Journal articles on the topic 'Adelaide Metropolitan Area'

Abstract. Urban Green Space (UGS) is one of the essential components of the urban systems for promoting quality of life in urban areas and sustainability. Planning and designing accessible public green spaces are critical for urban life as cities' most available natural environment. Walkable accessibility of UGS is one of the essential indicators of people's health and wellbeing. This paper aims to evaluate the walking accessibility of UGS through Adelaide Metropolitan Area at the local councils level using Network Analyst in GIS. The results show that the councils of Norwood Payneham and St Peters, Charles Sturt and the City of Adelaide have the most walking accessibility to UGS for the residents in their area. In contrast, Mount Barker, Playford and Adelaide Hills councils have the least walking accessibility. Therefore, UGS distribution is unequal throughout the study area, and local councils close to or around the inner part of the metropolitan area have more accessible green spaces.

The circulation of capital within the built environment, as first formalised by Harvey in 1978, is treated empirically via an analysis of residential capital formation and the transfer of value within the Adelaide Metropolitan Area, in the period 1970–88. Operational concepts of value ‘creation’, ‘transfer’, and ‘capture’ are defined before estimates of housing investment and its redistribution through the medium of the urban property market are derived. These are imputed for eight subregions of Adelaide. It is suggested that the chief beneficiaries from the ‘capture’ of value during the past two decades have been the Inner Adelaide suburbs and homeowners; hence the implication of Adelaide's ‘heart transplant’. Harvey's ‘framework for analysis’ and more particularly his account of the timing and patterning of (dis)investment within the built environment are then evaluated in light of Adelaide's experience between 1970 and 1988. It is decided that urban investment trends and patterns cannot be properly understood without giving much greater deference to fiscal and monetary policy together with the state's urban development programme than Harvey is prepared to in his analysis.

About 600 surface samples and key horizons of 240 soil profiles from a 90 x 20 km study area extending from the metropolitan area of Adelaide, South Australia, to its rural hinterland, were analysed for lead. Atmospheric fallout was collected monthly at 19 locations for 2 years, and up to 3 years at fewer sites in the same area. Lead in atmospheric fallout showed little year-to-year variation and tended to be seasonally controlled with highest values in winter. Collection of lead in fallout was unaffected by the filtering action of vegetation. The lead content of surface soils and atmospheric fallout showed that part of petrol-lead emitted within Adelaide from automotive exhausts has measurably contaminated the rural landscape to about 50 km downwind of the city. The variation in lead content of surface soils in the agricultural region near Adelaide can be largely explained in terms of accessions of aerosol-lead of automotive origin. This research complements previous investigations which showed that the lead isotopic compositions of selected soils were close to the composition of the lead tetraethyl used in South Australia. An environmental budget showed that only 3% of the lead in petrol burned in Adelaide has been dispersed via the atmosphere beyond the immediate highway zone, and deposited on the land surface within 50 km of the city centre. On the assumption that no more than 35% of the lead is retained within the vehicle, and that about half of the total burned lead is deposited near the roadway, the 30% of the total lead which cannot be accounted for (about 200 t at the time of this study) has probably dispersed beyond the study region and should be viewed as a contribution to continental and global pollution. Lead levels measured in rainfall, air and soils were low in relation to the accepted standards and experience. Although the lead levels were low, this investigation indicates the likely dispersal pattern of other pollutants with similar atmospheric residence times, and thus provides guidance to planning decisions concerning placement of polluting industries, and in relation to possible industrial accidents which cause pollution.

The shortage of vegetation cover alongside urban structures and land hardscape in cities causes an artificial temperature increase in urban environments known as the urban heat island (UHI) effect. The artificial heat stress in cities has a particular threat for usability and health-safety of outdoor living in public space. Australia may face a likely 3.8°C increase in surface temperature by 2090. Such an increase in temperature will have a severe impact on regional and local climate systems, natural ecosystems, and human life in cities. This paper aims to determine the patterns of the UHI effect in micro-scale of Adelaide metropolitan area, South Australia. The urban near-surface temperature profile of Adelaide was measured along a linear east-west cross-section of the metropolitan area via mobile traverse method between 26 July 2013 and 15 August 2013. Results indicate that the while the maximum UHI effect occurs at midnight in the central business district (CBD) area in Adelaide, the afternoon urban warmth has more temperature variations (point-to-point variation), especially during the late afternoon when local air temperature is normally in its peak. Thus, critical measurement of heat-health consequences of the UHI effect need to be focused on the afternoon heat stress conditions in UHIs rather than the commonly known night time phenomenon. This mobile traverse urban heat study of Adelaide supports the hypothesis that the UHI effect varies in the built environment during daily cycles and within short distances. Classical UHI measurements are commonly performed during the night – when the urban-rural temperature differences are at their maximum. Thus, they fall short in addressing the issue of excess heat stress on human participants. However, having thermally comfortable urban microclimates is a fundamental characteristic of healthy and vibrant public spaces. Therefore, urban planning professionals and decision makers are required to consider diurnal heat stress alongside nocturnal urban heat islands in planning healthy cities. The results of this article show that the diurnal heat stress varies in the built environment during daily cycles and within short distances. This study confirms that the maximum urban heat stress occurs during late afternoon when both overall temperature and daily urban warmth are at their peak. Literature indicates that diurnal heat stress peaks in hard-landscapes urban settings while it may decrease in urban parklands and near water bodies. Therefore, urban greenery and surface water can assist achieving more liveable and healthy urban environments (generalisation requires further research). A better understanding of daily urban warmth variations in cities assists urban policy making and public life management in the context of climate change.

The Royal District Nursing Service (RDNS) of South Australia provides home- and community-based nursing care to people residing in the Adelaide Metropolitan area. The service is funded predominantly by the Home and Community Care Program. It provides community nursing services in the areas of wound management, palliative care, HIV/AIDS care, continence management, disability care, mental health and dementia care, and diabetes management. In 2000-2001, the service made 439,700 visits to people's homes or saw them in a nurse-led nursing centre. In addition, the nursing staff had 84,000 contacts other than face to face that were related to client care. These contacts include the co-ordination of care with other service providers for new and existing clients of RDNS.

