Journal articles on the topic 'Ada Elizabeth'

In 1930 Mary Elizabeth Bolden sent for her ten year old son, Theodore, from the rural Virginia farm where the family worked as sharecroppers. She had moved to Montclair the previous year with her sister, Ada, and brother in-law, James, and worked as a domestic servant to support herself. ...

Makna yang terkandung dalam ujaran sarkasme terdiri dari dua, yaitu makna humor dan menghina. Kedua makna tersebut dapat ditemukan dalam film Borat yang telah meraih banyak penghargaan. Bagi penonton di negara asal film tersebut tidaklah masalah dalam menangkap makna humor berbalut sarkasme, namun tidak bagi penonton di Indonesia terutama yang kemampuan bahasa Inggrisnya tidak memadai sehingga mereka sangat bergantung pada teks terjemahan film dengan harapan humor sarkasme yang ada di teks sumber (TSu) tersampaikan atau sama persis di teks sasaran (TSa). Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis persamaan dan perbedaan antara makna humor sarkasme yang ada di TSu berbahasa Inggris dengan makna yang dihasilkan dari penggunaan strategi penerjemahan yang ada di TSa berbahasa Indonesia pada film Borat. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori makna humor sarkasme milik Elizabeth Camp (2011) dan strategi penerjemahan dalam subtitling milik Teresa Tomaszkiewicz (1993). Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif. Data humor sarkasme dijaring berdasarkan kriteria-kriteria yang telah ditentukan (teknik simak catat) lalu dianalisis menggunakan metode deskriptif komparatif untuk mengetahui persamaan dan perbedaan makna antara yang ada di TSu dan TSa. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa makna humor sarkasme di TSu telah dihilangkan dan dinetralkan di TSa. Alhasil, efek komedi dalam film tersebut tidak dirasakan oleh para penonton berbahasa Indonesia. Penelitian ini merekomendasikan subtitler agar lebih mengoptimalkan sisa karakter dalam baris subtitle, misalnya dengan menambahkan tanda hubung, tanda baca, dan kata tambahan lainnya guna mempertahankan humor sarkasme yang ada dalam film Borat.

Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk menjelaskan bentuk perilaku sosial tokoh anak dan faktor yang mempengaruhinya yang terdapat di dalam novel Garuda Gaganeswara Teka-teki Jalan Lurus Melingkar. Analisis bentuk perilaku sosial tokoh anak dan faktor yang mempengaruhi dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teori Elizabeth B. Hurlock, yang membagi Pola perilaku sosial terbagi atas dua kelompok, yaitu pola perilaku yang sosial dan pola perilaku yang tidak sosial. Penelitian ini secara umum menggunakan, metode deskriptif. Dari penelitian yang telah dilakukan diperoleh kesimpulan terdapat dua bentuk pola perilaku sosial tokoh anak. Pertama, pola perilaku sosial anak diantaranya ada: Kerja sama, Persaingan, Kemurahan hati dan Sifat ramah. Kedua, pola perilaku tidak sosial adalah perilaku yang menunjukkan: Negativisme, Pertengkaran, Perilaku sok kuasa, Egosentrisme, Prasangka, dan Antagonisme jenis kelamin.

Indonesia saat ini sedang mengalami gejolak politik yang sangat panas. Banyak mahasiswa dari berbagai Universitas di Indonesia turun ke jalan untuk mengaspirasikan bentuk rasa kekecewaannya terhadap DPR yang dengan sesuka hatinya mengeluarkan peraturan yang cukup kontroversial. Ada begitu banyak sindiran atau sarkasme yang ditulis oleh para mahasiswa di kala mereka melakukan demonstrasi. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis bentuk-bentuk sarkasme yang mahasiswa tulis di dalam demonstrasi mereka dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif. Analisis ini dilakukan dengan mengambil beberapa bentuk-bentuk tulisan dari demonstrasi mahasiswa yang memprotes RUU yang dikeluarkan oleh DPR untuk diketahui bagaimana bentuk dari bahasa sarkasme yang mereka gunakan. Dari hasil penelitian yang dilakukan dengan menggunakan Teori Elizabeth Camp, ada terdapat 32 gambar yang menunjukkan sarkasme proposisi, 12 gambar yang menunjukkan sarkasme leksikal, dan terdapat 9 gambar yang menunjukkan sarkasme ilokusi dari 53 gambar yang didapat. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, para mahasiswa banyak menggunakan gambar dengan jenis sarkasme proposisi untuk mengungkapkan aspirasi mereka. Indonesia is currently experiencing a very hot political upheaval. Many students from various universities in Indonesia took to the streets to aspire to their dissatisfaction with the House of Representatives, which as they pleased issued quite controversial regulations. There were so many sarcasm or sarcasm written by the students when they demonstrated. This study aims to analyze the forms of sarcasm that students write in their demonstrations using qualitative descriptive methods. This analysis was carried out by taking several written forms from student demonstrations protesting the bill issued by the DPR to find out what form of sarcasm they used. From the results of research conducted using the Elizabeth Camp Theory, there are 32 images that show propositional sarcasm, 12 images that show lexical sarcasm, and there are 9 pictures that show illocutionary sarcasm from 53 images obtained. Based on the results of the study, many students use images with a propositional type of sarcasm to express their aspirations.

Friendship according to a common understanding and the Bible must be different. Friendship in general terms is only based on love between people. While friendship according to the Bible there is certainly a basic word of God that must be done in friendship or a spiritual attraction between each other which of course this spiritual attraction certainly comes from God. In this journal, the author will write what friendship is according to the Bible and its relevance today. Here the writer brings up two stories of friendship that are very well known in the Bible namely friendship between David and Jonathan and Friendship between Mary and Elizabeth. The results obtained are found that friendship is a relationship between two or more people, where they have the bond of love in the same God in which there is mutual concern, affirmation, empathy, willingness to sacrifice everything-including lives, protect each other and not exist jealousy.AbstrakPersahabatan menurut pengertian umum dan Alkitab pastilah berbeda. Persahabatan menurut pengertian umum hanyalah didasarkan karena kasih antar manusia. Sedangkan persahabatan menurut Alkitab tentunya ada dasar firman Tuhan yang harus dilakukan dalam persahabatan itu atau adanya daya tarik rohani antara satu sama lain yang mana daya tarik rohani ini tentnya datangnya dari Tuhan. Dalam jurnal ini penulis akan menulis apa itu persahabatan menurut Alkitab dan relevansinya pada masa kini. Di sini penulis mengangkat dua kisah persahabatan yang sangat dikenal di dalam Alkitab yakni persahabatan antara Daud dan Yonatan serta Persahabatan antara Maria dan Elisabet. Metode yang dipergunakan adalah metode deskriptif dengan memperhatikan literatur-literatur. Hasil yang didapat adalah ditemukan bahwa persahabatan adalah hubungan antara dua orang atau lebih, dimana mereka memiliki ikatan kasih di dalam Tuhan yang sama yang didalamnya ada saling memperhatikan, meneguhkan, empati, rela berkorban segala sesuatu termasuk nyawa, saling melindungi satu sama lain dan tidak ada kecemburan.

[H]e was enamoured of that arduous invention which is the very eye of research, provisionally framing its object and correcting it to more and more exactness of relation … to pierce the obscurity of those minute processes.—George Eliot,MiddlemarchIt would be hard to discover a theoretical or aesthetic approach to George Eliot'sMiddlemarchthat is not already anticipated in some way by the novel's sagacious narrator. Possibly that persona, the quintessential Victorian polymath, does not foresee digital humanities as we know it. But critics have been struck as much by Eliot's prototyping of information systems, semiotics, and network analysis as by her humanist ethics. Casaubon does not invent the database of myths any more than Lydgate discovers DNA, or than Marian Evans Lewes rivals Ada Lovelace and Charles Babbage. As I illustrate a kind of digital research that adjusts to the minute particulars of narrative, I hope to keep sight of historical distances between the 1830s, the 1870s, and the era of feminist Victorian studies that I sketch here. Lydgate's penetrative “invention,” in the epigraph, is associated elsewhere in the novel with his actual “flesh-and-blood” vitality: “He cared not only for ‘cases,’ but for John and Elizabeth, especially Elizabeth” (Middlemarch, chap. 15). He is as dedicated to evidence as the narrator, in many scientific analogies, counsels readers to be, and yet he approaches his own life story and the characters of women with a kind of prejudgment that filters out most data. Eliot's readers, seeing Lydgate's errors, are flattered into believing we miss no signals and see all analogies. Can contemporary readers appreciate both numerical cases and individual stories of women? In this article I try to outline a feminist criticism that encompasses both typological classifications and flesh-and-blood individuality, both digital research and interpretative advocacy.

This study aims to describe and explain the creative process of authors and social criticism found in Babad Ngalor-Ngidul novel. This research use desciptive qualitative approach. Data sources in the form of Babad Ngalor-Ngidul novels by Elizabeth D. Inandiak and author interviews and data collection were carried out by purposive sampling. Data were analyzed based on the author's creative process theory and literary sociology in the form of speech, sentence, or discourse contained in the data source. Data is filtered and classified according to research objectives, which are related to the creative process of authors and social criticism. The results of the study stated that there is a connection between the creative process of the author and social criticism in the Babad Ngalor-Ngidul novel. The author's creative process is based on the eruption and earthquake events in Yogyakarta, and is influenced by the interaction of the author with the community of Kinahrejo and Bebekan. The criticisms contained in the Babad Ngalor-Ngidul novel are social, cultural and political criticisms of the dynamics of post-disaster community change. The creative process of the author and the delivery of the message of criticism are intertwined in the moderate position of literature as a form of sanctification (catharsis), and healing.Penelitian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan dan menjelaskan proses kreatif pengarang dan kritik sosial yang terdapat pada novel Babad Ngalor-Ngidul. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif. Sumber data berasal dari novel Babad Ngalor-Ngidul karya Elizabeth D. Inandiak dan hasil wawancara pengarang serta pengambilan data dilakukan secara purposive sampling. Data dianalisis berdasarkan teori proses kreatif pengarang dan sosiologi sastra yang berupa tuturan, kalimat, atau wacana yang terdapat dalam sumber data. Data disaring dan diklasifikasikan sesuai tujuan penelitian, yakni terkait dengan proses kreatif pengarang dan kritik sosial. Hasil penelitian mengemukakan bahwa terdapat kaitan antara proses kreatif pengarang dan kritik sosial yang ada dalam novel Babad Ngalor-Ngidul. Proses kreatif pengarang dilandasi atas peristiwa erupsi dan gempa di Yogyakarta serta dipengaruhi interaksi pengarang dengan masyarakat Kinahrejo dan Bebekan. Adapun kritik yang terdapat dalam novel Babad Ngalor-Ngidul adalah kritik sosial, budaya, dan politik atas dinamika perubahan masyarakat pascabencana. Proses kreatif pengarang dan penyampaian pesan kritik berkelindan dalam posisi moderat karya sastra sebagai bentuk penyucian (katarsis) serta penyembuhan.

Bahasa merupakan alat komunikasi yang digunakan di semua aspek kehidupan manusia, khususnya dalam berinteraksi dengan orang-orang di sekitar. Bahasa juga memiliki bentuk dan gaya yang bervariasi, dan salah satunya adalah gaya bahasa sarkasme. Dalam penerapannya dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, gaya bahasa sarkasme terlihat di dalam acara talkshow di televisi. Untuk itulah penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk menganalisa sarkasme yang terdapat pada acara talkshow Pagi-pagi Pasti Happy. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif-kualitatif. Data pada penelitian ini berupa rekaman episode acara talkshow Pagi-pagi Pasti Happy sebanyak 10 video yang diambil dari YouTube. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan tabel analisis data dengan berpedoman kepada sarkasme pintar dan sarkasme kasar, serta menggunakan empat kategori sarkasme teori Elizabeth Camp (1990), yaitu (1) Sarkasme Proporsional, (2) Sarkasme Leksikal, (3) Sarkasme Pengandaian, dan (4) Sarkasme Menyeluruh. Pengecekan keabsahan data dengan menggunakan triangulasi sebagi penelitian pembanding. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa ada terdapat 87 tuturan dari 85 kolom yang terdapat di dalam tabel, yang terbagi atas 40 tuturan termasuk sarkasme kasar dan 47 tuturan termasuk sarkasme pintar. Selain itu, didapat bahwa dari 87 tuturan, banyak didominasi dengan menyinggung, mengejek, menghujat, serta menyudutkan tingkat intelegensia terhadap objek tuturannya.

