecting primary data are interviews, observations and questionnaires . Technique for collecting secondary data is the use of .financial and company performance reports . Process and analysis of data are used to measure company peiformance using Balanced Scorecard concepts and policies which are internal business process perspective , customers, financials, learning process, growth and policies . Also, this research uses ratio analysis comparations, trends, likert scale, data reductions, data displays, confirmations, and decision making. Each performance measurement perspective is weight {°/o), scored (number) and valued (number), and also grouped of company healty level (less until very halthfal).Based on Balanced Scorecard concept plus policy, the result of this research shows that company performance from internal business process perspective is weighted 25% (score 21), customers 10% (score 7, I), financial 50% (score 45), learning process and growth 10% (score 8,50) and policy 5% (·core 4,2) so that the total score is 85,80, which means the healty company level is very healty. Based on finance ministry decree number 198/ KMK.01611988 Public Accountant Drs. H. Muhammad Fadjar conduct company performance measurement from .financial aspect, which is weighted 70% (score 65), operation 15% (score 12,60), and administration 15% (score 6) so that the total score is 83,60. The score means the healty level of the company is called healthfal and can be classified as AA. Thefact that main duty and.function of the company is vital in animal slaughtering service/production related to economic, source of regional gov ernment income and social. ft is expected the company will grow and develop in the future.

The article is devoted to the study of the history and formation of the agrarian economy of Kazakhstan. In addition, the historical and economic assessment of the situation of modern scientific study of the agricultural sector is given. Elements of the formation of the agrarian economy of Kazakhstan date back to the XIX century. During this period, the land of Kazakhstan existed as part of the Russian Empire. The administration of the Russian Empire carried out administrative and territorial reforms on the use of the lands of Kazakhstan for agricultural purposes. Based on this, settled and nomadic types of farms were formed in Kazakhstan. Until the 1920s, the dominance of animal husbandry was formed in the agrarian system. The establishment of the Soviet government in Kazakhstan radically changed the basic principles of the agrarian economy. The Soviet Union made great efforts to develop land farming instead of animal husbandry in the agricultural sector. To this end, various experimental agricultural reforms of the Soviets were carried out in Kazakhstan. In the 1960s and 1970s, the course of development of the agrarian economy of Kazakhstan stabilized. The main agricultural economy of the modern Republic of Kazakhstan is based on the production of agricultural and horticultural products. As part of this, state scientific grant projects have been organized for the development and study of this industry. In a modern market society with great competition, the study and improvement of the state of the agricultural sector is a priority for the state. Received: 29 July 2023 / Accepted: 5 October 2023 / Published: 5 November 2023

Highlights: The article presents data on the availability of various types of high-tech cardiovascular care services to residents of subjects of the Russian Federation. The authors used original methodology based on the data of the Healthcare Administration of the subjects of the Russian Federation. The obtained data were compared with the data from the Federal Tax Service Office No. 12, and 14, demographic and socio-economic indicators of the subjects of the Russian Federation. The results of the analysis open up new opportunities for studying the causes of pronounced differences in the provision of high-tech cardiovascular care to the population of the country's regions and taking appropriate regulatory measures, thus contributing to practical healthcare. Aim. To analyze the provision of high-tech cardiovascular care (HTCC) to residents of the Russian Federation regions in 2021 taking into account social and economic factors.Methods. The data from the original form designed in A.N. Bakulev National Medical Research Center of Cardiovascular Surgery containing information on the number of patients who underwent cardiovascular surgeries were compared with the data from the Federal Tax Service Office follow-up forms No.12 and No.14, taking into account demographic and social-economic factors of the RF regions according to the Federal Service of State Statistics. 74 regions were included into the analysis. The following methods of univariate statistics were used: Spearman’s and Kendall’s rank correlation, measures of central tendency and variance were calculated. Intergroup comparison was carried out using Mann-Whitney two-tailed test and Kruskall-Wallis one-way analysis of variance.Results. The mean provision of HTCC included in the Section I of the Free Health Care Policies for Citizens (HTCC-1) was 1910 surgeries per 1 million population, provision of HTCC included in the Section II (HTCC-2) – was 789.5, respectively. We have noted the negative correlation between the amount of HTCC -1 and HTCC -2 surgeries and hypertension mortality (p = 0.034). The mortality from other acute CAD correlated negatively with the provision of coronary artery bypass grafting (CABG, p = 0.034). The authors also noted the negative correlation between the provision of HTCC -2 surgeries and circulatory diseases (CD) overall incidence (p = 0.032), primary CD incidence (p = 0.014), CAD overall incidence (p = 0.034) and more. The region’s economic development level influenced the provision of HTCC -2 surgeries. The positive correlation coefficients were obtained for per capita income (p = 0.004), median per capita income (p = 0.002), real amount of granted pensions (p = 0.003) and other parameters. The number of CABG per 1 million and life expectancy was higher in the RF regions where CABG was performed locally compared to the regions that did not provide cardiovascular care (205.82 vs 165.55 and 69.49 vs 68.64).Conclusion. The indicators of HTCC-1 and HTCC-2 provision in the RF regions differed by 8.4 and 9.2 times, respectively; the indicators of provision of surgeries by 14.7 and 201.9 times. Providing residents of the RF regions with cardiovascular surgeries is influenced by a number of factors among which we highlight the availability of this type of treatment in the region, regional economic resources to co-finance HTCC -2 treatment, population`s compliance with the surgical treatment safety checklist.