During 1997 researchers at the University of South Australia conducted qualitative and quantitative research with 663 students from a diverse range of secondary schools in the Adelaide metropolitan area. The research focussed on how 13 to 15 year old adolescents view and handle conflict with their peers and conflict with adults at school, such as teachers and counsellors. This paper reports on Phase 1 of the research, and on comments gathered from adolescents in Focus Groups about their experiences of conflict. Comments about the high level of aggression and violence in some secondary schools would indicate that broader, community-centred approaches may be needed before conflict management strategies, such as peer mediation, can work.

Objectives The aim of the present study was to provide qualitative insights from urban-based junior doctors (graduation to completion of speciality training) of the effect of rural placements and rotations on career aspirations for work in non-metropolitan practices. Methods A qualitative study was performed of junior doctors based in Adelaide, Brisbane and Melbourne. Individual face-to-face or telephone semistructured interviews were held between August and October 2014. Thematic analysis focusing on participants’ experience of placements and subsequent attitudes to rural practice was undertaken. Results Most participants undertook rural placements in the first 2 years after graduation. Although experiences varied, positive perceptions of placements were consistently linked with the degree of supervision and professional support provided. These experiences were linked to attitudes about working outside metropolitan areas. Participants expressed concerns about being ‘forced’ to work in non-metropolitan hospitals in their first postgraduate year; many received little warning of the location or clinical expectations of the placement, causing anxiety and concern. Conclusions Adequate professional support and supervision in rural placements is essential to encourage junior doctors’ interests in rural medicine. Having a degree of choice about placements and a positive and supported learning experience increases the likelihood of a positive experience. Doctors open to working outside a metropolitan area should be preferentially allocated an intern position in a non-metropolitan hospital and rotated to more rural locations. What is known about the topic? The maldistribution of the Australian medical workforce has led to the introduction of several initiatives to provide regional and rural experiences for medical students and junior doctors. Although there have been studies outlining the effects of rural background and rural exposure on rural career aspirations, little research has focused on what hinders urban-trained junior doctors from pursuing a rural career. What does this paper add? Exposure to medical practice in regional or rural areas modified and changed the longer-term career aspirations of some junior doctors. Positive experiences increased the openness to and the likelihood of regional or rural practice. However, junior doctors were unlikely to aspire to non-metropolitan practice if they felt they had little control over and were unprepared for a rural placement, had a negative experience or were poorly supported by other clinicians or health services. What are the implications for practitioners? Changes to the process of allocating junior doctors to rural placements so that the doctors felt they had some choice, and ensuring these placements are well supervised and supported, would have a positive impact on junior doctors’ attitudes to non-metropolitan practice.

Regression analysis is used to examine the interaction of a number of processes that are thought to be responsible for the geographical transfer of value within the built environment. These are derived from an account by Smith of the restructuring of urban space. The ‘transfer’ of value is imputed from the differential movement of house prices between 1970 and 1988 for geographical submarkets within the Adelaide Metropolitan Area. Although the interpretation of the regression models is complicated, the evidence for a tilting of the ‘value transfer’ gradient from an inner-outer bias, to an outer—inner bias, can be statistically inferred from the processes of restructuring that have redirected capital flows within the built environment of Australian cities such as Adelaide, Sydney, and Melbourne in the course of the last two decades. Thus the uneven capital formation that characterises urban restructuring and is ultimately capitalised into real changes in house prices is a significant source of the added wealth that is accumulated from homeownership. By this means it is possible to bridge the two ‘islands’ of theory: Smith's account of urban restructuring and Saunders's concern with the sources of wealth accumulation within the housing market.

Findings from a qualitative study of recently retired non-professional men in the southern metropolitan area of Adelaide, South Australia, highlighted policies that contributed to the men's feelings of increased autonomy and acceptance of retirement as a life stage; factors they related strongly to their experience of wellbeing in retirement. The policies aimed for full employment, high levels of home ownership, financial security in retirement, centralised wage fixing, high minimum wages and optional retirement age. However, the discourse of economic rationalism of Australian governments since the late 1980s appears to be placing many of these policies in jeopardy. Health workers are in a prime position to review, report and act on the effects on the health of citizens of such major policy changes. This article challenges them to do so in collaboration with the communities with whom they work.

Research applying residential property value as a socioeconomic status measure is increasing. The literature includes several measures of residential property value socioeconomic status, all of which highlight location as an important component. This paper examines the drivers of the location component of residential property value that form the basis of its application as a socioeconomic status measure. The metropolitan area of Adelaide, South Australia, is used as a study area to analyse the composition and context embodied in residential property location value. The focus of this paper is to provide an understanding of the drivers of residential property value calculated as the relative location factor, deliberately constructed to reflect the effect on value due to location. The analysis reduced the traditional composition measures of social structure into a smaller number of factors using principal component analysis and regressed these against relative location factor. A spatial lens was applied to the results using Moran’s I to visualise the composition and context influence embodied in relative location factor. The results provided a significantly enhanced understanding of both the composition and context of socioeconomic status wealth that may be a more suitable socioeconomic status measure than the traditional composition measures of income, education and occupation. This paper provides an original interpretation of the contribution and use of residential property location value enabling a broader understanding of socioeconomic status, concluding that relative location factor provided a more informed measure of socioeconomic status, capable of enhancing social science and health research and policy formation.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to address a key issue fundamental to the operation of land and housing markets, that is, the relationship between land and house prices. The study identifies possible causation between established house and vacant allotment prices using the metropolitan area of Adelaide, Australia as a case study. Design/methodology/approach – A key outcome of the study is the construction of a Site Adjusted Land Price Index against which a Quality Adjusted House Price Index is compared. Findings – The results show that there is a lagged effect of land prices on house prices and that this is significant at an interval of eight lag periods. The results also imply that the lead lag relationship between established house and vacant allotment prices is not unidirectional. This suggests that, while a change in house prices leads to a change in land prices in the short-run, the long-run position is for increasing land prices to lead to a delayed increase in house prices. Research limitations/implications – Rising house prices do not simply and solely reflect a shortage of land. There are suggested effects both immediate from house to land and delayed from land to house, particularly in a rising market. Originality/value – The lead lag relationships of both indexes are tested using Granger causality estimates to assess whether theoretical Ricardian concepts still hold in a modern urban land market.