Background:Physical function and health-related quality of life(HRQoL) are negatively impacted in patients(pts) with PsA. Treatment with conventional and biological (b) DMARDs improved patient-reported outcomes(PROs).Objectives:To assess impact of adalimumab(ADA) vs placebo(PBO) on PROs following 12-week (wk) treatment.Methods:Pts(n=315) with moderately to severely active PsA and bDMARD naive were randomized to ADA 40mg or PBO every other wk. We assessed PROs at baseline(BL) and wk 12 using the 36-item Short-Form(SF-36) Health Survey physical(PCS) and mental component summary(MCS) scores, 8 domain scores ranging from 0(worst) to 100(best), and SF-6D utility measure derived from all 8 SF-36 domains with scores ranging from 0.296(worst) to 1.00(full health) and minimally important difference(MID) of 0.041. Patient Global Assessment of disease activity(PtGA) and pain(both utilizing 100 mm visual analog scale[VAS]) and HAQ disability index(DI) were assessed. Mean changes from BL, percentages of pts with improvements ≥minimum clinically important differences(MCID), and scores ≥US age-and gender-matched normative values(A/G norms) were analyzed, based on as observed data.Pvalues were assessed by analysis of variance model for continuous variables andCochran–Mantel–Haenszeltest for binary outcomes, adjusting by baseline MTX use and extent of psoriasis. Numbers needed to treat(NNTs) are reported using proportions of pts reporting improvements ≥MCID in SF-36, PtGA, pain, and HAQ-DI.Results:BL PRO scores were similar between ADA(n=151) and PBO(n=162;Table 1). Improvements from BL at wk 12 with ADA vs PBO were significant in PtGA, pain, HAQ-DI, and SF-36 PCS(change: 9.3 vs 1.4;P<0.001) but not in SF-36 MCS(1.6 vs 1.2;Table 1). Six of 8 SF-36 domains significantly improved from BL to wk 12 with ADA vs PBO(allP≤0.05;Table 1andFigure 1). SF-6D improvements exceeded MID with ADA(change: 0.071) vs PBO(0.018). Proportions of pts reporting improvements ≥MCID at wk 12 were significantly greater with ADA vs PBO in all PROs, except SF-36 role emotional and mental health domains, with corresponding NNTs ≤6.4(Figure 2). Proportions of pts who reported scores ≥A/G norms in HAQ-DI, SF-36 PCS, and 6 of 8 SF-36 domains were significantly greater with ADA vs PBO(Figure 2).Table 1.Mean Disease Characteristics and SF-36 Domain Scores by Treatment Group at Baseline and Wk 12 Compared With Age-and Gender-Matched Normative ValuesADA 40 mg eowPBOA/G normsBaselineWeek 12[change from baseline to week 12]BaselineWeek 12[change from baseline to week 12]SF-36 PCS33.242.5[9.3**]33.334.7[1.4]≥50SF-36 MCS48.149.8[1.6]46.648.4[1.2]≥50SF-6D0.6530.724[0.071]0.6410.659[0.018]—PtGA47.125.9[–21.7**]48.147.5[0.2]—Pt pain51.126.8[–24.1**]48.849.1[1.3]—HAQ-DI1.00.6[–0.4**]1.00.9[–0.1]≤0.25Baseline(vs A/G norms)Week 12(vs A/G norms)Baseline(vs A/G norms)Week 12(vs A/G norms)Physical Functioning50.8(−31.5)65.9***(−16.4)48.2(−34.1)52.0(−30.3)82.3Role Physical37.1(−45.9)65.9***(−17.1)32.6(−50.4)40.6(−42.4)83.0Bodily Pain41.3(−31.6)61.0***(−11.9)40.2(−32.7)43.7(−29.2)72.9General Health49.5(−20.8)62.1***(−8.2)52.1(−18.2)53.0(−17.3)70.3Vitality41.4(−17.8)55.1***(−4.1)41.6(−17.6)45.0(−14.2)59.2Social Functioning66.3(−19.0)77.8†(−7.5)61.7(−23.6)66.7(−18.6)85.3Role Emotional65.1(−23.4)70.4(−18.1)59.1(−29.4)66.0(−22.5)88.5Mental Health67.6(−8.5)72.9(−3.2)64.9(−11.2)67.3(−8.8)76.1ADA, adalimumab; A/G norm, age-and gender-matched normative value; eow, every other week; DI, disability index; MCS, mental component summary; MID, minimally important difference; PBO, placebo; PCS, physical component summary; PtGA, Patient Global Assessment of disease activity; SF-36, 36-item Short-Form Health Survey; SF-6D, Short-Form 6D.SF-6D MID=0.041.Statistical analysis ADA vs PBO:†P<0.05; *P<0.01; **P<0.001; ***P<0.0001.Conclusion:Statistically significant and clinically meaningful improvements and scores ≥A/G norms(higher definition of response) at week 12 were reported with ADA vs PBO in pts with moderately to severely active PsA.Disclosure of Interests:Vibeke Strand Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen, Biogen, Celltrion, Consortium of Rheumatology Researchers of North America, Crescendo Bioscience, Eli Lilly, Genentech/Roche, GlaxoSmithKline, Hospira, Janssen, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, Inc., Sanofi, UCB, Pankaj Patel Shareholder of: AbbVie, Employee of: AbbVie, Naijun Chen Shareholder of: AbbVie Inc, Employee of: AbbVie Inc, Elizabeth Lesser Shareholder of: AbbVie Inc, Employee of: AbbVie Inc

Background:Symptom checkers (SC) promise to reduce diagnostic delay, misdiagnosis and effectively guide patients through healthcare systems. They are increasingly used, however little evidence exists about their real-life effectiveness.Objectives:The aim of this study was to evaluate the diagnostic accuracy, usage time, usability and perceived usefulness of two promising SC, ADA (www.ada.com) and Rheport (www.rheport.de). Furthermore, symptom duration and previous symptom checking was recorded.Methods:Cross-sectional interim clinical data from the first of three recruiting centers from the prospective, real-world, multicenter bETTeR-study (DKRS DRKS00017642) was used. Patients newly presenting to a secondary rheumatology outpatient clinic between September and December 2019 completed the ADA and Rheport SC. The time and answers were recorded and compared to the patient’s actual diagnosis. ADA provides up to 5 disease suggestions, Rheport calculates a risk score for rheumatic musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs) (≥1=RMD). For both SC the sensitivity, specificity was calculated regarding RMDs. Furthermore, patients completed a survey evaluating the SC usability using the system usability scale (SUS), perceived usefulness, previous symptom checking and symptom duration.Results:Of the 129 consecutive patients approached, 97 agreed to participate. 38% (37/97) of the presenting patients presented with an RMD (Figure 1). Mean symptom duration was 146 weeks and a mean number of 10 physician contacts occurred previously, to evaluate current symptoms. 56% (54/96) had previously checked their symptoms on the internet using search engines, spending a mean of 6 hours. Rheport showed a sensitivity of 49% (18/37) and specificity of 58% (35/60) concerning RMDs. ADA’s top 1 and top 5 disease suggestions concerning RMD showed a sensitivity of 43% (16/37) and 54% (20/37) and a specificity of 58% (35/60) and 52% (31/60), respectively. ADA listed the correct diagnosis of the patients with RMDs first or within the first 5 disease suggestions in 19% (7/37) and 30% (11/37), respectively. The average perceived usefulness for checking symptoms using ADA, internet search engines and Rheport was 3.0, 3.5 and 3.1 on a visual analog scale from 1-5 (5=very useful). 61% (59/96) and 64% (61/96) would recommend using ADA and Rheport, respectively. The mean SUS score of ADA and Rheport was 72/100 and 73/100. The mean usage time for ADA and Rheport was 8 and 9 minutes, respectively.Conclusion:This is the first prospective, real-world, multicenter study evaluating the diagnostic accuracy and other features of two currently used SC in rheumatology. These interim results suggest that diagnostic accuracy is limited, however SC are well accepted among patients and in some cases, correct diagnosis can be provided out of the pocket within few minutes, saving valuable time.Figure:Acknowledgments:This study was supported by an unrestricted research grant from Novartis.Disclosure of Interests:Johannes Knitza Grant/research support from: Research Grant: Novartis, Jacob Mohn: None declared, Christina Bergmann: None declared, Eleni Kampylafka Speakers bureau: Novartis, BMS, Janssen, Melanie Hagen: None declared, Daniela Bohr: None declared, Elizabeth Araujo Speakers bureau: Novartis, Lilly, Abbott, Matthias Englbrecht Grant/research support from: Roche Pharma, Chugai Pharma Europe, Consultant of: AbbVie, Roche Pharma, RheumaDatenRhePort GbR, Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Celgene, Chugai Pharma Europe, Lilly, Mundipharma, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche Pharma, UCB, David Simon Grant/research support from: Else Kröner-Memorial Scholarship, Novartis, Consultant of: Novartis, Lilly, Arnd Kleyer Consultant of: Lilly, Gilead, Novartis,Abbvie, Speakers bureau: Novartis, Lilly, Timo Meinderink: None declared, Wolfgang Vorbrüggen: None declared, Cay-Benedict von der Decken: None declared, Stefan Kleinert Shareholder of: Morphosys, Grant/research support from: Novartis, Consultant of: Novartis, Speakers bureau: Abbvie, Novartis, Celgene, Roche, Chugai, Janssen, Andreas Ramming Grant/research support from: Pfizer, Novartis, Consultant of: Boehringer Ingelheim, Novartis, Gilead, Pfizer, Speakers bureau: Boehringer Ingelheim, Roche, Janssen, Jörg Distler Grant/research support from: Boehringer Ingelheim, Consultant of: Boehringer Ingelheim, Paid instructor for: Boehringer Ingelheim, Speakers bureau: Boehringer Ingelheim, Peter Bartz-Bazzanella: None declared, Georg Schett Speakers bureau: AbbVie, BMS, Celgene, Janssen, Eli Lilly, Novartis, Roche and UCB, Axel Hueber Grant/research support from: Novartis, Lilly, Pfizer, Consultant of: Abbvie, BMS, Celgene, Gilead, GSK, Lilly, Novartis, Speakers bureau: GSK, Lilly, Novartis, Martin Welcker Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Novartis, UCB, Hexal, BMS, Lilly, Roche, Celgene, Sanofi, Consultant of: Abbvie, Actelion, Aescu, Amgen, Celgene, Hexal, Janssen, Medac, Novartis, Pfizer, Sanofi, UCB, Speakers bureau: Abbvie, Aescu, Amgen, Biogen, Berlin Chemie, Celgene, GSK, Hexal, Mylan, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB

Background:With multiple disease domains affected in PsA, clinical and patient-reported outcome (PRO) measures are important to assess disease improvement following treatment. Rapid, meaningful improvements in disease activity are a priority for physicians and patients (pts). Tofacitinib is an oral Janus kinase inhibitor for the treatment of PsA. Higher proportions of pts achieved responses in PROs and clinical measures when treated with tofacitinib for 3 months vs placebo (PBO).1-5Proportions of responders were also similar between tofacitinib and adalimumab (ADA) after 3, 6 and 12 months.2,3,5Objectives:To determine the time to initial response using responder definitions for selected PROs and clinical endpoints in pts with active PsA treated with tofacitinib, ADA or PBO switching to tofacitinib.Methods:In this post hoc analysis, data were collected from two Phase 3 studies (OPAL Broaden [12 months;NCT01877668]; OPAL Beyond [6 months;NCT01882439]).3,4Pts receiving tofacitinib 5 or 10 mg twice daily (BID), subcutaneous ADA 40 mg once every two weeks (Q2W; OPAL Broaden only), or PBO switching to tofacitinib 5 or 10 mg BID at Month (M)3, were included. Responder definitions included: HAQ-DI ≥0.35-point improvement from baseline (BL), Functional Assessment of Chronic Illness Therapy-Fatigue (FACIT-F) total score ≥4-point improvement from BL, minimal disease activity (MDA) yes/no composite response (meeting at least 5 of 7 criteria) and PsA Disease Activity Score (PASDAS) post-BL score of ≤3.2 and >1.6-point improvement from BL. First post-BL data were collected at Week 2 (eg for HAQ-DI) or M1. Time-to-event analyses were performed using the Kaplan-Meier (KM) method, with pts censored at the last observed visit. Log-rank tests compared time to initial response across treatment groups.Results:KM analyses show days to initial response (Figure 1, Figure 2). Time to initial HAQ-DI response was significantly different between treatment groups in OPAL Broaden (p<0.01): faster response in pts receiving tofacitinib 5 mg BID, tofacitinib 10 mg BID and ADA 40 mg Q2W vs pts who switched from PBO to tofacitinib at M3 (Figure 1a). A similar, but not significant (ns), trend was observed for HAQ-DI responses in OPAL Beyond (Figure 1b). Generally, initial FACIT-F responses were achieved faster (ns) in pts receiving tofacitinib 5 mg BID vs other treatment in both studies (Figure 1c, Figure 1d). Times to initial MDA and PASDAS responses were similar between tofacitinib and ADA treatment groups (Figure 2).Conclusion:Times to initial response in functional ability and disease activity were similar in pts treated with either tofacitinib or ADA. Time to initial response prior to first post-BL observation (Week 2 or M1) was not estimable in this analysis. These results may help physicians better understand the time frame for a meaningful response in pts receiving tofacitinib.References:[1]Strand et al. RMD Open 2019;5:e000808.[2]Strand et al. RMD Open 2019;5:e000806.[3]Mease et al. NEJM 2017;377:1537-50.[4]Gladman et al. NEJM 2017;377:1525-36.[5]Helliwell et al. Arthritis Res Ther 2018;20:242.Acknowledgments:Study sponsored by Pfizer Inc. Medical writing support was provided by Eric Comeau of CMC Connect and funded by Pfizer Inc.Disclosure of Interests:Dafna D Gladman Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Amgen Inc., BMS, Celgene Corporation, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB – grant/research support, Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen Inc., BMS, Celgene Corporation, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB – consultant, Laura C Coates: None declared, Joseph Wu Shareholder of: Pfizer Inc, Employee of: Pfizer Inc, Lara Fallon Shareholder of: Pfizer Inc, Employee of: Pfizer Inc, Ming-Ann Hsu Shareholder of: Pfizer Inc, Employee of: Pfizer Inc, Andrew G Bushmakin Shareholder of: Pfizer Inc, Employee of: Pfizer Inc, Elizabeth Bacci Employee of: Evidera, Joseph C Cappelleri Shareholder of: Pfizer Inc, Employee of: Pfizer Inc, Philip Helliwell: None declared