Rond 1910 werd in de BWP de Vlaamse kwestie een vrije kwestie. De ‘versmelting’ van twee volken in een ‘âme belge’, via tweetaligheid, werd afgewezen. Onder impuls van Huysmans beriep het Vlaamse socialisme zich op de idee van culturele autonomie: het recht op onderwijs in de moedertaal van de lagere school tot de universiteit en dus de vernederlandsing van de Gentse Rijksuniversiteit. Daarmee behoorde het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging. Het Waalse socialisme daarentegen verdedigde nog de superioriteit van het Frans en de mythe van een tweetalig Vlaanderen, en kantte zich tegen die Vlaamse hoofdeis.Tijdens de tweede fase (1919-1935) was de Vlaamse beweging verzwakt en het Vlaamse socialisme verdeeld. Huysmans slaagde er slechts met moeite in om een ongunstig partijstandpunt ter zake te verhinderen en de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie te behouden. Het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’ van november 1929 was gebaseerd op regionale eentaligheid en een minimale tweetaligheid in het leger en de centrale besturen. Het legde mee de fundamenten van de evolutie naar het beginsel van de territorialiteit inzake bestuur en onderwijs (1930 en 1932).Tijdens de derde fase (1935-1940) hield die pacificatie geen stand. Conflicten versterkten elkaar. De partijleiding kwam in handen van de Brusselaar Spaak en de Vlaming De Man, die met zijn Plan van de Arbeid in 1933 de BWP even uit de impasse had gehaald. Het ging om een nieuwe generatie die het socialisme een andere inhoud wilde geven: streven naar een volkspartij in plaats van klassenstrijd, een ‘socialisme national’, een autoritaire democratie als antwoord op een aanhoudende politieke crisis. Vooral aan Waalse kant werd daartegen gereageerd. Tevens werd de evolutie in het buitenlandse beleid, de zelfstandigheid los van Frankrijk, bekritiseerd. De Spaanse burgeroorlog en de eventuele erkenning van generaal Franco dreef de tegenstellingen op de spits. Voor het eerst had de partij met Spaak een socia-listische eerste minister (mei 1938-januari 1939). Hoewel alle socialisten tegen Franco waren, verschilden de Waalse socialisten van mening met de meeste Vlaamse socialisten over de vraag of de regering daarover moest vallen. Er was ook de tegenstelling over een al dan niet toenadering tot de christelijke arbeidersbeweging vanwege een dan noodzakelijke schoolvrede en een subsidiëring van de katholieke ‘strijdscholen’. Daarop entte zich de taalkwestie. In de Kamer viel de fractiecohesie terug tot 53%.De Vlaamse socialisten waren niet alleen veel sterker vertegenwoordigd in de fractie (40% in 1936), hun zelfbewustzijn nam ook sterk toe. Ze ergerden zich steeds meer aan het bijna exclusieve gebruik van het Frans in de fractie, in het partijbestuur en vooral tijdens congressen. Wie geen of weinig Frans kende, wilde niet langer als minderwaardig worden behandeld. Zeker als dat samenviel met een andere visie. Het eerste aparte Vlaams Socialistisch Congres ging door in maart 1937. Het wilde de culturele autonomie zo veel mogelijk doortrekken, maar keerde zich tegen elke vorm van federalisme, waardoor de Vlaamse socialisten in een klerikaal Vlaanderen een machteloze minderheid zouden worden. Bij de Waalse socialisten groeide de frustratie. Ze organiseerden aparte Waalse Congressen in 1938 en 1939. Ze benadrukten drie vormen van Vlaams imperialisme. De ongunstige demografische evolutie maakte een Vlaamse meerderheid in het parlement en politieke minorisering mogelijk. De financieel-economische transfers van Wallonië naar Vlaanderen verarmden Wallonië. Het verlies aan jobs voor ééntalige Walen in Wallonië en in Brussel was discriminerend. Dat laatste zorgde voor een francofone toenadering en een gezamenlijke framing. Het flamingantisme had zich al meester gemaakt van Vlaanderen, bedreigde via tweetaligheid nu de Brusselse agglomeratie, waarna Wallonië aan de beurt zou komen. Op 2 februari 1939 stonden Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten tegenover elkaar. De unitaire partij dreigde, naar katholiek voorbeeld, in twee taalgroepen uiteen te vallen. Zover kwam het niet. De wallinganten, die een politiek federalisme nastreefden, hadden terrein gewonnen, maar de meeste Waalse socialisten bleven voorstander van een nationale solidariteit. Mits een nieuw ‘Compromis’ dat met de Waalse grieven rekening hield. De mythe van het Vlaamse socialisme als Vlaams vijandig of onverschillig is moeilijk vol te houden. Wel ontstond na de Tweede Wereldoorlog een andere situatie. Tijdens de jaren 1960 behoorde de Vlaamse kwestie tot de ‘trein der gemiste kansen’ . Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.___________ ‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part Two: 1935-1940 Around 1910, the Flemish question became a free question in the BWP. The ‘merging’ of two peoples in a Belgian soul (âme belge) through bilingualism was rejected. According to Huysmans, Flemish socialism appealed to the idea of cultural autonomy: the right to education in one’s native language from primary school to university, and therefore, the transformation of the state University of Ghent into a Dutch-speaking institution. Hence, Flemish socialism became part of the vanguard of the Flemish Movement. Walloon socialism, on the contrary, continued to support the superiority of French in Belgium and the myth of a bilingual Flanders. It turned against this key Flemish demand.The next stages were dominated by the introduction of simple universal male suffrage in 1919. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders, the Socialist Party acquired a similar position in Wallonia. During the second phase (1919-1935) initially the Flemish Movement was weakened and Flemish socialism divided. Huysmans hardly managed to keep the Flemish question a free question. The ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’ (Compromis des socialistes belges) of November 1929 was based on regional monolingualism and a minimal bilingualism in the army and the central administration. The territorial principle in administration and education (1930 and 1932) was accepted. Dutch became the official language in Flanders.During the third phase (1935-1940) pacification did not hold. Conflicts strengthened one another. The party leadership fell into the hands of the Brussels politician Spaak and the Fleming De Man. The latter had just offered the BWP an answer to the socio-economic depression with his ‘Labour Plan’ (Plan van de Arbeid). This new generation wanted a different socialism: rather a people’s party than stressing class conflict, a ‘national socialism’, an authoritarian democracy as a response to a persistent political crisis. In particular Walloons reacted against these developments. At the same time, they critisized the foreign policy of diplomatic independence from France (‘los van Frankrijk’). The Spanish Civil War and the possible recognition of General Franco stressed the divisions. With Spaak, the party had a Socialist Prime Minister for the first time (May 1938-January 1939). While all socialists were opposed to Franco, Walloon socialists had a conflicting view with most Flemish socialists on whether the govern-ment should be brought down on this subject. There was also a conflict over the question of rapprochement with the Christian labour movement concerning a truce over the school question and subsidies for the Catholic ‘propaganda’ schools. The language question worsened the situation. In the Chamber, party cohesion dropped down to 53%.Not only were the Flemish socialists much more strongly represented in the socialist parliamentary group (40% in 1936), their assertiveness also increased. They became more and more annoyed with the quasi-exclusive use of French in their parliamentary group, in the party administration, and mostly during party congresses. Those who knew little or no French no longer wanted to be treated as inferior. Especially, when they had different opinions. The first separate Flemish Socialist Congress was held in March 1937. The Congress wanted to pursue cultural autonomy as far as possible, but opposed any form of federalism, as Flemish socialists would become a powerless minority in a clerical Flanders.Frustration grew among Walloon socialists. They organised separate Walloon Congresses in 1938 and 1939. They emphasized three forms of Flemish imperialism. Unfavourable demographic developments made a Flemish majority in Parliament and political minoritisation likely. Financial-economic transfers impoverished Wallonia to the benefit of Flanders. The loss of jobs for monolingual Walloons in Wallonia and Brussels was discriminatory. This contributed to common framing among Francophones: “Flemish radicalism” was accepted in Flanders, presently threatening the Brussels agglomeration via bilingualism, and Wallonia would be next.On 2 February 1939 Flemish and Walloon socialists opposed one another. The unitary party was in danger of splitting into two language groups, following the Catholic example. It did not come to that. The Walloon radicals, who pursued political federalism, had won some ground, but most Walloon socialists remained supporters of national solidarity, provided the adoption of a new ‘Compromise’ that took account of Walloon grievances.The myth of Flemish socialism as hostile or indifferent to Flemish issues is hard to maintain. After the Second World War, however, the situation became different.

The Ottoman Empire preferred foreign borrowing in order to finance the war that took place between 1853-1856. In addition to domestic borrowing, the empire, which started the process of foreign borrowing, took foreign debt 15 times until 1875. Upon the announcement of the suspension of debt installments in 1875, the creditor states reached an agreement with the government in order to collect their money and decided to establish an organization similar to the Rüsum-u Sitte Administration, which was previously managed by domestic debtors. This organization was formed due to the signing of the Muharrem Decree on 20 December 1881 under the name of Düyûn-ı Umûmiyye Administration. This organization, which worked throughout the empire, was established as an international organization to control six items in the Ottoman finance in order to collect the money of the creditor states. One of the regions where the administration was organized was the Siverek district which was within Diyarbakir Province. The organizational structure of the Düyûn-ı Umûmiyye Administration in the region, the staff structure and the organizational structure and activities of the Siverek Regiment Officer, which operates under the administration, are the subjects of this study. In accordance with this purpose, the study was carried out by making use of archive documents, yearbooks and copyrighted works of Siverek Düyûn-ı Umûmiyye Directorate and Siverek Regiment Officer.

This paper examines how the British South Africa Company (BSAC; the Company), the founding administrator of Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, navigated the creation of a fiscal system of the colony from 1890 to 1922 and how the fiscal system shaped political decisions regarding the colony’s administrative structure. It casts light on the early efforts of the colonial state-making process under the BSAC and how it established its administrative structure. Once occupation was completed, the Company’s ability to finance the cost of governance and administration was the most critical factor facing it. Whereas earlier scholarship has discussed various aspects of Southern Rhodesia’s early economic endeavors and political evolution, this paper demonstrates the significance of the fiscal system in shaping both the economic and political trajectories of the early administration. Through analyzing the Company’s revenue collection and expenditure patterns, the paper reconstructs the contours of shifting notions of what constituted the Company’s commercial and administrative revenue. It argues that the BSAC’s fiscal and budgetary administration approach was gradual, experimental, and sometimes ad hoc, resulting in continuous conflicts between the Company administration and the settlers. The paper relies on a wide range of sources that include the BSAC annual reports, historical manuscripts, Legislative Council debates, newspapers, and other political pamphlets to unpack the tensions between the Company government and white settlers over the fiscal and administrative evolution of the colony.