En el año 2019, el Área Metropolitana del Gran Resistencia, conformada por las localidades de Resistencia, Barranqueras, Puerto Vilelas y Fontana, ha soportado precipitaciones extremas durante los meses de enero y abril, cuyas consecuencias fueron inundaciones en numerosos barrios del casco céntrico y de las áreas periféricas, con el consecuente deterioro de la infraestructura urbana y problemas ambientales como la diseminación incontrolada de basura con un colapso del sistema de conducción de líquidos cloacales. La ocurrencia de estos eventos extremos diarios, medidos en la Estación Campus Resistencia de la UNNE, han sido producto de un calentamiento extraordinario de la atmósfera en la región central de Sudamérica desde abril de 2018, un debilitamiento de los sistemas frontales de la región antártica y un sostenimiento del calentamiento superficial del Océano Atlántico, creándose un corredor libre de concentración de humedad en la región. Dadas las condiciones críticas que para la población y la infraestructura se generan en el AMGR ante la ocurrencia de los eventos mencionados, se consideró necesario realizar una estimación de la Precipitación Máxima Probable (PMP) para una duración diaria aplicando el criterio estadístico de Hershfield, lo que arrojó un valor para el Factor de Frecuencia Φ = 5, resultando como consecuencia una PMP diaria de 302.2 mm, monto que debería ser tenido en cuenta para llevar adelante el diseño de los planes de contingencia a incluir en un Plan Director de Drenaje Urbano que aún falta desarrollar para esta región.

Equitable access to primary health care is a key objective for health policy makers. In Australia, poor access to primary care providers has been well documented for many rural areas, yet the distribution of general practitioners (GPs) in metropolitan regions remains relatively unknown. Traditional methods of determining geographic access to GPs are limited as they rely on simple population to provider ratios within artificial administrative borders and, among other things, fail to take into account patients that utilise close-by facilities outside of these borders. This study utilised specialised geographic information systems to examine the equity of access to GPs in an Australia capital city (Adelaide). Results showed that by Australian standards, residents of metropolitan Adelaide have low GP ratios. However, an inequitable spatial distribution of GPs within metropolitan Adelaide was found, with ~16% of residents considered to be living in areas of GP workforce shortage. Residents in the outer suburbs and those with lower social economic status appeared to be the most disadvantaged. It is recommended that future studies employ specialised GIS techniques as they provide a more accurate measurement of variations in spatial accessibility to primary care within metropolitan cities.

ABSTRACTSuburbs are significant to any understanding of Australian urbanization as they have been the dominant organizational element in the morphology of metropolitan areas. A case-study of suburban growth in Adelaide, South Australia, in the period from 1850 to 1930 suggests that dominant accounts of Australian suburbs of the era, as places of tranquillity, leisure, home and family, whose growth was driven by aspiration and social mobility, are largely illusory. Suburban growth was instead driven by speculation and economic opportunity. Accounts of commercial, recreational and industrial activity in Adelaide's suburban municipalities of the time suggests economically and socially diverse communities. Whereas the desire for the quarter or half acre block in the suburbs was most often due to its productive potential rather than bourgeois aspirations for seclusion and semi-rural tranquillity.

Objectives. To analyse the short- and long-term costs and benefits of alternative models of primary care for the management of patients with type 2 diabetes in Australia. The models of care reflect differential uptake of primary care-based incentive programs, including reminder systems and involvement of practice nurses in management. This paper describes our study protocol and its progress. Methods. We are undertaking an observational study using a cluster sample design that links retrospective patient data from a range of sources to estimate costs and intermediate outcomes (such as the level of glycosylated haemoglobin (HbA1c)) over a 3-year time horizon. We use the short-term data as a basis to estimate lifetime costs and benefits of alternative models of care using a decision analytic model. Initial report. We recruited 15 practices from a metropolitan area (Adelaide) and allocated them to three models of care. Three hundred and ninety-nine patients agreed to participate. We use multilevel analysis to evaluate the association between different models of care and patient-level outcomes, while controlling for several covariates. Discussion/conclusions. Given the large amount of funding currently used to maintain primary care-based incentives in general practices in Australia, the results of this study generate the knowledge required to promote investment in the most cost-effective incentives. What is known about the topic? Collaborative models of care can improve the outcomes in patients with chronic diseases such as type 2 diabetes (T2D), and the large amount of funding is currently used to maintain primary care-based initiatives to provide incentives for general practices to take a more multidisciplinary approach in management of chronic diseases. What does this paper add? There are few model-based studies of the cost-effectiveness of alternative models of care defined on the basis of the uptake of financial incentives within Australian primary care settings for diabetes management. Using routinely collected data, this project evaluates the effectiveness of alternative models of care and estimates long-term costs and benefits of various models of care. What are the implications for practitioners? This study explores opportunities for the use of linked, routinely collected data to evaluate clinical practice, and identifies the optimal model of care in management of patients with T2D, with respect to differences in long-term costs and outcomes.

During times of stress and social pressure, urban green space provides social, cultural, and economic resources that help individuals and communities cope. Green space accessibility is, therefore, an important indicator related to people’s health and welfare. However, green space accessibility is not even throughout urban areas, with some areas better served with green space than others. Green space patterning is, therefore, a major environmental justice challenge. This research uses GIS approaches to analyze and understand urban green space access of urban communities in the Australian metropolitan areas of Adelaide, Melbourne, Sydney, and Brisbane. We calculate indicators to describe green space access in relation to different green space patterns within different metropolitan zones, including the inner urban, suburban, and peri urban. We use the best available open data from the Australian census of 2017 to calculate green space accessibility. Our results describe the relationship between population density and green space distribution and patterning in the four metropolitan areas. We find that even cities which are generally thought of as liveable have considerable environmental justice challenges and inequity and must improve green space access to address environmental inequity. We also find that a range type of measures can be used to better understand green space accessibility. Accessibility varies greatly both within metropolitan areas and also from city to city. Through improving our understanding of the green space accessibility characteristics of Australian metropolitan areas, the result of this study supports the future planning of more just and equal green cities.