Background:The efficacy and safety of upadacitinib (UPA), an oral Janus kinase inhibitor, in patients (pts) with active psoriatic arthritis (PsA) were demonstrated through 24 weeks in the phase 3 SELECT-PsA 1 and SELECT-PsA 2 placebo-controlled clinical trials.1,2Objectives:To describe the long-term integrated safety profile of UPA relative to adalimumab (ADA) in pts with PsA treated in the SELECT program.Methods:The SELECT-PsA program enrolled pts with prior inadequate response or intolerance to ≥1 non-biologic DMARD (SELECT-PsA 1) or ≥1 biologic DMARD (SELECT-PsA 2). Both trials include UPA 15 mg and 30 mg, and only SELECT-PsA 1 includes long-term comparison with ADA 40 mg every other week. Treatment-emergent adverse events (TEAEs: AE onset ≥first dose and ≤30 days after last dose for UPA and ≤70 days for ADA) were summarized for the following: pooled UPA 15; pooled UPA 30; and ADA. TEAEs are reported as exposure-adjusted event rates (EAERs; events/100 pts years [E/100 PY]) up to a cut-off date of 20 June 2020.Results:2257 pts received ≥1 dose of UPA 15 (N=907; 1247.2 PYs), UPA 30 (N=921; 1257.4 PYs), or ADA (N=429; 549.7 PYs), with median (max) exposures of 69 (155), 69 (154), and 68 (152) weeks, respectively. EAERs of TEAEs and serious AEs were generally similar between UPA 15 and ADA and higher with UPA 30; rates of AEs leading to study drug discontinuation were generally similar across all groups (Table 1). Similarly, rates of serious infection were comparable between UPA 15 and ADA and higher with UPA 30 (Figure 1 next page). The most common serious infection was pneumonia. Rates of herpes zoster were lower with UPA 15 than UPA 30 but higher than ADA. Most herpes zoster events involved a single dermatome; no events involved the central nervous system or other internal organs. Lower rates of opportunistic infections (OI) excluding tuberculosis were observed with UPA 15 vs UPA 30; the most common OI was mucosal candida infection. Malignancies were reported at similar rates across all treatment groups; no events of lymphoma were reported. Age-gender-adjusted standardized incidence ratios for malignancies excluding NMSC indicated no increased risk with UPA compared to the general population. Rates of adjudicated major adverse cardiovascular events and venous thromboembolic events were ≤0.3 E/100 PY for both UPA arms; all pts had ≥1 risk factor. One adjudicated gastrointestinal perforation was reported with UPA 15.Table 1.Overall Treatment-emergent AEs for Upadacitinib and Adalimumab (E/100 PY [95% CI])UPA 15 mg QDN=907(1247.2 PY)UPA 30 mg QDN=921(1257.4 PY)ADA 40 mg EOWN=429(549.7 PY)AEs263.9 (254.9, 272.9)321.5 (311.6, 331.5)286.5 (272.4, 300.7)Serious AEs10.3 (8.6, 12.1)13.2 (11.2, 15.2)9.6 (7.0, 12.2)AE leading to discontinuation6.7 (5.2, 8.1)7.8 (6.2, 9.3)7.8 (5.5, 10.2)Deathsa0.2 (-0.1, 0.4)0.2 (-0.0, 0.5)0.2 (-0.2, 0.5)aDeaths included non-treatment emergent deaths: UPA 15, 1; UPA 30, 1.ADA, adalimumab; AE, adverse event; CI, confidence interval; E, event; EOW, every other week; PY, patient years; QD, once daily; UPA, upadacitinib.Hepatic disorders were mostly transient, non-serious transaminase increases. Creatine phosphokinase elevations were reported more frequently with UPA 30 vs UPA 15; most were asymptomatic with no rhabdomyolysis reported. AEs of anemia, neutropenia, and lymphopenia were generally mild or moderate, non-serious. Except for rates of lymphopenia (higher with UPA 15), hepatic disorders, and neutropenia (both higher with ADA), lab-related TEAEs occurred at generally consistent rates between UPA 15 and ADA. Study drug discontinuation due to lab-related TEAEs was uncommon.Conclusion:The safety profiles of UPA 15 and ADA were generally similar; the rates of most AEs were higher with UPA 30 compared with ADA. Through the cut-off date, the safety profile of UPA 15 and UPA 30 in PsA pts demonstrated consistent results compared to what has been observed with UPA in rheumatoid arthritis.3References:[1]McInnes IB et al. Ann Rheum Dis, 2020; 79:12.[2]Mease PJ et al. Ann Rheum Dis, 2020.[3]Cohen SB et al. Ann Rheum Dis, 2020.Figure 1Acknowledgements:AbbVie and the authors thank the patients, study sites, and investigators who participated in this clinical trial. AbbVie, Inc was the study sponsor, contributed to study design, data collection, analysis & interpretation, and to writing, reviewing, and approval of final version. No honoraria or payments were made for authorship. Medical writing support was provided by Ramona Vladea, PhD of AbbVie Inc.Disclosure of Interests:Gerd Rüdiger Burmester Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Gilead, Lilly, Pfizer, Consultant of: AbbVie, Gilead, Lilly, Pfizer, Kevin Winthrop Consultant of: UCB Pharma, Pfizer, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Eli Lilly, AbbVie, Gilead, Galapagos, and Roche, Grant/research support from: UCB Pharma, Pfizer, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Eli Lilly, AbbVie, Gilead, Galapagos, and Roche, Ricardo Blanco Consultant of: Abbvie, Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, Bristol-Myers, Janssen, and MSD, Grant/research support from: Abbvie, MSD and Roche, Peter Nash Consultant of: AbbVie, BMS, Roche, Pfizer, Janssen, Amgen, Sanofi-Aventis, UCB, Eli Lilly, Novartis, and Celgene, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, BMS, Roche, Pfizer, Janssen, Amgen, Sanofi-Aventis, UCB, Eli Lilly, Novartis, and Celgene, Philippe Goupille Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen, Biogen, BMS, Celgene, Chugai, Janssen, Lilly, Medac, MSD, Nordic Pharma, Novartis, Pfizer, Sanofi and UCB, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Amgen, Biogen, BMS, Celgene, Chugai, Janssen, Lilly, Medac, MSD, Nordic Pharma, Novartis, Pfizer, Sanofi and UCB, Valderilio F Azevedo Consultant of: AbbVie, BMS, Pfizer, Janssen, Amgen, Novartis, Eli Lilly, UCB, Celltrion and GSK, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, BMS, Pfizer, Janssen, Amgen, Novartis, Eli Lilly, UCB, Celltrion and GSK, Carlo Salvarani Consultant of: Roche, Sanofi-Genzyme, AbbVie, Pfizer, Lilly, Novartis, Amgen, Grant/research support from: Roche, Sanofi-Genzyme, AbbVie, Pfizer, Lilly, Novartis, Amgen, Andrea Rubbert-Roth Consultant of: AbbVie, BMS, Chugai, Roche, Gilead, Janssen, Lilly, Sanofi, Amgen, Novartis, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, BMS, Chugai, Roche, Gilead, Janssen, Lilly, Sanofi, Amgen, Novartis, Elizabeth Lesser Shareholder of: AbbVie, Employee of: AbbVie, Reva McCaskill Shareholder of: AbbVie, Employee of: AbbVie, Jianzhong Liu Shareholder of: AbbVie, Employee of: AbbVie, Bosny Pierre-Louis Shareholder of: AbbVie, Employee of: AbbVie, Sandra Walko Shareholder of: AbbVie, Employee of: AbbVie, Ralph Lippe Shareholder of: AbbVie, Employee of: AbbVie, Apinya Lertratanakul Shareholder of: AbbVie, Employee of: AbbVie, Eric Ruderman Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen, Gilead, Janssen, Lilly, Novartis, and Pfizer.

Background:BMI appears to be associated with treatment response on TNFi(nhibitors) in rheumatoid arthritis (RA), but large heterogeneity between studies exists. More extreme BMI categories are rarely studied and it is unclear if differences exist between various TNFi.1Table 1Characteristics of RA patientsFemale, n (%)935 (79.8)Age, years*51.0 ±13.7Current smokers, n (%)256 (23.2)RF Positivity, n (%)404 (55.6)Anti-CCP Positivity, n (%)430 (58.2)X-ray Erosion, n (%)317 (61.9)ESR, mm/h*31.2±21.9CRP, mg/L*17.2±3.9DAS 28-CRP*3.8±1.6VAS global*46.6±28.6HAQ*0.9±0.7First TNFi Etanercept, n (%)525 (38.7) Adalimumab, n (%)379 (27.9) Infliximab, n (%)118 (8.7) Certolizumab, n (%)188 (13.8) Golimumab, n (%)147 (10.9)* mean ±S.DRF, Rheumatoid factor; Anti-CCP, Anti- cyclic citrullinated peptid; ESR, erythrocyte sedimentation rate; CRP, C-reactive protein; DAS28–CRP, Disease Activity Score using 28 joints–CRP; VAS, Visual analog scale; HAQ, Health Assessment QuestionnaireObjectives:To study whether there is an association between BMI category and drug survival in RA patients starting treatment with various TNFi in a real life longitudinal international registry.Methods:Data from 5230 RA patients starting a TNFi were included from the METEOR registry. Timing of follow-up visits was daily practice based. Follow-up was censored at 5000 days (±13.5 years). Patients were divided into 6 BMI categories (WHO definition): underweight BMI <18.5, normal weight BMI 18.5-25, pre-obesity BMI 25-30, obesity class I BMI 30-35, class II BMI 35-40, and class III BMI >40. Missing data were imputed using chained equations. The association between BMI category and time on treatment was investigated using Kaplan-Meier (KM) curves and Cox regression analyses, for time on first TNFi and for the first prescribed course of adalimumab (ADA), etanercept (ETA) and infliximab (IFX) separately. All analyses were adjusted for the potential confounders age, gender, smoking, baseline DAS28, concomitant glucocorticoid use and country. Potential effect modification by reported pain was tested by adding an interaction term between BMI category and baseline pain category (VAS pain 0-25, 25-50, 50-75 and 75-100).Results:Most patients had a normal weight (46%) or pre-obesity (32%). 4% of patients were underweight, 10% had obesity class I, 3% obesity class II and 1% obesity class III. N=2936 patients ever started ETA, n=2069 ADA, n=1390 IFX, n=263 certolizumab and n=84 golimumab. The KM curve in fig 1A shows TNFi survival in patient starting their first TNFi per BMI category. Patients with normal weight and pre-obesity had longest drug survival and patients with obesity class II and especially patients with obesity class III had shortest drug survival. The adjusted Cox regression support these findings, with statistically significantly shorter drug survival for patients with obesity class III [HR (95% CI) 1.67 (1.29; 2.18)] and class II [1.28 (1.06; 1.54)], but also for underweight patients [1.3 (1.07; 1.58)], compared to normal weight patients. KM curves for individual TNFi showed shorter drug survival on ADA for patients with obesity class II and III (fig 1B), on ETA for patients with obesity, especially in class III (fig 1C) and on IFX, for patients with obesity class II and III and underweight patients (fig 1D). After adjustment in Cox regression, statistical significant BMI-drug survival associations remained for patients with pre-obesity starting ADA [HR (95% CI) 0.86 (0.75; 0.99)], for patients starting ETA with obesity class II [HR (95% CI) 1.27 (0.98; 1.65) or class III [1.79 (1.25; 2.55)] and for patients on IFX who were underweight [HR (95% CI) 1.82 (1.20; 2.76)] or in obesity class II [1.49 (0.98; 2.26)]. No effect modification was found for reported pain.Conclusion:Both underweight (as identified in IFX treated patients) and overweight patients (in ADA, ETA and IFX treated patients) discontinued a first TNFi treatment earlier than normal weight patients. Reported pain was not the main determinant. It remains uncertain what determines TNFi survival in individual patients.References:[1] Singh, et al.PloS One2018; 13:e0195123Disclosure of Interests:Sytske Anne Bergstra: None declared, David Vega-Morales: None declared, Elizabeth Murphy: None declared, Marieke de Buck: None declared, Karen Solomon-Escoto: None declared, Thomas Huizinga Grant/research support from: Ablynx, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Roche, Sanofi, Consultant of: Ablynx, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Roche, Sanofi, Cornelia Allaart: None declared