Dr. Ambedkar was much more than a mere leader of dalits and an architect of Indian Constitution. He was a great economist with insights in almost all the economic aspects of people’s life. What made him a great economist was his humanitarian and well-balanced approach on various economic issues. He believed in socialist philosophy but at the same time recognized the role of private sector. He strongly believed that agricultural productivity depended to a large extent on the progress of industrialization. The range of his work in economics was indeed very extensive. He has contributions in many areas like public finance, monetary economics, labour economics, agricultural economics etc. There are three major works of Ambedkar in Economics. “Administration and Finance of East India Company”, “The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India” and “The Problem of Rupee: Its origin and its solution”. In the first work, he has evaluated finance policy of the East India Company between 1792 to 1858 in India. In his second book, he had evaluated centre-state relations in British India between 1833-1921. His third book relates to monetary and macro economics. The main objective of this paper is to review the contributions of Dr. Ambedkar in the area of economics and evaluate whether his understanding, predictions and suggested economic policies are relevant to the Indian economy in the present scenario or not. The paper is divided into three parts. The first section describes the works of Dr. Ambedkar in the field of economics. The second section illustrates the economic thoughts of Dr. Ambedkar and their relevance for modern Indian economy. The final section sums up the paper with concluding remarks on lessons to be learnt from Dr. Ambedkar’s economic philosophy.

PurposeAnnual general meetings have been variously described as dull rituals for accountability versus entertaining theatre at the expense of accountability. The research analyses director and shareholder participation and dialogic interactions at annual and extraordinary general meetings of Cecil Rhodes' British South Africa Company (BSAC). The BSAC was incorporated under a royal charter in 1889 in return for power to exploit a huge territory, Rhodesia/now Zimbabwe. The BSAC's administration ceased in 1924/25. Thus, the BSAC had a dual mandate as a private for-profit listed company and to occupy and develop the territories on behalf of the British government.Design/methodology/approachThe article analyses 29 BSAC general meeting minutes, comprising 25 full sets of verbatim minutes between 1895 and 1925. The study adopts manual content analysis. First, the research adopts conversational analysis to analyse director and shareholder turn-taking and moves by approving and dissenting shareholders. Second, the study identifies and analyses incidents of shareholder sentiment from the shareholder turns/moves. Finally, the article assesses how shareholder sentiment changed throughout the period and whether the BSAC's share price reflected the shareholder sentiment.FindingsThe BSAC's general meetings were associated with the greater colonial project of building the British Empire. The authors find almost 1,500 incidents of shareholder sentiment. Directors and shareholders take roughly an equal number of turns (excluding shareholder sentiment). Ritual and ceremony dominate director and shareholder turns and moves, while accountability to shareholders was minimal. The BSAC share price spiked in the early years of the project, waning after that. Shareholder sentiment, both positive and negative, reflect the share price behaviour.Originality/valueA unique database of verbatim general meeting minutes records shareholders' reactions to what they heard in the form of sounding off through cheering, “hear, hears,” laughter and applause (i.e. shareholder sentiment).

Until 1922 the Turkish Army won a great victory against the Greeks on the Western Front of the Turkish War of Independence. Before the Great Offensive the Greek Army in Anatolia thought that Turks could not make an attack and sent some of its troops in Eskişehir to Çatalca. Having no strength to fight and hoping for peace as soon as possible, the Greeks put into action plans to occupy Istanbul in order to put pressure on the Allied Powers and to deal a final fight to the Turks. The Greeks made their intentions known to the Allies on July 29, 1922. The Greeks' project was not accepted by the Allies, the Ankara Government and the Ottoman authorities. The fact that this project came to the agenda caused a great tension between the Allies and the Greeks. Greeks gathered their soldiers from Anatolia to Çatalca for this project and this made it easier to launch the Great Offensive in the future. With the Turkish success in the Great Offensive this project was ended. The second project of the Greeks, who realized that they could not hold on in Anatolia, was to establish autonomous administrations. On 30 July 1922, under the protection of the Greek government, an autonomous government was declared in Izmir. Afterwards, autonomous administrations were established in Balıkesir and Bursa. While the Greeks suggest that the project preserves peace in Anatolia, the world perceived it differently. There were perceptions that the Greeks would enlist the Anatolian people and taxes would be taken from the people of the region in order to improve their own finances. These administrations were not accepted by any authority. Faced with the objections of the Allies, Greeks had to withdraw from these projects as well. With the start and success of the Great Offensive, the plan of Greeks to maintain in Anatolia came to an end. In the source of this study, newspapers published in 1922, talks in the Turkish and British parliaments, and the publications written by experts in the field were used. The aim of the study is to shed light on how the two plans developed by the Greeks to stay in Anatolia were implemented and how they were received by the international public. The study will also be useful to see how was the military, financial and moral strength of the Greek side before the Great Offensive.

Abstract In 1919, a parliamentary act reconstructed the relations between the British state and the Church of England. The passage of this act had considerable constitutional, political, ecclesiastical, and religious significance, and it is best understood by considering all of these aspects together. The church obtained a new statutory status, a large degree of self-government, and a special legislative procedure that augmented the privileges of its ecclesiastical establishment. All this was achieved without the intense political struggles that had accompanied many church and state issues during the previous hundred years. The apparent ease of the Enabling Act's passage was symptomatic of transformations in the relationship between the Church of England and nonconformity, in public religion, and in the character of British politics. But it was also the outcome of an impressive feat of persuasion and organization. Although the act did not secure the intended degree of spiritual independence, as became painfully evident during the parliamentary prayer book crisis in 1927–28, it placed the church establishment in a more secure position, allowing it to reform its administration and finances and to gain further advantages and new forms of relevance in future years.