Objectives. This paper describes the longitudinal component of a larger mixed methods study into the processes and outcomes of chronic condition management and self-management strategies implemented in three Aboriginal communities in South Australia. The study was designed to document the connection between the application of structured systems of care for Aboriginal people and their longer-term health status. Methods. The study concentrated on three diverse Aboriginal communities in South Australia; the Port Lincoln Aboriginal Health Service, the Riverland community, and Nunkuwarrin Yunti Aboriginal Health Service in the Adelaide metropolitan area. Repeated-measure clinical data were collected for individual participants using a range of clinical indicators for diabetes (type 1 and 2) and related chronic conditions. Clinical data were analysed using random effects modelling techniques with changes in key clinical indicators being modelled at both the individual and group levels. Results. Where care planning has been in place longer than in other sites overall improvements were noted in BMI, cholesterol (high density and low density lipids) and HbA1c. These results indicate that for Aboriginal patients with complex chronic conditions, participation in and adherence to structured care planning and self-management strategies can contribute to improved overall health status and health outcomes. Conclusions. The outcomes reported here represent an initial and important step in quantifying the health benefits that can accrue for Aboriginal people living with complex chronic conditions such as diabetes, heart disease and respiratory disease. The study highlights the benefits of developing long-term working relationships with Aboriginal communities as a basis for conducting effective collaborative health research programs. What is known about the topic? Chronic condition management and self-management programs have been available to Aboriginal people in a range of forms for some time. We know that some groups of patients are keen to engage with care planning and self-management protocols and we have anecdotal evidence of this engagement leading to improved quality of life and health outcomes for Aboriginal people. What does this paper add? This paper provides early evidence of sustained improvement over time for a cohort of Aboriginal people who are learning to deal with a range of chronic illnesses through accessing structured systems of support and care. What are the implications for practitioners? This longitudinal evidence of improved outcomes for Aboriginal people is encouraging and should lead on to more definitive studies of outcomes accruing for people engaged in structured systems of care. Not only does this finding have implications for the overall management of chronic illness in Aboriginal communities, but it points the way to how health services might best invest their resources and efforts to improve the health status of people with chronic conditions and, in the process, close the gap between the life expectancy of Aboriginal people and that of other community groups in Australia.

The ripple effect of house prices within metropolitan areas has recently been recognised by researchers. However, it is very difficult to formulate and measure this effect using conventional house price theories particularly in consideration of the spatial locations of cities. Based on econometrics principles of the cointegration test and the error correction model, this research develops an innovative approach to quantitatively examine the diffusion patterns of house prices in mega‐cities of a country. Taking Australia's eight capital cities as an example, the proposed approach is validated in terms of an empirical study. The results show that a 1–1–2–4 diffusion pattern exists within these cities. Sydney is on the top tier with Melbourne in the second; Perth and Adelaide are in the third level and the other four cities lie on the bottom. This research may be applied to predict the regional housing market behavior in a country. Būsto kainų pasiskirstymo struktūra Australijos valstijų sostinėse Santrauka Neseniai mokslininkai nustatė, kad didmiesčiuose būsto kainos veikia vienos kitas (angl. ripple effect). Tačiau ši poveiki itin sunku suformuluoti ir išmatuoti pasitelkus įprastas būsto kainų teorijas, ypač įvertinant teritorini miestu išsidėstymą. Remiantis ekonometrijos principais, tokiais kaip kointegracijos analize ir klaidu taisymo modelis, šiame tyrime sukurtas novatoriškas būdas, kaip kiekybiškai tyrinėti būsto kainų pasiskirstymo struktūras šalies didmiesčiuose. Kaip pavyzdį pasirinkus aštuonias Australijos valstijų sostines, siūlomas būdas patvirtinamas empiriniu tyrimu. Rezultatai rodo, kad šiu miestu pasiskirstymo struktūra yra 1–1–2–4. Sidnėjus užima aukščiausia pakopa, o Melburnas yra antrasis. Pertui ir Adelaidei tenka trečioji pakopa, o kiti keturi miestai yra žemiausiai. Šiuo tyrimu galima remtis prognozuojant regionines būsto rinkos elgsena kitose šalyse.

El presente trabajo constituye un estudio exploratorio para la identificación de los estilos de liderazgo predominantes en los dirigentes de las empresas del Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga (en adelante AMB). Para tal fin, se aplicó un instrumento de evaluación basado en el modelo de los cuatro marcos del liderazgo y el subsecuente análisis estadístico de los resultados. Considerando lo anterior, se encuentra que los gerentes tienden frecuentemente hacia prácticas como la definición de objetivos, procedimientos, normas claras, dirección a través del análisis y el diseño de planes ampliamente aceptados; y en menor medida hacia prácticas como el estímulo a la competencia interna, la resolución de conflictos y la conformación de una base de poder.

Households resident in metropolitan Adelaide and surrounding areas in South Australia were recruited into a randomised controlled trial. A total of 630 rainwater tanks with a total tank capacity of 14.5 ML were installed at the 325 households surveyed. The majority of the tanks were plumbed into the kitchen (64.6%), over 10 years in age (45.5%), over 15,000 L in capacity (42.5%) and composed of galvanised steel (36.9%). Over 90% of the households undertook one or more prevention and maintenance strategies for reducing contamination of collected rainwater. The use of first flush diverters was reported by 30.8% households, the presence of leaf control devices on the tank by 57.2%, and the presence of leaf control screens on gutters by 25.5% households. Most households reported that the rainwater tank was cleaned at some time, with 50.4% of these households stating that tank cleaning occurred 1 to 5 years previously, and 31.9% more than 5 years prior to enrolment Rainwater from the main drinking tank was sampled from a subset of households for turbidity and metals (Al, Ca, Cu, Fe, Mg, Pb, Zn). This information regarding tank characteristics and degree of adherence to recommended maintenance procedures may assist understanding of variability in rainwater quality data and may help determine whether untreated rainwater can be considered a safe water supply for household purposes including drinking.