A 39-year-old woman presented to Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital in Blantyre, Malawi with a 3-week history of worsening peri-umbilical abdominal pain radiating to the lower back associated with anorexia, nausea and vomiting. There was no history of trauma, diarrhoea, obstipation, fevers, or urinary symptoms. She reported history of ‘spinal surgery’ performed 6 years prior due to a herniated intervertebral lumbar disk.

Abstract Introduction: Metastatic prostate cancer is currently incurable and kills more than 30,000 men in the United States each year, making it the second leading cancer related cause of death and an area of unmet need. Previously, we reported increased infiltration of immunosuppressive CD206-positive tumor associated macrophages (TAMs) with disease progression in prostate adenocarcinoma.[1] Glutamine metabolism has been implicated in immunosuppressive TAMs as well as metastatic castration resistant prostate cancer (mCRPC)[2] and radioresistant urothelial carcinoma.[3] As such, we hypothesize that rational metabolic interventions could be a promising strategy to simultaneously target both TAMs and cancer cells, resulting in anti-tumor immunity. Methods: We utilized a novel pro-drug (JHU083) derived from 6-Diazo-5-oxo-L-norleucine (DON) which has significantly lowered toxicity to treat two urological syngeneic immunogenic mouse tumor models in vivo; B6CaP (prostate cancer) and MB49 (bladder cancer). We studied the direct effect on tumor cells, as well as the required immune compartment for drug efficacy in vivo using antibody targeted depletions or adoptively transferred TAMs. Moreover, we used RNA-sequencing and multi-parameter flow cytometry to characterize the effect of JHU083 on TAMs transcriptional programming and proteomic expression profiles in vivo. Lastly, we assessed the phagocytotic capacity of macrophages after treatment with JHU083 with flow cytometry and immunofluorescence (IF) microscopy. Results: JHU083 treatment showed significant tumor regression in both urologic cancer models. Using in vivo depletion of CD4 or CD8 T cells, or adoptively transferring previously in-vivo JHU083 treated TAMs we established a direct anti-tumor role of TAMs. These TAMs were more inflammatory as shown by the increased TNF-positivity. Strikingly, in the TME we also observed an increase of Glut1 and Hexokinase II indicating metabolic reprogramming of these TAMs towards glycolytic phenotype. Importantly, JHU083-treated TAMs showed significantly increased phagocytic activity of cancer cells, providing direct evidence of functional reprogramming. Conclusion: We found that JHU083 has two distinct functions in vivo; first, it directly impairs cancer cells which are glutamine dependent and second, it reprograms TAMs from an immunosuppressive to an inflammatory state via antagonism of glutamine metabolism in vivo. These macrophages convert to a highly glycolytic state, have increased TNF production, and have improved phagocytic activity against tumor cells. As urologic cancers are heavily infiltrated with immunosuppressive TAMs, JHU083 is an excellent preclinical candidate for these diseases. It remains to be seen if JHU083 treatment can be effectively combined with checkpoint therapy to elicit durable anti-tumor immunity. Citation Format: Monali Praharaj, Fan Shen, Liang Zhao, Thomas R. Nirschl, Laura Sena, Alok K. Singh, Debebe Theodros, Xiaoxu Wang, Raekwon A. Williams, Elizabeth Thompson, Ada Tam, Srinivasan Yegnasubramanian, Robert D. Leone, Jesse Al, Rana Rais, Barbara S. Slusher, Drew M. Pardoll, Jonathan D. Powell, Jelani C. Zarif. Glutamine blockade via prodrug JHU083 reprograms immunosuppressive tumor associated macrophages (TAMs) and drives tumor immunity in urologic cancers [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2022; 2022 Apr 8-13. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(12_Suppl):Abstract nr 2115.

Lokapala is a Multiplayer Online Battle Arena (MOBA) created by the Indonesia game studio, Antarupa. All characters (Ksatriya) in this game are based on historical figures, mythology, and legends of the archipelago. Therefore, in the aesthetic context, the Ksatriya represent the culture of the Indonesia itself. However, what it looks like and how it is represented is a matter that must be studied. Therefore, this research was conducted. This research is qualitative research, from this Lokapala game we take the visual data of each character, classify it, and describe it. To examine the aesthetics of the Knights, we use Feldman's theory of aesthetics. This theory is used because of its relevance, namely aesthetics as a cultural representation. As for the results of this study, the aesthetics of the Indonesia is only seen through its characters in the symbols of 'Nusantara culture' which are already common, such as in clothing and other aesthetic elements—not deep nor philosophical. This lack of depth is something that is necessary because in game character design there are several things that need to be considered, such as industry needs and other technical issues.Keywords: MOBA, lokapala, representation, nusantara aesthetic. AbstrakLokapala adalah gimMultiplayer Online Battle Arena (MOBA) karya studio anak bangsa, Antarupa. Semua karakter (Ksatriya)di dalam gim ini diangkat dari tokoh sejarah, mitologi, dan legenda Nusantara. Oleh karenanya, dalam konteks estetika para Ksatriya merepresentasikan kebudayaan Nusantara itu sendiri. Namun seperti apa dan bagaimana representasinya adalah persoalan yang mesti ditelaah. Oleh karena itulah penelitian ini dilakukan. Penilitian ini adalah kualitatif, dari gim Lokapala ini kami mengambil data-data visual masing-masing karakter, mengklasifikansikannya, dan mendeskripsikannya. Untuk menelaah estetika para Ksatriya, kami menggunakan teori estetika Feldman. Teori ini digunakan karena relevansinya yakni estetika sebagai representasi kebudayaan. Adapun hasil dari penelitian ini, estetika Nusantara hanya terlihat melalui karakternya dalam simbol-simbol ‘budaya Nusantara’ yang sudah umum, seperti dalam busana dan elemen estetis lainnya—tidak mendalam, apalagi filosofis. Ketidak mendalam ini merupakan sesuatu yang niscaya karena dalam desain karakter gim ada beberapa hal yang perlu diperhatikan seperti kebutuhan industry dan masalah teknis lainnya.Kata Kunci:MOBA, lokapala, representasi, estetika nusantara.Authors:Lingga Agung : Universitas Telkom Tata Kartasudjana : Universitas Telkom Anggit Widya Permana : Universitas Telkom References:Howard, Lune., dan Bruce L. Berg. (2017). ‪Qualitative Research Methods for the Social Sciences ed ke 9. England: Pearson.Lokapala. (2021). Game Lokapala. https://lokapala.anantarupa.com/ (diakses tanggal 23 Juni 2021).Pisani, Elizabeth. (2015). Indonesia Etc.: Exploring the Improbable Nation. London: Granta Publication.Senoprabowo, A., Khamadi, K., Haryadi, T., & Yudani, H. D. (2017). Persepsi Visual Karakter Warrior pada Game Online Warcraft, Perfect World, dan Nusantara Online. Demandia: Jurnal Desain Komunikasi Visual, Manajemen Desain, dan Periklanan, 5(-), 160-181.Smith, Murray. (1995). Engaging Character: Fiction, Emotion, and Cinema. New York: Oxford University Press.Soewardikoen, W. Didit. (2019). Metodologi Penelitian Desain Komunikasi Visual. Yogyakarta: Penerbit PT Kanisius.Suryajaya, Martin. (2016). Sejarah Estetika: Era Klasik Sampai Kontemporer. Jakarta dan Yogyakarta: Gang Kabel dan Indie Book Corner.Triyanto. (2008). Estetika Nusantara: Sebuah Perspektif Budaya. Imajinasi Jurnal Seni, 4(1), 1-14.

12 BYTES: How We Got Here, Where We Might Go Next by Jeanette Winterson. New York: Grove Press, 2021. 336 pages. Hardcover; $27.00. ISBN: 9780802159250. *Throughout a set of twelve essays, Jeanette Winterson explores computing through history, culture, and philosophy. She focuses on the values and stories built into technology. She begins with a section titled "The Past" which refers to Ada Lovelace and Mary Shelley, explaining the origins of computing. The section that follows is about "superpowers" and computing. This second section is the most philosophical of the four parts of the book, navigating relationships between current and past philosophies, and explaining how technology influences the way people will think about the world. The third section is called "Sex and Other Stories," which discusses sex and gender and sexism. The concluding section of the book titled "The Future" comprises three concluding essays. *Though I certainly did not agree with all of Winterson's claims, the book felt like one side of a respectful dialogue rather than imposing a singular view of the world. She does not directly state her current religious beliefs, but shares that she grew up as a Christian. Although her current view of the Bible is not clearly stated, she brings it into the discussion frequently and uses a respectful tone to discuss religion. For leaders in faith and technology, 12 Bytes provides thoughtful insights on many different aspects of the assumptions, history, and future of technology and how it shapes society. *Chapter 4: "Gnostic Know-How" is a discussion of religions, AI, and the religion of AI. Winterson compares the faith that many people place in technology to the Christian hope of the resurrection. She is far more critical of the Church of Big Tech than she is of any traditional religion. She very clearly states that faith placed in AI is misplaced, saying, "We could create a god (AI) in our own image--warlike, needy, controlling. It isn't a good idea" (p. 113). *In addition to religion, women are a recurring theme of the book. She starts by introducing the author Mary Shelley and the computing pioneer Ada Lovelace, who are mentioned in later essays as well. In other essays she focuses on women as a group, with trademark sass: "Why wouldn't we want an able, considerate, smart helper who is always available, and mostly free? That used to be called a wife. But then feminism spoiled the party" (p. 78). Multiple essays focus primarily on women, as in "Hot for a Bot," which discusses sex bots as encouraging the objectification of women by building actual objects as replacements. She also discusses women and discrimination in STEM fields in the essay "The Future Isn't Female." *Another significant theme is the economy. Starting with the history of workers' rights and the industrial revolution, she discusses the future of our economy, considering the rapidly changing role of technology. She expresses many concerns about Big Tech and the economy. At one point she writes, "Did you imagine you owned your face? Owning is so last century. This is a sharing economy. We share. Big Tech collects" (p. 61). She suggests that describing the new economy as the "sharing economy" is ironic since sharing is not a financial transaction, but we are moving in the direction of increased transactions. Using history and descriptions of present-day business practices, all the way through to Big Tech's COVID-19 profits, she argues that companies should be forced to be more responsible. In envisioning a new economy, she has as many questions as answers, but she lays out principles that may guide reformation. *I have read many books about AI, but I have not found another book that engages with modern AI and technology alongside philosophy in the way that 12 Bytes does. It respectfully and thoughtfully considers the relationships between religion, philosophy, and technology; I would recommend it for those interested in exploring these connections. The primary question posed by the book is not one about the direction of technology, but rather it asks, Where does humanity go from here? *Reviewed by Elizabeth Koning, graduate student in the Department of Computer Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Urbana, IL 61801.