L'anthropologie en tant que discipline scientifique s'est institutionnalisée de manière concomitante à l'affirmation de l'État-nation, aux entreprises coloniales et au souci politique de comprendre et gérer ces diversités censées menacer la cohésion sociale et la légitimité des institutions centrales: 'paysans', 'criminels', 'sauvages', 'indigènes' deviennent à la fois des objets de connaissance et de régulation. La question de la frontière s'est donc posée à double titre : à l'intérieur, dans la démarcation entre cultures savantes et cultures populaires, entre « modernité » et « survivances folkloriques », entre majorité et minorités, et à l'extérieur, dans le rapport aux sujets coloniaux. Toutes les anthropologies ont ainsi face au rapport « centre-périphérie », avec le souci de donner voix à des populations inécoutées, même si parfois cette opération a contribué à les constituer comme « autres ». Mais l'anthropologie a également contribué à montrer le caractère dynamique des frontières, leur épaisseur dense de toutes les potentialités du désordre, de l'informel (Van Gennep 1922; Douglas 1966; Turner 1969) et de la créativité culturelle (→) : en définissant les limites d'un système ou d'un monde, la frontière peut devenir le centre d'un autre. Une buffer-zone peut se constituer en État; dans les friches urbaines des quartiers, des sociabilités, des rituels inédits prennent forme; dans les frontières se donne à voir le caractère non essentialiste, négocié et performatif des identifications ethniques (Barth 1969). Le transnationalisme, la déterritorialisation, les flux de personnes, technologies, finances, imaginaires, marchandises accentuent ce processus et engendrent des réalités segmentées (Appadurai 1996): fractures et frontières dessinent des zones de contact (Pratt 1992) où le jeu des interactions produit aussi bien des pratiques et des imaginaires spécifiques, que des conflits et des relations de pouvoir. Par les frontières, le pouvoir se rend visible que ce soit par des stratégies de définition du centre, que par leur corollaire, la mise en marge et la création de discontinuités : « Une anthropologie des frontières analyse comment nations, groupes ethniques, religions, États et d'autres forces et institutions se rencontrent et négocient les conditions réciproques, dans un territoire où toutes les parties en cause s'attendent à rencontrer l'autre, un autre de toute manière construit par nous » (Donnan et Wilson, 1998 : 11). Pour les populations jadis colonisées, migrantes ou diasporiques, vivre la frontière, la porter en soi, constitue le jalon de stratégies identitaires et donne accès à un espace tiers (→) où on compose entre les enracinements à une patrie déterritorialisée et de nouvelles appartenances (Bhabha 1994; Pian 2009). Ce sujet qui se construit dans une situation de frontière n’est toutefois pas la prérogative de populations déplacées. Comme nous le rappelle Agier (2013), il constitue le soubassement d’une condition cosmopolite, au cœur de laquelle, la frontière devient l’espace, le temps et le rituel d’une relation. La frontière est centrale car elle nous rappelle concrètement qu’il n’y a pas de monde commun sans altérité : « pour l’anthropologie de la condition cosmopolite, il s’agit de transformer l’étranger global, invisible et fantomatique, celui que les politiques identitaires laissent sans voix, en une altérité proche et relative » (Agier 2013 : 206). Dans cette anthropologie qui déjoue le piège identitaire (Brubaker et Cooper 2000) et le refus de l’autre, connaissance et reconnaissance (→) vont ensemble. Cette liminarité féconde est au cœur d'une anthropologie non-hégémonique. Mais loin d'en constituer uniquement un objet d'étude, elle désigne également une posture épistémologique. Elle nous invite à déplacer le regard du centre aux marges des lieux de production intellectuelle, à en interroger la créativité, à analyser comment les frontières entre savoirs sont reformulées et comment elles sont mises en œuvre dans les pratiques de recherche. Ce décentrement interroge différents niveaux: un déplacement géographique qui implique une connaissance et une valorisation de ce qui se fait en-dehors des foyers conventionnels de production et de rayonnement scientifique de la discipline. Ces productions sont parfois peu connues en raison d'une difficile compréhension linguistique, à cause d'une rareté d'échanges liée à des contextes de répression politique, ou encore par l'accès difficile au système de l'édition. Un déplacement du regard en direction de ce qui est produit en-dehors des frontières des institutions universitaires et académiques, la professionnalisation de la discipline impliquant un essaimage des anthropologues dans les associations, dans les ONG, dans les entreprises, dans les administrations publiques. Comment, compte tenu des exigences de rigueur théorique et méthodologique de la discipline, ces productions en marge des centres de recherche institués, participent au renouvellement et à la revitalisation de l'ethnologie? Une anthropologie non hégémonique s'interroge également sur les sujets frontières de la discipline: elle est là où les limites bougent, là où une frontière en cache une autre, où les conflits éclatent, auprès d'interlocuteurs à qui le savoir officiel a longtemps nié la légitimité de parole et de subjectivité. Elle questionne une autre opération de bornage interne à sa constitution : une discipline ne se reconnaît pas uniquement pour ce qu'elle accepte à l'intérieur de ses frontières, mais aussi par ce qu'elle rejette et reformule. Ces processus d'inclusion, de purification et de catégorisation donnent lieu à des configurations spécifiques et constituent un analyseur des spécificités intellectuelles locales. Leur analyse permet aussi de s'interroger sur ces situations de croisement entre savoirs favorisant l'innovation scientifique. La tension entre anthropologies centrales et périphériques rejoint enfin la question de l'hégémonie dans les rapports entre sciences, avec tout ce que cela implique en termes de légitimité et de reconnaissance: ainsi l'opposition entre sciences 'dures' et 'molles', les paradigmes qui inspirent les dispositifs d'évaluation disciplinaire, les hégémonies linguistiques.