<p>Tomando como punto de partida la experiencia de enseñanza de la Geografia y de su implementación didáctica en un conjunto de escuelas del Area Metropolitana de Buenos Aires, se detallan las fortalezas y debilidades de los nexos existentes entre la cultura cotidiana en los territorios y diversas geografías en las que se encuentran enclavadas las escuelas y las propuestas de desarrollo económico y social de la matriz social general. Desde una perspectiva enmarcada en los estudios culturales, e objeto de este trabajo refiere a la disciplina geográfica y su enseñanza la cual, en tanto campo de conocimiento posible de ser recontextualizado en el ámbito escolar, supone una serie de prácticas ancladas en cultura política, las cuales serán analizadas en función de elaborar una “agenda” de intervención territorial. Esto implica el trabajo con temas geográfico previstos desde los diseños curriculares y desde las necesidades de los territorios en los que se desarrolla la actividad de los profesores de Geografía. Se detallará el nuevo papel que le puede caber a la enseñanza de la Geografía en el marco institucional en relación a la recomposición y fortalecimiento del vínculo vertical entre la cultura local y la cultura jurisdiccional y nacional. Se apuntan también a detallar los obstáculos para el atemperamiento de la segregación social y geográfica evidenciada horizontalmente en los territorios en los que se encuentran las escuelas. Por último, se establece un bosquejo referido a la posibilidad de constitución de una red difusa de profesores para llevar adelante este conjunto de tareas.</p><p><strong>PALABRAS CLAVE:</strong> Didáctica de la geografía, Estudios culturales, Política, Territorio, Red de profesores.</p>

Abstract Background Recent rapid growth in urban areas and the desire to create liveable neighbourhoods has brought about a renewed interest in planning for compact cities, with concepts like the 20-minute neighbourhood (20MN) becoming more popular. A 20MN broadly reflects a neighbourhood that allows residents to meet their daily (non-work) needs within a short, non-motorised, trip from home. The 20MN concept underpins the key planning strategy of Australia’s second largest city, Melbourne, however the 20MN definition has not been operationalised. This study aimed to develop and operationalise a practical definition of the 20MN and apply this to two Australian state capital cities: Melbourne (Victoria) and Adelaide (South Australia). Methods Using the metropolitan boundaries for Melbourne and Adelaide, data were sourced for several layers related to five domains: 1) healthy food; 2) recreational resources; 3) community resources; 4) public open space; and 5) public transport. The number of layers and the access measures required for each domain differed. For example, the recreational resources domain only required a sport and fitness centre (gym) within a 1.5-km network path distance, whereas the public open space domain required a public open space within a 400-m distance along a pedestrian network and 8 ha of public open space area within a 1-km radius. Locations that met the access requirements for each of the five domains were defined as 20MNs. Results In Melbourne 5.5% and in Adelaide 7.6% of the population were considered to reside in a 20MN. Within areas classified as residential, the median number of people per square kilometre with a 20MN in Melbourne was 6429 and the median number of dwellings per square kilometre was 3211. In Adelaide’s 20MNs, both population density (3062) and dwelling density (1440) were lower than in Melbourne. Conclusions The challenge of operationalising a practical definition of the 20MN has been addressed by this study and applied to two Australian cities. The approach can be adapted to other contexts as a first step to assessing the presence of existing 20MNs and monitoring further implementation of this concept.

Abstract Background Emerging evidence suggests that children become fatter and less fit over the summer holidays but get leaner and fitter during the in-school period. This could be due to differences in diet and time use between these distinct periods. Few studies have tracked diet and time use across the summer holidays. This study will measure rates of change in fatness and fitness of children, initially in Grade 4 (age 9 years) across three successive years and relate these changes to changes in diet and time use between in-school and summer holiday periods. Methods Grade 4 Children attending Australian Government, Catholic and Independent schools in the Adelaide metropolitan area will be invited to participate, with the aim of recruiting 300 students in total. Diet will be reported by parents using the Automated Self-Administered 24-h Dietary Assessment Tool. Time use will be measured using 24-h wrist-worn accelerometry (GENEActiv) and self-reported by children using the Multimedia Activity Recall for Children and Adults (e.g. chores, reading, sport). Measurement of diet and time use will occur at the beginning (Term 1) and end (Term 4) of each school year and during the summer holiday period. Fitness (20-m shuttle run and standing broad jump) and fatness (body mass index z-score, waist circumference, %body fat) will be measured at the beginning and end of each school year. Differences in rates of change in fitness and fatness during in-school and summer holiday periods will be calculated using model parameter estimate contrasts from linear mixed effects model. Model parameter estimate contrasts will be used to calculate differences in rates of change in outcomes by socioeconomic position (SEP), sex and weight status. Differences in rates of change of outcomes will be regressed against differences between in-school and summer holiday period diet and time use, using compositional data analysis. Analyses will adjust for age, sex, SEP, parenting style, weight status, and pubertal status, where appropriate. Discussion Findings from this project may inform new, potent avenues for intervention efforts aimed at addressing childhood fitness and fatness. Interventions focused on the home environment, or alternatively extension of the school environment may be warranted. Trial registration Australia New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry, identifier ACTRN12618002008202. Retrospectively registered on 14 December 2018.

There is growing concern about climate change impacts on local government areas. In Australia, the federal carbon tax (from 1 July 2012) will also increase costs for local councils. This paper evaluates what carbon mitigation (i.e. energy, water, and waste management) actions have been implemented by metropolitan Adelaide councils (n=14) and why (or why not). A survey of environmental officers profiled carbon mitigation actions, emissions auditing, and motives for emissions reduction by Adelaide councils. The main reasons for adopting carbon actions were a climate change plan, climate leadership, and cost savings. Internal council governance of climate change actions was also evaluated. A climate governance framework based on adaptive management, communication, and reflective practice (Nursey-Bray 2010) was applied to assess climate mitigation by Adelaide councils.