his study aims to improve the creativity of children 5-6 years through traditional games, because the children's creativity is low. The use of traditional games as a solution because it is an existing cultural potential and has not been used well for the stimulation process in PAUD. The study was conducted in the Mutiara Hati Mataram PA B group in 2016, with 16 children. Action research is carried out through three cycles, consisting of four stages, namely planning, action, observation, and reflection. The data collection process is carried out through interview techniques, observation, and document analysis, and analyzed qualitatively. The traditional game that was applied in this study was a traditional game of sasak pucia-cia, kemantenan, lung-lung se, and meow. The results show that the application of traditional games can develop creativity. Creativity that develops for each game characteristic varies according to the game. The game is a fine motoric dominant, small groups can develop creativity in the process and product something. While the game is motorically dominant, large groups show creativity in developing a winning game strategy. Besides creativity, this traditional game can gradually improve children's emotional social skills, especially to manage emotions, empathy, foster relationships, and cooperation. It is recommended for teachers to be able to choose traditional games that are in accordance with the learning objectives. Keyword : creativity, social emotional, traditional games, children aged 5-6 years Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kreativitas anak 5-6 tahun melalui permainan tradisional, karena kemampuan kreativitas anak rendah. Penggunaan permainan tradisional sebagai solusi karena merupakan potensi budaya yang ada dan belum dimanfaatkan dengan baik untuk proses stimulasi di PAUD. Penelitian dilaksanakan di kelompok B PAUD Mutiara Hati Mataram pada tahun 2016, dengan jumlah anak 16 orang. Action research dilakukan melalui tiga siklus, yang terdiri dari empat tahapan, yaitu perencanaan, tindakan, observasi, dan refleksi. Proses pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui teknik wawancara, observasi, dan analisis dokumen, dan dianalisis secara kualitatif. Permainan tradisional yang diterapkan dalam penelitian ini adalah permainan tradisional sasak pucia-cia, kemantenan, lung-lung se, dan meong begang. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penerapan permainan tradisional dapat mengembangkan kreativitas. Kreativitas yang berkembang untuk setiap karakteristik permainan berbeda-beda sesuai permainannya. Permainan yang dominan motoric halus, kelompok kecil dapat mengembangkan kreativitas dalam proses dan produk sesuatu, Sedangkan permainan yang dominan motoric kasar, kelompok besar menunjukkan kreativitas dalam menyusun strategi pemenangan permainan. Selain kreativitas, permainan tradisional ini secara bertahap dapat meningkatkan kemampuan social emosional anak, terutama untuk mengelola emosi, empati, membina hubungan, dan kerjasama. Disarankan kepada guru untuk dapat memilih permainan tradisional yang sesuai dengan tujuan pembelajarannya. Kata kunci : kreativitas, sosial emosional, permainan tradisional, anak usia 5-6 tahun References Achroni, Keen, Mengoptimalkan Tumbuh Kembang Anak melalui Permainan Tradisional, Yogjakarta, Javalitera, 2012 Dwi Istati Rahayu, Peningkatan Kemampuan Sosial Emosional melalui Penerapan Permainan Tradisional (Penelitian Tindakan di Kelompok B PAUD Mutiara Hati Mataram pada tahun 2015), (Disertasi), Universitas Negeri Jakarta, Jakarta, 2015 Hughes, F. Fergus, Children, Play, and Development, 4nd ed., Sage Publications Inc, USA, 2010 Hurlock, B. Elizabeth, Child Development 6thEd. (terjemahan Perkembangan Anak oleh Meitasari Tjandrasa, dkk) Penerbit Erlangga, Jakarta, 1997 Mutiah, Diana, Psikologi BermainAnak Usia Dini, Kencana Prenada Media Grup, Jakarta, 2010 Santrock, W. John, Child Development, 11th ed., (terjemahan Perkembangan Anak, jilid 2, oleh Mila Rachmawati), Penerbit Erlangga, Jakarta, 2007 Seefeldt, Carol; Barbour, Nita, Early Childhood Education: an introduction, 3rd ed. Ontario, Maxwell Macmillan Canada Inc, 1993 Suarta, Nyoman; Rahayu, DI; Zain Irawan, The Development of Traditional Game into Educative Game for Stimulating the Early Childhood Development in West Nusa Tenggara, Proceeding, the 3rd International Conference of Early Childhood Education (ICECE) 2015, Early Childhood Holistic and Integrative, Faculty of Education, State University of Padang, 2015 Taggart, Mc. Robbin; Kemmis, Stephen, The Action Research Planner, Australia, Deakin University LDS, 1990

The review is an analytical review of the ego-documentary text, which opens a new series “90s: Personalities in History”. The authors paid special attention to the choice of S.M. Shakhray of a flexible narrative strategy that allowed him to recreate a picture not only of the “dashing nineties” in our country, but also to go beyond these spatial and chronological coordinates. Research interest is also attracted by the concept of understanding the past as an experience of self-knowledge: the versatile hobbies of the memoirist allow him to talk about politics and jurisprudence, philosophy and fiction. The reviewers highly appreciated the directness and uncompromisingness of S.M. Shakhray when creating images of “controversial” historical figures (B.N. Yeltsin, B.E. Nemtsov, A.A. Sobchak, Ye.T. Gaidar), the absence of “court” reverence in stories about meetings with high-ranking persons (Elizabeth II, Prince Charles, R. Nixon, etc.). The book is intended for a reader who is ready to see not a black and white picture, but a multicolored and voluminous reality of the recent history of his country.

Background:Patients with primary Sjogren’s syndrome (pSS) are at high risk of lymphoma. Signs of lymphomas in ACA+pSS were not widely reported, the descriptions were single [1, 2]. According to pSS treatment recommendations [3, 4, 5, 6], glandular forms require only symptomatic treatment, in the absence of systemic manifestations systemic therapy is not required.Objectives:to evaluate the incidence of lymphomas in ACA+pSS; to compare clinical and laboratory manifestations in 2 groups of ACA+pSS: with and without lymphomas.Methods:we examined 119 ACA+pSS patients. We evaluated both glandular and systemic manifestations. We diagnosed lymphomas based on study of biopsy specimens of affected organs.Results:MALT-lymphomas diagnosed in 19 (16%) ACA+pSS patients. Persistent enlargement of parotid salivary glands, decreased C4-complement, decreased CD19+cells in peripheral blood, cryoglobulinemic vasculitis, lymphoid infiltration of minor salivary glands (MSG) more than 200 cells in focus, severe xerostomia and xerophthalmia more often detected in patients with ACA+pSS+lymphomas. RF and antiRo were found in only 25% of patients with lymphomas and its frequency did not differ between groups. Only 20% of patients with lymphoma had monoclonal immunoglobulins secretion and its frequency also did not differ between groups. Anemia, leukopenia, thrombocytopenia, increased ESR, hypergammaglobulinemia, increased levels of immunoglobulins were found in the study groups with the same frequency. There were no differences in the frequency of detection of recurrent parotitis, lymphadenopathy, Raynaud phenomenon, arthritis/arthralgia, pleuritis/pericarditis, neuropathy, nephritis, hypergammaglobulinemic purpura.Conclusion:in the present study in patients with lymphomas, the course of pSS was characterized by minimal systemic manifestations and low immunological activity, but severe glandular manifestations with the development of late stage damages of salivary and lacrimal glands, severe lymphoid infiltration of MSG, which led to the frequent occurrence of MALT-lymphomas. Thus, in patients with pSS, regardless of the type of detected antibodies (antiRo/La, ACA, RF or others), regardless of the presence or absence of systemic manifestations, damage of salivary and lacrimal gland progresses, which in some cases leads to the development of lymphomas, therefore, therapy that can prevent this complication should be initiated immediately after diagnosis of pSS is confirmed. The signs of lymphoproliferation detected in the present study should be evaluated in all ACA+pSS patients for early diagnosis of lymphoma.References:[1]Baldini C, Mosca M, Della Rossa A, Pepe P, Notarstefano C, Ferro F, Luciano N, Talarico R, Tani C, Tavoni AG, Bombardieri S. Overlap of ACA-positive systemic sclerosis and Sjögren’s syndrome: a distinct clinical entity with mild organ involvement but at high risk of lymphoma[2]Dhiraj Gulati & Irving Kushner & Elizabeth File & Marina Magrey. Primary Sjogren’s syndrome with anticentromere antibodies—a clinically distinct subset. ClinRheumatol (2010) 29:789–791 DOI 10.1007/s10067-009-1359-9.[3]F. Vivino et al. Sjogren’s syndrome: An update on disease pathogenesis, clinical manifestations and treatment. Clinical Immunology 203 (2019) 81–121.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.clim.2019.04.009[4]Xavier Mariette et al. Primary Sjögren’s Syndrome. N Engl J Med 2018; 378:931-9. DOI: 10.1056/NEJMcp1702514[5]Xiaoyun Chen et al. Advances in the diagnosis and treatment of Sjogren’s syndrome. Clinical Rheumatology (2018) 37:1743–1749.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10067-018-4153-8[6]Ana-Luisa Stefanski et al. The Diagnosis and Treatment of Sjögren’s Syndrome. Deutsches Ärzteblatt International | Dtsch Arztebl Int 2017; 114: 354–61Disclosure of Interests:None declared

Objective. To investigate the effectiveness of accelerated rehabilitation and accelerated hydrotherapy after anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) reconstruction in male athletes participating in soccer. Design. A non-concurrent single subject, multiple baseline design (ABA design) was conducted over 10 weeks. A series of three N=1 studies was conducted to assess the effect of an accelerated hydrotherapy programme on pain, function, and range of motion. Setting. The study was conducted at a private physiotherapy practice in Port Elizabeth, South Africa. Interventions. The land rehabilitation programme was a homebased programme supervised every week by the physiotherapist. The accelerated hydrotherapy consisted of a 6-week programme, and participants attended two treatment sessions of accelerated hydrotherapy per week each of 30 minutes\' duration. Main outcome measures. The knee injury and osteoarthritis outcome scale (KOOS) as a subjective measure of pain, function and quality of life; the goniometer to measure active knee ROM and the 6-minute walking test (6MWT) as an objective measure of function. Results. All three patients demonstrated good improvement during the treatment phase for the KOOS scale and progressed well in terms of their walking ability during the study. Significant improvement was gained during the baseline phase for all three participants with high initial levels of knee flexion while active knee extension improved gradually in all three participants. Conclusion. The study findings indicate that an accelerated landbased and hydrotherapy programme may be useful in improving patient outcomes and that there are no risks for harm. Clinical relevance. The study findings indicate that accelerated hydrotherapy may be a useful and safe adjunct to an accelerated land-based programme after ACL reconstruction South African Journal of Sports Medicine Vol. 20 (4) 2008: pp. 109-114