Introduction This article explores the phenomenon of the Creative City in the context of Aberdeen, Scotland’s third-largest city. The common perception of Aberdeen is likely to revolve around its status, for the last 50 years, as Europe’s Oil & Gas Capital. However, for more than a decade Aberdeen’s city planners have sought to incorporate creativity and culture in their placemaking. The most visible expression of this was the unsuccessful 2013 bid to become the UK City of Culture 2017 (CoC), which was referred to as a “reality check” by Marie Boulton (BBC), the councillor charged with the culture portfolio. This article reviews and appraises subsequent policies and actions. It looks at Aberdeen’s history and its current Cultural Strategy and how events have supported or inhibited the reimagining of Aberdeen as a Creative and Cultural City. Landry’s “Lineages of the Creative City” tracks the rise in interest around culture and creative sectors and highlights that there is more to the creative city than economic growth, positing that a creative city is a holistic environment in which “ordinary people can make the extra-ordinary happen” (2). Comunian develops Landry’s concept of hard (infrastructural) assets and soft (people and activity) assets by introducing Complexity Theory to examine the interactions between the two. Comunian argues that a city should be understood as a complex adaptive system (CAS) and that the interconnectivity of consumption and production, micro and macro, and networks of actors must be incorporated into policy thinking. Creating physical assets without regard to what happens in and around them does not build a creative city. Aberdeen: Context and History Important when considering Aberdeen is its remoteness: 66 miles north of its closest city neighbour Dundee, 90 miles north of Edinburgh and 125 miles north-east of Glasgow. For Aberdonians travel is a necessity to connect with other cultural centres whether in Scotland, the UK, Europe, or further afield, making Aberdeen’s nearly 900-year-old port a key asset. Sitting at the mouth of the River Dee, which marks Aberdeen’s southern boundary, this key transport hub has long been central to Aberdeen’s culture giving rise to two of the oldest established businesses in the UK: the Port of Aberdeen (1136) and the Shore Porter’s Society (1498). Fishing and trade with Europe thrived and connections with the continent led to the establishment of Aberdeen’s first university: King’s College (Scotland’s third and the UK’s fifth) in 1495. A second, Marischal College, was established in 1593, joining forces with King’s in 1860 to become the University of Aberdeen. The building created in 1837 to house Marischal College is the second-largest granite building in the world (VisitAberdeenshire, Marischal) and now home to Aberdeen City Council (ACC). Robert Gordon University (RGU), awarded university status in 1992, grew out of an institution established in 1729 (RGU, Our History); this period marked the dawning of the Scottish Enlightenment when Aberdeen’s Wise Club were key to an intellectual discourse that changed western thinking (RSA). Gray’s School of Art, now part of RGU, was established in 1885, at the same time as Aberdeen Art Gallery which holds a collection of national significance (ACC, Art Gallery). Aberdeen’s northern boundary is marked by its second river, the River Don, which has also contributed to the city’s history, economics, and culture. For centuries, paper and woollen mills, including the world-famous Crombie, thrived on its banks and textile production was the city’s largest employer, with one mill employing 3,000 staff (P&J, Broadford). While the city and surrounds have been home to notable creatives, including writers Lewis Grassic Gibbon and Lord Byron; musicians Annie Lennox, Dame Evelyn Glennie, and Emeli Sandé; fashion designer Bill Gibb and dancer Michael Clark, it has struggled to attract and retain creative talent, and there is a familiar exodus of art school graduates to the larger and more accepted creative cities of Glasgow, Edinburgh, and London. In 2013, at the time of the CoC bid, ACC recognised that creative industries graduates leaving the city was “a serious issue” (ACC, Cultural Mapping 1). The City of Culture Bid This recognition came at a time when ACC acknowledged that Aberdeen, with already low unemployment, required an influx of workforce. An ACC document (Cultural Mapping) cites Richard Florida’s proposal that a strong cultural offer attracts skilled workers to a city, adding that they “look for a lively cultural life in their choice of location” (7) and quoting an oil executive: “our poor city centre is often cited as a major obstacle in attracting people” (7). Changing the image of the city to attract new residents appears to have been a key motivation for the CoC bid. The CoC assessor noted this in their review of the bid, citing a report that 120,000 recruits were required in the city and agreeing that Aberdeen needed to “change perceptions of the city to retain and attract talent” (Regeneris 1). Aberdeen’s CoC bid was rejected at the first shortlisting stage, with feedback that the artistic vision “lacked depth” and “that cultural activity in the city was weaker than in several other bidding areas” (Regeneris 3). In an exploration of the bidding process, McGillivray and Turner highlight two factors which link to other concerns and feedback about the bid. Firstly, they compare Aberdeen’s choice of a Bid Manager from the business community with Paisley’s choice of one from their local arts sector in their bid for CoC 2021, which was successful in being shortlisted, highlighting different motivators behind the bids. Secondly, Aberdeen secured a bid team member from “Pafos’s bid to be 2017 European Capital of Culture (ECC), who subsequently played an important role” for Kalamata’s 2021 ECC bid (41), showing Aberdeen’s reluctance to develop local talent. A Decade of Investment ACC responded to the “reality check” with a series of investments in the hard assets of the city. Major refurbishment of two key buildings, the Music Hall and the Art Gallery, caused them both to be closed for several years, significantly diminishing the cultural offer in the city. The Music Hall re-opened in 2018 (Creative Scotland) and the Art Gallery in 2019 (McLean). In 2021, the extended and updated Art Gallery was named “Scotland’s building of the year” by the Royal Incorporation of Architects in Scotland (RIAS) (Museums Association). Concurrent with this was the development of “Europe’s largest new events complex, TECA [now P&J live] part financed through a £370 million stock market bond issue” (InvestAberdeen). Another cultural asset of the city which has been undergoing a facelift since 2019 is Union Terrace Gardens (UTG), the green heart