Abstract Objectives This study examined the impact of the residential environment, measured by the Healthy Ageing/Vulnerable ENvironment (HAVEN) Index, on risk of mortality or entry into Permanent Residential Aged Care (PRAC). Design A retrospective cohort study using data from the Registry of Senior Australians (ROSA) was conducted. HAVEN Index values were matched to the ROSA by residential postcode. Study setting and Participants Older individuals living in metropolitan Adelaide and receiving their first eligibility assessment for aged care services between 2014 and 2016 (N = 16,944). Main Outcome Measure Time to death and entry into PRAC were the main outcomes. Results A higher HAVEN Index value, which represents a favourable residential environment, was associated with a lower risk of mortality and delayed entry to PRAC. For every 0.1 unit increase in HAVEN Index value, the risk of mortality is 3% lower (adjusted hazard ratio [HR], 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.97, 0.96–0.99) and the risk of entry to PRAC is 5% lower (adjusted subdistribution HR, 95%CI = 0.95, 0.94–0.97) in the first 2 years following aged care assessment. After 2 years, the HAVEN Index was not associated with the risk of transition to PRAC. Conclusion Place-based health inequalities were identified in Australians seeking aged care services, demonstrating that a better understanding of local neighbourhoods may provide insight into addressing ageing inequalities. Spatial indexes, such as the HAVEN Index, are useful tools to identify areas where populations are more vulnerable to adverse health outcomes, informing responses to prioritise local improvements and health interventions to enable healthy ageing.

Abstract Background Smoking prevalence remains inequitably high for lower SES (socioeconomic status) populations. The psychosocial interactive model of resilience theorises that resilience might be ‘switched on’ in order to support and/or maintain smoking cessation for these populations. This study aimed to develop a Resilience Intervention for Smoking Cessation (RISC) through reviewing the extant literature around efficacious interventions for smoking cessation. Deliberative democracy principles were then used to understand lay perspectives regarding this potential smoking cessation program. Methods Public health databases were searched to find efficacious psycho-social resilience interventions in the peer-reviewed literature for smoking cessation amongst lower SES populations. Potential components for RISC were selected based on evidence within the literature for their effectiveness. We then employed the Nominal Group Technique (NGT) to create discussion and consensus on the most socially appropriate and feasible components from the perspective of smokers from low SES areas. The NGT included 16 people from a lower SES population in southern metropolitan Adelaide who indicated they were seriously contemplating quitting smoking or had recently quit. Data were collected from multiple Likert ratings and rankings of the interventions during the NGT workshop and analysed descriptively. The Wilcoxon signed-ranked test was used where appropriate. Qualitative data were collected from participant reflections and group discussion, and analysed thematically. Results Six smoking cessation interventions, likely to enhance resilience, were selected as potential constituents for RISC: mindfulness training; setting realistic goals; support groups; smoke free environments; mobile phone apps; and motivational interviewing. Consensus indicated that mindfulness training and setting realistic goals were the most acceptable resilience enhancing interventions, based on perceived usefulness and feasibility. Conclusions This research applied principles from deliberative democracy in order to illuminate lay knowledge regarding an appropriate and acceptable smoking cessation resilience program for a lower SES population. This process of collaborative and complex knowledge-generation is critically important to confront inequities as an ongoing challenge in public health, such as smoking cessation for disadvantaged groups. Further research should involve development and trial of this resilience program.