ABSTRAK Wakaf tunai merupakan salah satu instrumen keuangan syariah berbasis sosial yang penting untuk dikembangkan karena mudah digunakan sesuai dengan kebutuhan masyarakat yang ada, seperti untuk modal usaha mikro bagi petani. Mayoritas petani adalah masyarakat kelas menengah ke bawah yang menggantungkan mata pencahariannya dari hasil panen. Pandemi Covid-19 yang melanda Indonesia dan dunia membuat banyak keluarga mengalami kekurangan finansial, termasuk keluarga petani. Wakaf dapat membantu pembiayaan produksi para petani melalui program Wakaf Modal Usaha Mikro. Namun, masih terdapat beberapa kendala program ini sehingga program tersebut tidak berjalan secara maksimal. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis prioritas masalah dan solusi untuk mengoptimalkan peran wakaf modal usaha mikro bagi petani di Lamongan. Jenis penelitian ini adalah metode campuran dengan menggunakan pendekatan Analytic Network Process (ANP). Data diperoleh dari wawancara mendalam dengan tujuh pakar wakaf dan pertanian. Prioritas masalah adalah pada di nazhir terkait minimnya anggaran untuk pelayanan administrasi, sedangkan prioritas solusinya adalah menambah anggaran untuk pelayanan administrasi. Hasil penelitian dapat digunakan oleh Badan Wakaf Indonesia (BWI) bersama dengan Dinas Tanaman Pangan, Hortikultura, dan Perkebunan untuk mengembangkan wakaf di bidang pertanian. Kata Kunci: Wakaf Uang, Wakaf Produktif, Pemberdayaan Petani, Modal Usaha Mikro. ABSTRACT Cash waqf is one of the essential social-based Islamic financial instruments to be developed since it is easily used according to the existing community's needs, such as for micro-business capital for farmers. Most working as farmers are middle- to lower-class people who depend on their livelihoods from harvests. The Covid-19 pandemic that has hit Indonesia and the world has left many families experiencing financial shortages, including farming families. The Micro Business Capital Waqf program has been implemented in Lamongan. However, this program still encountered several problems that made the program not optimally conducted and could not be implemented in the broader community. This study aims to analyze the priority problems and solutions to optimize the role of micro-business capital waqf for farmers in Lamongan. This type of research was a mixed method using the Analytic Network Process (ANP) approach. Data were obtained from in-depth interviews with seven waqf and agriculture experts. The priority problem in Nazhir was related to the lack of budget for administrative services, while the priority solution was increasing the funding for administrative services. The research results can be used by the Indonesian Waqf Board (BWI) and the Department of Food Crops, Horticulture, and Plantations to develop waqf in agriculture. Keywords: Cash Waqf, Productive Waqf, Farmer Empowerment, Micro Business Capital. REFERENCES Ali, K. M., Yuliani, M., Mulatsih, S., & Abdullah, Z. (2018). Aspek-aspek prioritas manajemen wakaf di Indonesia. Al Falah: Journal of Islamic Economics, 3(1), 1-26. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/jie.v3i1.345 Amuda, Y. J. (2017). Commercialization of cash waqf in Nigeria: An analysis of its implementation. Doctoral Dissertation, Academy of Islamic Studies, University of Malaya Amuda, Y. J., Embi, A. C., & Babatunde, O. H. (2014). An agricultural approach to the commercialization of cash waqf between Malaysia and Nigeria. Journal of Advanced Management Science, 2(4), 344–348. DOI: 10.12720/joams.2.4.344-348 Ascarya, & Yumanita, D. (2018). Analisis rendahnya pengumpulan zakat di Indonesia dan alternatif solusinya. Working Paper Bank Indonesia, WP/9/2018 Faizin, Y. (2021). Micro business capital waqf for lamongan farmer Global Wakaf. (2020a). Global wakaf solusi sejatinya membangun kehidupan. Dipresentasikan dalam acara Indonesia Sharia Economic Festival (ISEF). Indonesia Sharia Economic Festival (ISEF). Retrieved from https://isef.co.id/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/5.-GLOBAL-WAKAF_ISEF_06102020.pdf Global Wakaf. (2020b). Panen raya bahagiakan petani binaan global wakaf. Retrieved from https://news.act.id/berita/panen-raya-bahagiakan-petani-binaan-global-wakaf Hamzani, A. (2015). Perkembangan hukum wakaf di Indonesia. Diya Media Group Hasan, S., & Rajafi, A. (2018). Pengelolaan tanah wakaf masjid di kota manado. Aqlam: Journal of Islam and Plurality, 3(2). DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.30984/ajip.v3i2.726 Huda, N., Rini, N., Mardoni, Y., Hudori, K., & Anggraini, D. (2017). Problems, solutions, and strategies priority for waqf in Indonesia. Journal of Economic Cooperation & Development, 38(1), 29-54. Hydra, M. (2020). An integrative model of waqf, sadaqah, and takaful for poverty alleviation through empowering women farmers in the rural Gambia. Journal of Islamic Finance, 5(3), 1–12. Indonesian Waqf Board. (2021). Gerakan nasional wakaf uang 2021. Retrieved from https://www.bwi.go.id/5806/2021/01/21/gerakan-nasional-wakaf-uang-2021/ Khamim. (2021). Micro business capital waqf for lamongan farmer Kurniawan, E., Iman, N., & Santoso, A. (2021). Simas Waqfuna sebagai solusi pengelolaan wakaf untuk multi oraganisasi yang transparan (Simas Waqfuna). IKRA-ITH Informatika: Jurnal Komputer Dan Informatika, 5(3), 18–27. Lin, J. H., & Yang, C. J. (2016). Applying analytic network process to the selection of construction projects. Open Journal of Social Sciences, 4(3), 41. DOI:10.4236/jss.2016.43007 Melinda, S., Qurrat, V. ., Yusida, E., Purnamasari, V., Seprillina, L., & Hussain, N. (2021). The role of cash waqf as a source of micro business financing for strengthening the local economy: a case study in Gunung Kawi district, Malang regency. Review of Integrative Business and Economics Research, 10(1), 136–144. Ministry of Communication and Information Technology. (2022, October 7). Perkuat literasi wakaf secara berkelanjutan pemerintah libatkan forum jurnalis wakaf indonesia. Retrieved from kominfo.go.id: https://www.kominfo.go.id/content/detail/44786/perkuat-literasi-wakaf-secara-berkelanjutan-pemerintah-libatkan-forum-jurnalis-wakaf-indonesia/0/berita#:~:text=Badan%20Wakaf%20Indonesia%20(BWI)%20mencatat,2021%20senilai%20855%20miliar%20rupiah. Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia. (2013a). Panduan pengelolaan wakaf tunai. Retrieved from https://jatim.kemenag.go.id/file/file/panduanwakaf/ynqo1425024661.pdf Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia. (2013b). Pedoman pengelolaan dan perkembangan wakaf. Direktoral Jendral Bimbingan Masyarakat Islam. Direktorat Pemberdayaan Wakaf Muntaqo, F. (2015). Problematika dan prospek wakaf produktif di Indonesia. Al-Ahkam, 1(25), 83-108. DOI: 10.21580/ahkam.2015.1.25.195 Purba, H. J., Yusuf, E. S., & Erwidodo. (2020). Dampak pandemi Covid-19 terhadap pertumbuhan ekonomi dan sektor pertanian. In Dampak Pandemi Covid-19: Perspektif Adaptasi dan Resiliensi Sosial Ekonomi Pertanian (pp. 23-46). Jakarta: IAARD PRESS Rahman, Y. (2021). Micro business capital waqf for Lamongan farmers Rizal, M. S. (2021). Manajemen wakaf tunai berbasis masjid di masa Covid-19 (studi pengelolaan dana wakaf sebagai modal usaha mikro jama’ah di Masjid Baiturrohman Madiun) [Institut Islam Negeri Ponorogo]. Tesis tidak dipublikasikan. Institut Islam Negeri Ponorogo. Rusydiana, A. & Devi, A. (2013). Analytic network process: Pengantar teori dan aplikasi. Smart Publishing. Saptono, I. (2019). Wakaf untuk kesejahteraan ummat dalam konteks revolusi industry 4.0. Dipresentasikan dalam Indonesia Waqf Summit 2019. Sapuan, N. M., Rajadurai, J., Zeni, N. A. M., & Hashim, S. L. M. (2018). Developing a holistic business model for an efficient waqf property in Malaysia. Global Business and Management Research, 10(3), 445. Sisyanto. (2017). Micro business capital waqf for Lamongan farmers Sulistiani, S. (2017). Perbaruan hukum wakaf di Indonesia. PT Refika Aditama Syahyuti., & Aldillah, R. (2020). Upaya menekan dampak pandemi Covid-19 pada sumber daya manusia pertanian. In Dampak Pandemi Covid-19: Perspektif Adaptasi dan Resiliensi Sosial Ekonomi Pertanian (pp. 549-570). Jakarta: IAARD PRESS. Syahyuti., & Elizabeth, R. (2020). Kebutuhan jaring pengaman sosial untuk petani pada masa pandemi Covid-19. In Dampak Pandemi Covid-19: Perspektif Adaptasi dan Resiliensi Sosial Ekonomi Pertanian (pp. 481-498). Jakarta: IAARD PRESS. Thanker, M. A. M. T., Amin, M. F., Thaker, H. M. T., Khaliq, A., & Pitchay, A. A. (2020). Cash waqf model for micro enterprise's human capital development. ISRA International Journal of Islamic Finance, 13(1), 66-83. DOI: 10.1108/IJIF-08-2018-0091 Utomo, Y. (2021). Micro business capital waqf for Lamongan farmers Youneszadeh, H., Ardeshir, A., & Sebt, M. (2017). Exploring critical success factors in urban housing projects using fuzzy analytic network process. Civil Engineering Journal, 3(11), 1048–1067. DOI: 10.28991/cej-030937 Yuli, S. B. C. (2015). Optimalisasi peran wakaf dalam pemberdayaan Usaha Mikro, Kecil dan Menengah (UMKM). Ekonomika-Bisnis, 6(1), 1–15. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22219/jibe.v6i1.2269 Yusof, M. A., Aziz, M. R. A., & Johari, F. (2013). The relationship between level of income and willingness of muslim community to contribute for Islamic waqf bank. In 5th Islamic Economic System Conference (IECONS 2013), Berjaya Times Square Hotel, Kuala Lumpur on 4th-5th September. Retrieved from http://www.nuradli.com/iecons2013/4B-1.pdf

Latar Belakang: Depresi postpartum di Indonesia berkisar 11-30%, yang berdampak tidak baik pada kesehatan ibu, anak dan keluarga karena menyebabkan penurunan kemampuan dalam mengasuh anak, ketertarikan pada bayinya kurang, tidak berespon baik/positif terhadap bayinya dan ibu menjadi malas menyusui sehingga akan mempengaruhi kesehatan, pertumbuhandanperkembangan bayi. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui efektivitas effelurage massage terhadap pencegahan postpartum depression pada ibu nifas di PMB Elisabeth Banyuanyar Surakarta. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan quasi eksperimen dengan desain one group pre-test and post-test. Subjek penelitian adalah ibu yang menjalani terapi effleurage massage di PMB Elizabeth Banyuanyar Surakarta. Sampel diambil dengan teknik purposive. Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan observasi, dan kuesioner. Teknik analisis data menggunakan analisis deskriptif, dan inferensial dengan uji Wilcoxon. Hasil : (1) Tingkat depresi ibu pospartum sebelum menjalani effleurage massage yaitu : ada 40% dengan kategori tidak depresi, 20% mungkin depresi, dan 40 % mengalami depresi. (2) Tingkat depresi ibu pospartum setelah menjalani effleurage massageberkurang yaitu ada 60% responden sudah tidak mengalami depresi, 40% responden mungkin depresi dan tidak ada yang mengalami depresi. Simpulan : Ada perbedaan yang signifikan antara tingkat depresi sebelum dan setelah ibu pospartum menjalani effleurage massagedengan nilai probabilitas (p) 0,034 0,05.

Frederick William Shotton was born on 8 October 1906 at Exhall, Coventry, the son of Fredrick John Shotton and Ada Shotton, well known figures on both the industrial and political scene in Coventry. In 1905 his father had founded the Albion Drop Forging Company at Holbrooks, north Coventry, a company that had a remarkable record for making car components and for the manufacture of munitions during two World Wars, a record of which Fred Shotton was justly proud. The family were staunch Liberals, and his father, though in his early days a socialist, was President of the Coventry Liberal Society, for four years a member of the Coventry City Council and for many years a Justice of the Peace in the city. In 1930 Fred married Alice Louise Linnett at St Paul’s Church, Foleshill, Coventry with whom he shared a common interest in natural history. Alice was the only daughter of John and Alice Linnett who kept a drapers shop in Smithford Street, Coventry. Later John Linnett opened a ribbon making factory on Foleshill Road, Coventry with which Alice Shotton retained an interest well into the post-war years. They had two daughters, Anne Elizabeth and Margaret Alice, who are both married with sons and daughters of their own. Alice Shotton died in 1979. Fred Shotton remarried in 1983 to Lucille Bailey of Portland, Oregon, who provided him with tender loving care during the last years of his life when gradually failing health kept him from his field work and to a greater and greater extent confined him to home. He died on 21 July 1990. Lucille survives him and still lives in their house in Dorridge near Solihull.