of the city centre, gifted to the public in 1877. The development of this asset has had a chequered history. In 2008 it had been awarded “funding from Aberdeen Council (£3 million), the Scottish Arts Council (£4.3M) and Scottish Enterprise (£2 million)” (Aberdeenvoice) to realise a new multi-disciplinary contemporary art centre to be called ‘Northern Light’ and housed in a purpose-designed building (Brizac Gonzalez). The project, led by Peacock Visual arts, a printmaking centre of excellence and gallery founded in 1974, had secured planning permission. It would host Peacock Visual Arts, City Moves dance company, and the ACC arts development team. It echoed similar cultural partnership approaches, such as Dundee Contemporary Arts, although notably without involvement from the universities. Three months later, a counterbid to radically re-think UTG as a vast new city square was proposed by oil tycoon Sir Ian Wood, who backed the proposal with £50 million of his own funds, requiring matching finance by the city and ownership of the Gardens passing to private hands. Resistance to these plans came from ‘Friends of UTG’, and a public consultation was held. ACC voted to adopt Wood’s plans and drop those of Peacock, but a change of administration in the local authority overturned Wood’s plans in August 2012. A significant portion of the funding granted to the Northern Lights project was consumed in the heated public debate and the remainder was lost to the city, as was the Wood money, providing a highly charged backdrop to the CoC bid and an unfortunate divide created between the business and culture sectors that is arguably still discernible in the city today. According to the Aberdeen & Grampian Chamber of Commerce (AGCC) 2022 Investment Tracker, the nearly complete UTG transformation has cost £28.3m. The AGCC trackers since 2016 provide a useful reference for a wider view of investment in the region over this period. During this period, ACC commissioned two festivals: Spectra (ACC, Culture Programme 5), a festival of light curated by a Manchester-based organisation, and NuArt (VisitAberdeenshire, Nuart), a street-art festival curated by a Stavanger-based team. Both festivals deliver large-scale public spectacles but have little impact on the development of the cultural sector in the city. The drivers of footfall, income generation, and tourism are key motivators for these festivals, supporting a prevailing narrative of cultural consumption over cultural production in the city, despite Regeneris’s concerns about “importing of cultural activity, which might not leave behind a cultural sector” (1) and ACC’s own published concerns (ACC, Cultural Mapping). It is important to note that in 2014 the oil and gas industry that brought prosperity to Aberdeen was severely impacted upon by a drop in price and revenue. Many jobs were lost, people left the city, and housing prices, previously inflated, fell dramatically. The attention of the authorities turned to economic regeneration of the city and in 2015, the Aberdeen City Region Deal (UK Gov), bringing £250m to the region, (REF) was signed between the UK Government, Scottish Government, ACC, Aberdeenshire Council, and Opportunity North East (ONE). ONE “is the private sector leader and catalyst for economic diversification in northeast Scotland” with board members from industry, enterprise, AGCC, the councils, the universities, the harbour, and NHS. ONE focuses on five ‘pillars’: Digital Technology, Energy, Life Sciences, Tourism and Food, and Drink & Agriculture. A Decade of Creativity and Cultural Development Aberdeen’s ambitious cultural capital infrastructure spending of the last decade has seen the creation or refurbishment of significant hard assets in the city. The development of people (Cohendet et al.), the soft assets that Landry and Comunian agree are essential to the complex system that is a Creative City, has also seen development over this time. In 2014, RGU commissioned a review of Creative Industries in the North East of Scotland. The report notes that: the cultural sector in the region is strong at the grass roots end, but less so the higher up the scale it goes. There is no producing theatre, and no signature events or assets, although the revitalised art gallery might provide an opportunity to address this. (Ekos 2) This was followed by an international conference at which other energy cities (Calgary, Houston, Perth, and Oslo) presented their culture strategies, providing useful comparators for Aberdeen and a second RGU report (RGU, Regenerating). A third report, (RGU, New North), set out a vision for the region’s cultural future. The reports recommend strategy, leadership, and vision in the development of the cultural and creative soft assets of the region and the need to create conditions for graduate and practitioner retention. Also in 2014, RGU initiated the Look Again Festival of Art and Design, an annual festival to address a gap in the city festival roster and meet a need arising from the closure of both Art Gallery and Music Hall for refurbishment. The first festival took place in 2015 with a weekend-long public event showcasing a series of thought-provoking installations and events which demonstrated a clear appetite amongst the public and partner organisations for more activity of this type. Between 2015 and 2019, the festivals grew from strength to strength and increased in size and ambition, “carving out a new creative community in Aberdeen” (Williams). The 2019 festival involved 119 creatives, the majority from the region, and created 62 paid opportunities. Look Again expanded and became a constant presence and vehicle for sectoral and skills development, supporting students, graduates, volunteers, and new collectives, focussing on social capital and the intangible creative community assets in the city. Creative practitioners were supported with a series of programmes such as ‘Cultivate’ (2018), funded by Creative Scotland, that provided mentoring to strengthen business sustainability and networking events to improve connectivity in the sector. Cultivate also provided an opportunity to undertake further research, and a survey of over 100 small and micro creative businesses presented a view of a tenacious sector, committed to staying in the region but lacking structured and tailored support. The project report noted consistent messages about the need for “a louder voice for the sector” and concluded that further work was needed to better profile, support, and connect the sector (Cultivate 15). Comunian’s work supports this call to give greater consideration to the interplay of the agents in the creation of a strong creative city. In 2019, Look Again’s evolving role in creative sector skills development was recognised when they became part of Gray’s School