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. A truly comprehensive account of wine authenticity remains to be written.ReferencesAnderson, Kym, David Norman, and Glyn Wittwer. “Globalization and the World’s Wine Markets: Overview.” Discussion Paper No. 0143, Centre for International Economic Studies. Adelaide: U of Adelaide, 2001.Barham, Elizabeth. “Translating Terroir: The Global Challenge of French AOC Labelling.” Journal of Rural Studies 19 (2003): 127–38.Beverland, Michael B. “Crafting Brand Authenticity: The Case of Luxury Wines.” Journal of Management Studies 42.5 (2005): 1003–29.Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. London: Routledge, 1992.Brabazon, Tara. “Colonial Control or Terroir Tourism? 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Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2003.Hennion, Antoine. “The Things That Bind Us Together.”Cultural Sociology 1.1 (2007): 65–85.Kopytoff, Igor. “The Cultural Biography of Things: Commoditization as a Process." The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Ed. Arjun Appadurai. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1986. 64–91.Laferté, Gilles. “End or Invention of Terroirs? Regionalism in the Marketing of French Luxury Goods: The Example of Burgundy Wines in the Inter-War Years.” Working Paper, Centre d’Economie et Sociologie Appliquées a l’Agriculture et aux Espaces Ruraux, Dijon.Latour, Bruno. We Have Never Been Modern. Harvard: Harvard UP, 1993.Lu, Shun and Gary A. 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This article makes a case for the everyday while on tour and argues that the ability to continue with everyday routines and social relationships, while at the same time moving through and staying in liminal or atypical zones of tourist locales, is a key part of some kinds of tourist experience. Based on ethnographic field research with grey nomads (retirees who take extended tours of Australia in caravans and motorhomes) everyday life while on tour is examined, specifically the overlap and intersection between the out-of-the-ordinary “tourist zone” and the ordinariness of the “everyday zone.” The “everyday zone” and “tourist zone” can be readily differentiated by their obvious geospatial boundaries (being at home or being away on holiday). More specifically, the “everyday zone” refers to the routines of quotidian life, or the mundane practices which make up our daily, at-home lives. These practices are closely connected with the domestic realm and include consumption practices (clothing, cooking, mass media) and everyday social interactions. The “tourist zone” is similarly concerned with consumption. In this zone, however, tourists are seen to consume places; the culture, landscape, and peoples of exotic or out-of-the-ordinary tourist locales. Needless to say this consumption of place also includes the consumption of services and objects available in the tourist destinations (Urry, “The Consuming of Place” 220). The notion of tourists being away from home has often been contrasted with constructions of home—with the dull routines of everyday life—by social scientists and tourist marketers alike in an effort to illuminate the difference between being “away” and being at “home.” Scott McCabe and Elizabeth Stokoe suggest that peoples’ notion of “home” takes into account the meaning of being away (602). That is to say that when people are away from home, as tourists for example, they often compare and contrast this with the fundamental aspects of living at home. Others, however, argue that with the widespread use of mobile communication technologies, the distinction between the notion of being at “home” and being “away” becomes less clear (White and White 91). In this sense, the notion of home or the everyday is viewed with an eye towards social relationships, rather than any specific geographical location (Jamal and Hill 77–107; Massey 59–69; Urry, “The Tourist Gaze” 2–14; White and White 88–104). It can be argued, therefore, that tourism entails a fusion of the routines and relationships associated with the everyday, as well as the liminal or atypical world of difference. This article is based on semi-structured interviews with 40 grey nomads, as well as four months of ethnographic fieldwork carried out in rural and remote Australia—in Western Australia, the Northern Territory, and South Australia. Grey nomads have been part of Australian senior culture for at least four decades. They are a relatively heterogeneous group of tourists encompassing a range of socio-economic backgrounds, preferred activities, health status, and favoured destinations (Davies et al. 40–1; Economic Development Committee 4; Holloway 117–47), as well age cohorts—including the frugal generation (1910–1932), the silent generation (1931–1946), and the baby boomer generation (1946–65). Grey nomads usually tour as spousal couples (Tourism Research Australia 26; Onyx and Leonard 387). Some of these couples live solely on government pensions while others are obviously well-resourced—touring in luxury motorhomes costing well over half a million dollars. Some prefer to bush camp in national parks and other isolated locations, and some choose to stay long term in caravan parks socialising with other grey nomads and the local community. All grey nomads, nonetheless, maintain a particularly close link with the everyday while touring. Mobile communication technologies anchor grey nomads (and other tourists) to the everyday—allowing for ready contact with existing family and friends while on tour. Grey nomads’ mobile dwellings, their caravans and motorhomes, integrate familiar domestic spaces with a touring life. The interior and exterior spaces of these mobile dwellings allow for easy enactment of everyday, domestic routines and the privatised world of adult spousal relationships. This peripatetic form of dwelling, where the dwelling itself accommodates both travel and an everyday domestic life further blurs the distinctions between the “everyday zone” and the “tourist zone”. In this sense grey nomads carry out a lifestyle that is both anchored and mobile; anchored in the everyday domestic life while at the same time being nomadic or geographically unstable. This blurring of the boundaries between the “everyday zone” and “tourist zone” is attractive to senior tourists, offering them a relatively safe and comfortable incursion into tourist locales, where established routines and patterns of everyday life can be maintained. Other homes-away-from-homes such as serviced apartments, holiday homes and house swaps also offer greater connection to the everyday, but are geographically anchored to specific tourism spaces. The caravan or motorhome allows this at-home connection for the peripatetic tourist offsets the relative rigours of outback touring in remote and rural Australia. Everyday Social Relationships in the “Tourist Zone” When tourists go away from home, they are usually thought of as being away from both place (home) and relationships (family and friends). Nowadays, however, being away from home does not necessarily mean being away from family and friends. This is because the ease and speed of today’s telecommunication technologies allows for instantaneous contact with family and friends back home—or the virtual co-presence of family and friends while being away on tour. In the past, those friends and relations who were geographically isolated from each other still enjoyed social contact via letters and telegrams. Such contacts, however, occurred less frequently and message delivery took time. Long distance telephone calls were also costly and therefore used sparingly. These days, telecommunication technologies such as mobile phones and the Internet, as well as the lower cost of landline phone calls, mean that everyday social contact does not need to be put on hold. Keeping in contact is now a comparatively fast, inexpensive, and effortless activity and socialising with distant friends and relatives is now a routine activity (Larsen 24). All grey nomads travel with a mobile phone device, either a digital mobile, Next G or satellite phone (Obst, Brayley and King 8). These phones are used to routinely keep in contact with family and friends, bringing with them everyday familial relationships while on tour. “We ring the girls. We’ve got two daughters. We ring them once a week, although if something happens Debbie [daughter] will ring us” (Teresa). Grey nomads also take advantage of special deals or free minutes when they scheduled weekly calls to family or friends. “I mainly [use] mobile, then I ring, because I’ve got that hour, free hour” (Helen). E-mail is also a favoured way of keeping in contact with family and friends for some grey nomads. This is because the asynchronicity of e-mail interaction is very convenient as they can choose the times when they pick up and send messages. “Oh, thank goodness for the e-mail” (Pat). Maintaining social contact with family and friends at a distance is not necessarily as straightforward as when grey nomads and other tourists are at home. According to discussants in this study and the Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee, mobile phone coverage within Australia is still rather patchy when outside major metropolitan areas. Consequently, the everyday task of kin keeping via the phone can be somewhat intermittent, especially for those grey nomads who spend a great deal of time outside major towns in rural and remote Australia. “You can never get much [reception] but [...] they can just ring the mobile and just leave a message and we will get that message [later]” (Rena). Similarly, using the Internet to e-mail family and friends and catch up with online