The American Crystallographic Association (ACA) has selected Dan Rabinovich as the 2014 Elizabeth A. Wood Science Writing Award winner. This award is given by the ACA every few years to people who have “written books and articles that bring science to the attention of a wider audience.” Cheryl Stevens, ACA President, said that Dan’s regular column, “Stamps International,” in IUPAC’s

Jennifer Croll. Bad Girls of Fashion: Style Rebels from Cleopatra to Lady Gaga. Illustrated by Ada Buchholc. Annick Press, 2016.Vancouver journalist and fashion historian Jennifer Croll, author of Fashion that Changed the World (2014), has here shifted gears to acquaint younger readers with the role of fashion in the history of women’s empowerment and liberation. Through the lens of biography, Croll traces the gradual rise of Girl Power reflected in, and partly driven by, the fashion choices of forty women, all of them “Style Rebels.” She divides them into ten categories that include Leaders, Modernizers, Instigators, Gender-Benders, Radicals, Decadents, and Freaks.Egypt’s Queen Cleopatra VII and England’s Queen Elizabeth I crafted their regal images partly through their fashion choices; Cixi, the Dowager Empress of China, also outlawed the binding and deforming of girls’ feet; the excesses of Frances’s Queen Marie Antoinette helped to seal her doom; Amelia Bloomer and George Sand (aka Aurore Dupin) scandalized nineteenth-century society by shunning traditional women’s clothing; Coco Chanel replaced traditional corsetry and petticoats with comfortable fashions (and gave the world an eponymous perfume); fashion magazine editors Diana Vreeland and Anna Wintour reigned as arbiters (many said “dictators”) of late-twentieth-century fashion; artists as geographically and culturally diverse as Japan’s Yoko Ono and Rei Kawakubo and Mexico’s Frida Kahlo influenced fashion with their idiosyncratic styles; movie stars such as Louise Brooks, Marlene Dietrich, Marilyn Monroe, Diane Keaton, and Cher Bono became trend-setters in fashion by expanding acceptable boundaries of femininity and gender; while pop-star singers Madonna, Lady Gaga, Björk, Rihana, Nicki Minaj, Beth Ditto, and the ladies of Pussy Riot pushed still further the limits of attention-grabbing self-expression in their attire (or lack of it).Croll’s cast of characters is a large one—this is only a partial list—but one that she stage-manages adroitly. It’s also one that could have been considerably expanded; one notes, for example, the absence of such iconic, fashion trend-setters as Katherine Hepburn and pioneer aviator Amelia Earhart. Book designer Natalie Olsen has provided a stunning layout, one awash in bold colours, and illustrated with both photographs and original, caricature portraits by Polish illustrator Ada Buchholc. In this serious contribution to social history, the author neither shuns, nor sensationalizes, but treats lightly some of her subjects’ love affairs, marital infidelities, sexual preferences, and the role and influence of Lesbian fashions. These nonetheless mark this excellent book as one best suited to older, the publishers suggest ages 12+, and adult readers. Recommended for all public, high-school, and academic curriculum libraries, as well as specialized women’s studies collections.Highly Recommended: 4 out of 4 starsReviewer: Merrill Distad Historian and author Merrill Distad enjoyed a four-decade career building libraries and library collections.

In early 1888, Miss Margaret Pearson arrived in Melbourne under engagement to the Working Men’s College there to give cookery lessons to young women. The College committee had applied to the National School of Cookery in London—an establishment effusively praised in the colonial press—for a suitable culinary educator, and Pearson, a graduate of that institute, was dispatched. After six months or so spent educating her antipodean pupils she published a cookbook, Cookery Recipes For The People, which she described in the preface as a handbook of “plain wholesome cookery” (Pearson 3). The book ran to three editions and sold more than 13,000 copies. A decade later, Hanna Maclurcan, co-proprietor of the popular Queen’s Hotel in Townsville, published Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book: A Collection of Practical Recipes, Specially Suitable for Australia. A review of this work in the Brisbane Courier described it, positively, as a book of “good plain cooking”. Maclurcan had gained some renown as a cook after the Governor of Queensland, Lord Lamington, publicly praised the meals he had eaten at the Queen’s as “exceptionally good and above the average of Australian hotels” (Morning Bulletin 5). The first print run of Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book sold out in weeks, and a second edition was swiftly produced. By 1903 there were 26,000 copies of Maclurcan’s book in print—one of which was deposited in the library of Queen Victoria. While the existence of any particular cookbook does not constitute evidence that any person ever reproduced a recipe from it, the not immodest sales enjoyed by Pearson and Maclurcan can, at the least, be taken to indicate a popular interest in the style of cookery, that is “plain cookery”, delineated in their respective works. If those who bought these books never actually turned them into working copies—that is, cooked from them—they likely aspired to do so. Practical classes in plain cookery were also popular in Australia in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The adjectival coupling of the word “plain” to “cookery” in colonial Australia can be seen then to have formed an appealing duet at that time If a modern author or reviewer described the body of recipes encapsulated in a cookbook as “plain cookery”, it would not serve to recommend it to the contemporary market—indeed it would likely condemn such a publication to pulping, rather than sales of many thousands—as the term would be understood by most modern cooks, and eaters, to describe food that was dull and lacking in flavour and cosmopolitan appeal. We now prefer cookery books that offer instruction on the preparation of dishes that are described as “exotic”, “global”, “ethnic”, “seasonal”, “local”, and “full of flavour”, and that lend those that prepare and consume the dishes they contain the “glamour of culinary ethnicity” (Appadurai 10). It would seem to be stating the obvious then to say that “plain cookery” meant something entirely different to colonial Australians, except that modern Australians commonly believe that their nineteenth century brethren ate an “abominable”, “monotonous”, “low standard” diet (Santich, The High and The Low 37), and therefore if they preferred their meals to be plain cooked, that these would have been exactly as our present-day interpretation would have them. Yet Pearson describes plain cookery as an “art” (3), arguably a rhetorical epithet, but she was a zealous educator and would not have used such a term to describe a style of cookery that she expected to turn out low quality dishes that were vile and dull. What Pearson and Maclurcan actually present in their respective books is English cookery: which was also known as plain cookery. The Anglo-Celtic population of Australia in the nineteenth century held varied opinions—ranging from obsequious to hateful—about England, depending on their background. The majority, however, considered it their natural home—including many who were colonial born—and the cultural model they reproduced, with local modifications, was that of the “mother country” (Abbott 10) some 10,000 long miles away. English political, legal, economic, and social systems were the foundation of white Australian society. In keeping with this, colonial cooks “perpetuated an English style of cookery, English food values, [and] an English meal structure” (Santich, Looking for Flavour 6) and English cookbooks were the models that colonial cooks and cookery writers drew upon. When Polly, the heroine of Henry Handel Richardson’s novel The Fortunes of Richard Mahoney, teaches herself to make pastry from a cookbook in her rudimentary kitchen on the Victorian goldfields circa 1853, historical accuracy requires her to have employed an imported publication to guide her. It was another decade before the first Australian cookbook, Edward Abbott’s The English And Australian Cookery Book, was published in 1864. Prior to the appearance of Abbott’s work, colonial cooks wanting the guidance of a culinary manual were reliant on the imported English titles stocked by Australian booksellers, such as Eliza Acton’s Modern Cookery for Private Families, Beeton’s Book of Household Management and William Kitchiner’s The Cook’s Oracle. These three particular cookbooks were amongst the most successful and influential works in the nineteenth century Anglo-sphere and were commonly considered as manuals of plain cookery: Acton’s particular work is also the source of the most commonly quoted definition of “plain cookery” as “the principles of roasting, boiling, stewing and baking” (Acton 167) and I am going let it stand as the model of such in this piece. If a curt literary catalogue, such as that used by Acton to delineate plain cookery, were used to describe any cuisine it would serve to make it seem austere, and the reputation of English food and cookery has likely suffered from a face value acceptance of it (and by association so has its Australian culinary doppelganger). A considered inspection of Acton’s work shows that her instructions for the plain methods of roasting, boiling, and stewing of food, cover 13 pages, followed by more than 100 pages of recipes for 19 different varieties of meat, poultry, and game that are further divided into numerous variant cuts. Three pages were dedicated to instruction for boiling potatoes properly. When preparing any of these dishes she enjoins her readers to follow the “slow methods of cooking recommended” (167) to ensure a superior end product. The principles of baking were elucidated across several chapters, taking under this classification the preparation of various types of pastry and a multitude of baked puddings, cakes and biscuits: all prepared from base ingredients—not a packet harmed in their production. We now venerate the taste of so-called “slow cooked” food, so to discover that this was the method prescribed for producing plain cooked dishes suggests that plain cookery potentially had more flavour than we imagine. Acton’s work also challenges the charge that the product of plain cookery was monotonous. We have developed a view that we must have a multitudinous array of different types of food available, all year round, for it to be satisfactory to us. Acton demonstrates that variety in cookery can be achieved in other ways such as in types and cuts of meat, and that “plain” was not necessarily synonymous with sameness. The celebrated twentieth century English food writer Elizabeth David says that Modern Cookery was the “most admired and copied English cookery book of the nineteenth century” (305). As the aspiration of most colonial cooks was the reproduction of English cookery it is not unreasonable to expect that Acton’s work might have had some influence on those that wrote cookery manuals for them. We know that Edward Abbott borrowed from her as he writes in his introduction that he has combined “the advantages of Acton’s work” (5) into this own. Neither Pearson or Maclurcan acknowledge any influence at all upon their works but their respective manuals are not particularly original in content—with the exception of some unique regional recipes in Maclurcan—and they must have drawn upon other cookery manuals of the same style to develop their repertoire. By the time they were writing, “large portions [of Acton’s] volume [had] been appropriated [by] contemporary [cookbook] authors [such as Abbott] without the slightest acknowledgment” (Acton 4): the famous Mrs. Beeton is generally considered to have borrowed heavily from Acton for the cookery section of her successful tome Household Management. If Pearson and Maclurcan did not draw directly on Acton—and they well might have—then they likely used culinary sources that had subsumed her influence as their inspiration. What was considered to constitute plain cookery was not as straightforward as Acton’s definition; it was also “generally understood” to be free of any French influence (David 35). It was a commonly held suspicion amongst nineteenth century English men and women that Gallic cooks employed sauces and strong flavourings such as garlic and other “low and treacherous devices” (Saunders 4), to disguise the fact that they had such poor quality ingredients to work with. On the other hand, the English “had such faith” in the superior quality of their native produce that they considered it only required treatment with plain cookery techniques to be rendered toothsome: this culinary Francophobia persisted in the colonies. In the novel, The Three Miss Kings, set in Melbourne in 1880, the trio of the title take lodgings with a landlady, who informs them from the outset that she is “only a plain cook, and can’t make them French things which spile [sic] the stomach” (Cambridge 36). While a good plain cook might have defined herself by the absence of any Gallic, or indeed any other “foreign”, influence in the meals she created, there had been a significant absorption of elements of both of these in the plain cookery she practised, but these had become so far embedded in English cookery that she was unaware of it. A telling example of this is the unremarked inclusion of curry in the plain cookery cannon. While the name and homogenised form of this dish is of British invention, it retained the varied spices, including pungent chillies, of the Indian cuisine it simulated. Pearson and Maclurcan, and Abbott, all included recipes for curries and curried dishes in their respective cookery books. Over time, plain cookery seems to have become conflated with “plain food”, but the latter was not necessarily the result of the former. There was little of Pearson’s “art” involved in creating plain food, except perhaps an ability to keep this style of food so flavourless and dull that it offered neither pleasure nor temptation to eat any more than that required to sustain life. This very real plainness was actively sought by some as “plain food was synonymous with moral rectitude […] and the plainer the food the more virtuous the eater” (Santich, Looking 28). A common societal appreciation of moral virtue is barely perceptible in modern Australian society but it was an attribute that was greatly valued in the nineteenth century Anglo-world and the consumption of plain food a necessary practice in the achievement of good character. (Our modern habit of labelling of foods “good” or “bad” shows that we continue to imbue food with moral overtones.) The list of “gustatory temptations” “proscribed by the plain food lobby” included “salt, spices, sauces and any flavourings that might have cheered the senses” (Santich, Looking 28). If this were the case then both Pearson and Maclurcan’s cookbooks would have dramatically failed to qualify as manuals of plain food. The recipes contained in their respective works feature a much greater use of components associated with flavour enhancement than we imagine to have been employed in plain cookery, particularly if we erroneously believe it to be analogous to plain food. Spices are used extensively in sweet and savoury dishes, as are various fresh green herbs and lemon juice and rind; homemade condiments such as mushroom ketchup (a type of essence pressed from a seasonal abundance of fungi), and a liberal employment of sherry, port, Madeira, and brandy that a “virtuous” plain food advocate would have considered most intemperate. Pearson and Maclurcan both give instructions for preparing rich stocks and gravies drawn from meat, bones and aromatic vegetables, and prescribe the end product of this process as the foundation for a variety of soups, sauces, and stews. Recipes are given for a greater diversity of vegetables than the stereotyped cabbage and potatoes of colonial culinary legend. Maclurcan displays a distinct tropical regionalism in her book providing recipes that use green bananas and pawpaw as vegetables, alongside other exotic species—for that time—such as eggplant, choko, mango, granadilla, passionfruit, rosella, prickly pear, and guava. Her distinct location, the coastal city of Townsville, is also reflected in the extensive selection of recipes for local species of fish and seafood such as beche-de-mer, prawns, and barramundi, which won Maclurcan a reputation as an expert on seafood. Ultimately, to gain a respectably informed understanding as to the taste, aroma, and texture of the plain cookery presented in the respective works of Pearson and Maclurcan one needs to prepare their recipes: I have done so, reproducing a wide selection of dishes from both books. Admittedly, I am a professionally trained cook with the skills to execute recipes to a high standard, but my practice is to scrupulously maintain the original listing of ingredients in the reproduction and follow the method as best I can. Through this practice I have made some delicious discoveries, which have helped inform my opinion that some colonial Australians, and perhaps significant numbers of them, must have been eating meals that were a long way from dull, flavourless and monotonous. It has been said that we employ our tongues for the “twin offices of rhetoric and taste” (Jaine 61). Words can exercise a significant influence on how we value the taste of—or actually taste—any particular food or indeed a cuisine. In the case of the popularly held opinion about the unappetizing state of colonial meals, it might be that the absence of rhetoric has contributed to this. Colonial food writers such as Pearson and Maclurcan did not “mince words” (Bannerman 166) and chose to use “plain titling” (David 306) and language that lacked the excessive adjectives and laudatory hyperbole typically employed by modern food writers. Perhaps if Pearson or Maclurcan had indulged in anointing their own works with enthusiastic recommendation and reference to international influences in their recipes, this might have contributed to a more positive impression of the food of our Anglo-Celtic ancestors. As an experiment with this idea I have taken a recipe from Cookery Recipes For The People and reframed its title and description in a modern food writing style. The recipe in question is titled “White Sauce” and Pearson writes that “this sauce will answer well for boiled fowl” (48): hardly language to make the dish sound appealing to the modern cook, and likely to confirm an expectation of plain cookery as tasteless and boring. But what if the recipe remained the same but the words used to describe it were changed, for example: the title to “Salsa Blanca” and the introductory remark to “this luxurious silky sauce infused with eschalot, mace, lemon, and sherry wine is perfect for perking up poached free-range chicken”. How much better might it then taste? References Abbott, Edward. The English And Australian Cookery Book: Cookery For The Many, As Well As The Upper Ten Thousand. London: Sampson Low, Son, & Marston, 1864. Acton, Eliza. Modern Cookery for Private Families. London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858. Appadurai, Arjun. “How to Make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in Contemporary India”. Comparative Studies in Society and History 30 (1988): 3–24. Bannerman, Colin. A Friend In The Kitchen. Kenthurst NSW: Kangaroo Press, 1996. Brisbane Courier. “Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book: A Collection of Practical Recipes, Specially Suitable for Australia [review].” Brisbane Courier c.1898. [Author’s manuscript collection.] Cambridge, Ada. The Three Miss Kings. London: Virago Press, 1987 (1st pub. Melbourne, 1891). David, Elizabeth. An Omelette and a Glass of Wine. London: Penguin, 1986. Freeman, Sarah. Mutton and Oysters: The Victorians and their Food. London: Victor Golllancz, 1989. Humble, Nicola. Culinary Pleasures. London, Faber & Faber, 2005. Jaine, Tom. “Banquets and Meals”. Pleasures of the Table: Proceedings of the Fifth Symposium of Australian Gastronomy (1991): 61–4. Jones, Shar, and Otto, Kirsten. Colonial Food and Drink 1788-1901. Sydney: Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales, 1985. Hartley, Dorothy. Food in England. London: Macdonald General, 1979. Hughes, Kathryn. The Short Life & Long Times of Mrs Beeton. London: Harper Perennial, 2006. Maclurcah, Hannah. Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book: A Collection of Practical Recipes, Specially Suitable for Australia. Melbourne: George Robertson, 1905 (1st pub. Townsville, 1898). Morning Bulletin. “Gossip.” Morning Bulletin (Rockhampton) 10 May 1898: 5. Pearson, Margaret. Cookery Recipes for the People. Melbourne: Hutchinson, 1888. Richardson, Henry Handel. The Fortunes of Richard Mahony. London: Heinemann, 1954. Santich, Barbara. What the Doctors Ordered: 150 Years of Dietary Advice in Australia. Melbourne: Hyland House, 1995. ---. “The High and the Low: Australian Cuisine in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries”. Journal of Australian Studies 30 (2006): 37–49. ---. Looking For Flavour. Kent Town: Wakefield, 1996 Saunders, Alan. “Why Do We Want An Australian Cuisine?”. Journal of Australian Studies 30 (2006): 1-17. Young, Linda. Middle-Class Culture in the Nineteenth Century: America, Australia and Britain. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmilian, 2002.