of Art. A partnership quickly formed with the newly created Entrepreneurship & Innovation Group (EIG), a team formed within RGU to drive entrepreneurial thinking across all schools of the university. Together, Look Again and EIG ran a Creative Accelerator which became a prototype for a validated Creative Entrepreneurship post-graduate short-course that has supported around 120 creative graduates and practitioners with tailored business skills, contextual thinking, and extended peer networks. Meanwhile, another Look Again collaboration with the newly re-opened Art Gallery provided pop-up design events that many of these small businesses took part in, connecting them with public-facing retail opportunities and, for some, acquisitions for the Gallery’s collection. Culture Aberdeen During this time and after a period of public consultation, a new collaborative group, ‘Culture Aberdeen’, emerged. Membership of the group includes many regional cultural and arts organisations including ACC, both universities, and Aberdeen Civic Forum, which seeks “to bring the voice and views of all communities to every possible level of decision making”. The group subsequently published Culture Aberdeen: A Culture Strategy for the City of Aberdeen 2018-2028, which was endorsed by ACC in their first Cultural Investment Impact Report. The strategy sets out a series of cultural ambitions including a bid to become a UNESCO Creative City, establishing an Aberdeen Biennale, and becoming a national centre of excellence for an (unspecified) artform. This collaboration brings a uniting vision to Aberdeen’s creative activity and places of culture and presents a more compelling identity as a creative city. It also begins to map to Comunian’s concept of CAS and establish a framework for realising the potential of hard assets by strategically envisioning and leading the agents, activities, and development of the city’s creative sector. Challenges for Delivery of the Strategy In delivering a strategy based on collaborative efforts, it is essential to have shared goals and strong governance “based on characteristics such as trust, shared values, implicit standards, collaboration, and consultation” (Butcher et al. 77). Situations like Aberdeen’s tentative bid for UNESO Creative City status, which began in late 2018 but was halted in early 2019, suggest that shared goals and clear governance may not be in place. Wishing to join other UNESCO cities across Scotland – Edinburgh (Literature), Glasgow (Music), and Dundee (Design) –, Aberdeen had set its sights on ‘City of Craft and Folk Art’; that title subsequently went to the city of Perth in 2022, limiting Aberdeen’s future hopes of securing UNESCO Creative City status. In 2022, Aberdeen is nearly halfway through its strategy timeline; to achieve its vision by 2028, the leadership recommended in 2014 needs to be established and given proper authority and backing. Covid-19 has been particularly disruptive for the strategy, arriving early in its implementation and lasting for two years during which collaborators have, understandably, had to attend to core business and crisis management. Picking up the threads of collaborative activity at the same time as ‘returning to normal’ will be challenging. The financial impacts of Covid-19 have also hit arts organisations and local councils particularly hard, creating survival challenges that displace future investment plans. The devastation caused to city centres across the UK as shops close and retail moves online is keenly felt in Aberdeen. Yet the pandemic has also seen the growth of pockets of new activity. With falling demand for business space resulting in more ‘meanwhile spaces’ and lower rents, practitioners have been able to access or secure spaces that were previously prohibitive. Deemouth Artists’ Studios, an artist-run initiative, has provided a vital locus of support and connectivity for creatives in the city, doubling in size over the past two years. ‘We Are Here Scotland’ arrived in response to the resurgent Black Lives Matter movement in 2020, as a Community Interest Company initiated in Aberdeen to support black creatives and creatives of colour across Scotland. Initiatives such as EP Spaces that re-purpose empty offices as studios have created a resource, albeit precarious, for scores of recent creative graduates, supporting an emerging creative community. The consequences of the pandemic for the decade of cultural investment and creative development are yet to be understood, but disrupted strategies are hard to rekindle. Culture Aberdeen’s ability to resolve or influence these factors is unclear. As a voluntary network without a cohesive role or formal status in the provision of culture in the city, and little funding and few staff to advocate on its behalf, it probably lacks the strength of leadership required. Nevertheless, work is underway to refresh the strategy in response to the post-pandemic needs of the city and culture, and the Creative Industries more broadly, are, once again, beginning to be seen as part of the solution to recovery as new narratives emerge. There is a strong desire in the city’s and region’s creative communities to nurture, realise, and retain emerging talent to authentically enrich the city’s culture. Since the 2013 failed CoC bid, much has been done to rekindle confidence and shine a light on the rich creative culture that exists in Aberdeen, and creative communities are gaining a new voice for their work. Considerable investment has been made in hard cultural assets; however, continued investment in and commitment to the region’s soft assets is needed. This is the only way to ensure the sustainable local network of activity and practice that can provide the vibrant creative city atmosphere for which Aberdeen has the potential. References Aberdeen Civic Forum. 4 June 2022 <https://civicforumaberdeen.com/about/>. Aberdeen City Region Deal. 5 June 2022 <https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/city-deal-aberdeen-city-region>. Aberdeen Timelines. 24 Feb. 2022 <https://localhistories.org/a-timeline-of-aberdeen/> and <http://www.visitoruk.com/Aberdeen/13th-century-T339.html>. ACC. "Aberdeen Art Gallery." 19 Mar. 2022 <https://www.aberdeencity.gov.uk/AAGM/plan-your-visit/aberdeen-art-gallery>. ———. “Aberdeen City Council Investment in Culture; 2018/19 Impacts.” 19 Mar. 2022 <https://www.aberdeencity.gov.uk/sites/default/files/2019-12/Aberdeen%20City%20Culture%20Report%202019%20.pdf>. ———. “Aberdeen City Council Cultural Mapping of Aberdeen; Final Report, July 2013.” 3 June 2022 <https://www.aberdeencity.gov.uk/sites/default/files/2020-10/FOI-19-1479%20-%20Cultural%20Strategy.pdf>. ———. “Culture Programme 2014 – 2019.” 2014. 6 June 2022 <ABERDEEN CITY COUNCIL>. 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