banking can only be carried out when passing through larger towns. “I do it [using the Internet] like every major town we went through. I’d stop and do a set of e-mails and I used to do my banking” (Maureen). The intermittent phone coverage in remote and rural Australia was not always viewed as an inconvenience by discussants in this study. This is because continuing engagement with family and friends while on tour may leave little respite from the ongoing obligations or any difficulties associated with family and friends back home, and encroach on the leisure and relaxation associated with grey nomad touring. “I don’t want the phone to ring […] That’s one thing I can do without, the phone ringing, especially at 4:00 in the morning” (Rena). In this way, too much co-presence, in the form of mobile phone calls from family and friends, can be just as much a nuisance when away from home as when at home—and impinge on the feeling of “being away from it all.” Naomi White and Peter White also suggest that “being simultaneously home and away is not always experienced in a positive light” (98) and at times, continued contact (via the phone) with friends and family while touring is not satisfying or enjoyable because these calls reiterate the “dynamics evident in those that are [usually] geographically proximate” (100). Thus, while mobile communication technologies are convenient tools for grey nomads and other tourists which blur the boundaries between the “everyday zone” and “tourist zones” in useful and pleasurable ways, their overuse may also encroach on tourists’ away time, thus interfering with their sense of solitude and quiescence when touring in remote or rural Australia. The “Everyday Zone” of the Caravan or Motorhome Being a tourist involves “everyday practices, ordinary places and significant others, such as family members and friends, but co-residing and at-a-distance” (Larsen 26). While tourism involves some sense of liminality, in reality, it is interspersed with the actuality of the everyday routines and sociabilities enacted while touring. Tim Edensor notes that; Rather than transcending the mundane, most forms of tourism are fashioned by culturally coded escape attempts. Moreover, although suffused with notions of escape from normativity, tourists carry quotidian habits and responses with them: they are part of the baggage. (61) Grey nomads go further than this by bringing on tour with them a domestic space in which everyday routines and sociabilities are sustained. Travelling in this manner “makes possible, and probably encourages, greater continuity with everyday routine than many other kinds of holiday making” (Southerton et al. 6). To be able to sleep in your own bed with your own pillow and linen, or perhaps travel with your dogs, makes caravanning and motorhoming an attractive touring option for many people. Thus, the use of caravans or motorhomes when travelling brings with it a great deal of mobile domesticity while on tour. The caravan or motorhome is furnished with most of the essentially-domestic objects and technologies to enable grey nomads to sleep, eat, relax, and be entertained in a manner similar to that which they enjoy in the family home, albeit within smaller dimensions. Lorna: We have shower, toilet. We had microwave, stereo. We have air conditioning and heating.Eric: Yeah, reverse cycle air conditioning.Lorna: Reverse cycle. What else do we have?Eric: Hot water service. Gas or 240 volt. 12 volt converter in that, which is real good, it runs your lights, runs everything like that. You just hook it into the main power and it converts it to 12 volt. Roll out awning plus the full annex.Lorna: Full annex. What else do we have? There’s a good size stove in it. The size of caravans and motorhomes means that many domestic tasks often take less time or are simplified. Cleaning the van takes a lot less time and cooking often becomes simplified, due to lack of bench and storage space. Women in particular like this aspect of grey nomad travel. “It is great. Absolutely. You don’t have toilets to clean, you don’t have bathrooms to clean. Cooking your meals are easier because everything is all […] Yeah. It’s more casual” (Sonya). This touring lifestyle also introduces new domestic routines, such as emptying chemical toilets, filling water tanks, towing and parking the van and refilling gas tanks, for example. Nonetheless grey nomads, spend significantly less time on these domestic tasks when they are touring. In this sense, the caravan or motorhome brings with it the comforts and familiarity of home, while at the same time minimising the routine chores involved in domestic life. With the core accoutrements of everyday life available, everyday activities such as doing the dishes, watching television, preparing and eating a meal—as well as individual hobbies and pastimes—weave themselves into a daily life that is simultaneously home and away. This daily life, at home in the caravan or motorhome, brings with it possibilities of a domestic routinised lifestyle—one that provides welcome comfort and familiarity when travelling and a retreat from the demands of sightseeing. On the farm I used to make jam and cakes, so I do it again [in the caravan]. I make jam, I made marmalade a couple of weeks ago. We’d often stay home [in the caravan], I’d just clean or do a bit of painting. (Jenny) Touring in a caravan or motorhome allows for some sense of predictability: that you own and control the private spaces of your own mobile dwelling, and can readily carry out everyday domestic routines and sociabilities. “We go for a long walk. We come back and we see friends and we stop and have a coffee with them, and then you come home in the caravan at 2.30 and you can still have lunch” (Yvonne). Touring in a caravan or motorhome also frees grey nomads from dependence on prearranged tourist experiences such as organised tours or hotel meal times where much of the tourist experience can be regimented. We always went in hotels and you always had to dress up, and you had to eat before a certain time, and you had your breakfast before a certain time. And after 2.30 you can’t have lunch anymore and sometimes we have lunch at 2 o’clock. I like the caravan park [better]. (Donald) Despite the caravan or motorhome having close links with everyday life and the domestic realm, its ready mobility offers a greater sense of autonomy while touring: that you are unfettered, not bound to any specific place or timetable, and can move on at whim. Grey nomads often cross paths with other tourists dependent on guided bus tours. “They go in [to Kakadu] on a bus trip. All they do is go in on the main road, they’re in there for the day and there’re back. That’s absolutely ridiculous” (Vance). This autonomy, or freedom to structure their own tourist experiences, allows grey nomads the opportunity to travel at a leisurely pace. Even those grey nomads who travel to the same northern destination every year take their time and enjoy other tourist locations along the way. We take our time. This time, last time, we did three weeks before we got in [to] Broome. We spent a lot [of time] in Karratha but also in Geraldton. And when we came back, in Kalbarri, [we had] a week in Kalbarri. But it’s nice going up, you know. You go all through the coast, along the coast. (John) Caravan or motorhome use, therefore, provides for a routinised everyday life while at the same time allowing a level of autonomy not evident in other forms of tourism—which rely more heavily on pre-booking accommodation and transport options. These contradictory aspects of grey nomad travel, an everyday life of living in a caravan or motorhome coupled with freedom to move on in an independent manner, melds the “everyday zone” and the “tourist zone” in a manner appealing to many grey nomads. Conclusion Theories of tourism tend to pay little attention to the aspects of tourism that involve recurrent activities and an ongoing connectedness with everyday life. Tourism is often defined: by contrasting it to home geographies and everydayness: tourism is what they are not. [...] The main focus in such research is on the extraordinary, on places elsewhere. Tourism is an escape from home, a quest for more desirable and fulfilling places. (Larsen 21) Nonetheless, tourism involves everyday routines, everyday spaces and an everyday social life. Grey nomads find that mobile phones and the Internet make possible the virtual co-presence of family and friends allowing everyday relationships to continue while touring. Nonetheless, the pleasure of ongoing contact with distant family and friends while touring may at times encroach on the quietude or solitude grey nomads experienced when touring remote and rural Australia. In addition to this, grey nomads’ caravans and motorhomes are equipped with the many comforts and domestic technologies of home, making for the continuance of everyday domiciliary life while on tour, further obfuscating the boundaries between the “tourist zone” and the “everyday zone.” In this sense grey nomads lead a lifestyle that is both anchored and mobile. This anchoring involves dwelling in everyday spaces, carrying out everyday domestic and social routines, as well as maintaining contact with friends and family via mobile communication technologies. This anchoring allows for some sense of predictability: that you own and control the private spaces of your own mobile dwelling, and can readily carry out everyday domestic routines and sociabilities. Conversely, the ready mobility of the caravan or motorhome offers a sense of autonomy: that you are unfettered, not bound to any specific place and can move on at whim. 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