Over the past century, many books for general readers have styled sharks as “monsters of the deep” (Steele). In recent decades, however, at least some writers have also turned to representing how sharks are seriously threatened by human activities. At a time when media coverage of shark sightings seems ever increasing in Australia, scholarship has begun to consider people’s attitudes to sharks and how these are formed, investigating the representation of sharks (Peschak; Ostrovski et al.) in films (Le Busque and Litchfield; Neff; Schwanebeck), newspaper reports (Muter et al.), and social media (Le Busque et al., “An Analysis”). My own research into representations of surfing and sharks in Australian writing (Brien) has, however, revealed that, although reporting of shark sightings and human-shark interactions are prominent in the news, and sharks function as vivid and commanding images and metaphors in art and writing (Ellis; Westbrook et al.), little scholarship has investigated their representation in Australian books published for a general readership. While recognising representations of sharks in other book-length narrative forms in Australia, including Australian fiction, poetry, and film (Ryan and Ellison), this enquiry is focussed on non-fiction books for general readers, to provide an initial review. Sampling holdings of non-fiction books in the National Library of Australia, crosschecked with Google Books, in early 2021, this investigation identified 50 Australian books for general readers that are principally about sharks, or that feature attitudes to them, published from 1911 to 2021. Although not seeking to capture all Australian non-fiction books for general readers that feature sharks, the sampling attempted to locate a wide range of representations and genres across the time frame from the earliest identified text until the time of the survey. The books located include works of natural and popular history, travel writing, memoir, biography, humour, and other long-form non-fiction for adult and younger readers, including hybrid works. A thematic analysis (Guest et al.) of the representation of sharks in these texts identified five themes that moved from understanding sharks as fishes to seeing them as monsters, then prey, and finally to endangered species needing conservation. Many books contained more than one theme, and not all examples identified have been quoted in the discussion of the themes below. Sharks as Part of the Natural Environment Drawing on oral histories passed through generations, two memoirs (Bradley et al.; Fossa) narrate Indigenous stories in which sharks play a central role. These reveal that sharks are part of both the world and a wider cosmology for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (Clua and Guiart). In these representations, sharks are integrated with, and integral to, Indigenous life, with one writer suggesting they are “creator beings, ancestors, totems. Their lifecycles reflect the seasons, the landscape and sea country. They are seen in the movement of the stars” (Allam). A series of natural history narratives focus on zoological studies of Australian sharks, describing shark species and their anatomy and physiology, as well as discussing shark genetics, behaviour, habitats, and distribution. A foundational and relatively early Australian example is Gilbert P. Whitley’s The Fishes of Australia: The Sharks, Rays, Devil-fish, and Other Primitive Fishes of Australia and New Zealand, published in 1940. Ichthyologist at the Australian Museum in Sydney from the early 1920s to 1964, Whitley authored several books which furthered scientific thought on sharks. Four editions of his Australian Sharks were published between 1983 and 1991 in English, and the book is still held in many libraries and other collections worldwide. In this text, Whitley described a wide variety of sharks, noting shared as well as individual features. Beautiful drawings contribute information on shape, colouring, markings, and other recognisable features to assist with correct identification. Although a scientist and a Fellow and then President of the Royal Zoological Society of New South Wales, Whitley recognised it was important to communicate with general readers and his books are accessible, the prose crisp and clear. Books published after this text (Aiken; Ayling; Last and Stevens; Tricas and Carwardine) share Whitley’s regard for the diversity of sharks as well as his desire to educate a general readership. By 2002, the CSIRO’s Field Guide to Australian Sharks & Rays (Daley et al.) also featured numerous striking photographs of these creatures. Titles such as Australia’s Amazing Sharks (Australian Geographic) emphasise sharks’ unique qualities, including their agility and speed in the water, sensitive sight and smell, and ability to detect changes in water pressure around them, heal rapidly, and replace their teeth. These books also emphasise the central role that sharks play in the marine ecosystem. There are also such field guides to sharks in specific parts of Australia (Allen). This attention to disseminating accurate zoological information about sharks is also evident in books written for younger readers including very young children (Berkes; Kear; Parker and Parker). In these and other similar books, sharks are imaged as a central and vital component of the ocean environment, and the narratives focus on their features and qualities as wondrous rather than monstrous. Sharks as Predatory Monsters A number of books for general readers do, however, image sharks as monsters. In 1911, in his travel narrative Peeps at Many Lands: Australia, Frank Fox describes sharks as “the most dangerous foes of man in Australia” (23) and many books have reinforced this view over the following century. This can be seen in titles that refer to sharks as dangerous predatory killers (Fox and Ruhen; Goadby; Reid; Riley; Sharpe; Taylor and Taylor). The covers of a large proportion of such books feature sharks emerging from the water, jaws wide open in explicit homage to the imaging of the monster shark in the film Jaws (Spielberg). Shark!: Killer Tales from the Dangerous Depths (Reid) is characteristic of books that portray encounters with sharks as terrifying and dramatic, using emotive language and stories that describe sharks as “the world’s most feared sea creature” (47) because they are such “highly efficient killing machines” (iv, see also 127, 129). This representation of sharks is also common in several books for younger readers (Moriarty; Rohr). Although the risk of being injured by an unprovoked shark is extremely low (Chapman; Fletcher et al.), fear of sharks is prevalent and real (Le Busque et al., “People’s Fear”) and described in a number of these texts. Several of the memoirs located describe surfers’ fear of sharks (Muirhead; Orgias), as do those of swimmers, divers, and other frequent users of the sea (Denness; de Gelder; McAloon), even if the author has never encountered a shark in the wild. In these texts, this fear of sharks is often traced to viewing Jaws, and especially to how the film’s huge, bloodthirsty great white shark persistently and determinedly attacks its human hunters. Pioneer Australian shark expert Valerie Taylor describes such great white sharks as “very big, powerful … and amazingly beautiful” but accurately notes that “revenge is not part of their thought process” (Kindle version). Two books explicitly seek to map and explain Australians’ fear of sharks. In Sharks: A History of Fear in Australia, Callum Denness charts this fear across time, beginning with his own “shark story”: a panicked, terror-filled evacuation from the sea, following the sighting of a shadow which turned out not to be a shark. Blake Chapman’s Shark Attacks: Myths, Misunderstandings and Human Fears explains commonly held fearful perceptions of sharks. Acknowledging that sharks are a “highly emotive topic”, the author of this text does not deny “the terror [that] they invoke in our psyche” but makes a case that this is “only a minor characteristic of what makes them such intriguing animals” (ix). In Death by Coconut: 50 Things More Dangerous than a Shark and Why You Shouldn’t Be Afraid of the Ocean, Ruby Ashby Orr utilises humour to educate younger readers about the real risk humans face from sharks and, as per the book’s title, why they should not be feared, listing champagne corks and falling coconuts among the many everyday activities more likely to lead to injury and death in Australia than encountering a shark. Taylor goes further in her memoir – not only describing her wonder at swimming with these creatures, but also her calm acceptance of the possibility of being injured by a shark: "if we are to be bitten, then we are to be bitten … . One must choose a life of adventure, and of mystery and discovery, but with that choice, one must also choose the attendant risks" (2019: Kindle version). Such an attitude is very rare in the books located, with even some of the most positive about these sea creatures still quite sensibly fearful of potentially dangerous encounters with them. Sharks as Prey There is a long history of sharks being fished in Australia (Clark). The killing of sharks for sport is detailed in An American Angler in Australia, which describes popular adventure writer Zane Grey’s visit to Australia and New Zealand in the 1930s to fish ‘big game’. This text includes many bloody accounts of killing sharks, which are justified with explanations about how sharks are dangerous. It is also illustrated with gruesome pictures of dead sharks. Australian fisher Alf Dean’s biography describes him as the “World’s Greatest Shark Hunter” (Thiele), this text similarly illustrated with photographs of some of the gigantic sharks he caught and killed in the second half of the twentieth century. Apart from being killed during pleasure and sport fishing, sharks are also hunted by spearfishers. Valerie Taylor and her late husband, Ron Taylor, are well known in Australia and internationally as shark experts, but they began their careers as spearfishers and shark hunters (Taylor, Ron Taylor’s), with the documentary Shark Hunters gruesomely detailing their killing of many sharks. The couple have produced several books that recount their close encounters with sharks (Taylor; Taylor, Taylor and Goadby; Taylor and Taylor), charting their movement from killers to conservationists as they learned more about the ocean and its inhabitants. Now a passionate campaigner against the past butchery she participated in, Taylor’s memoir describes her shift to a more respectful relationship with sharks, driven by her desire to understand and protect them. In Australia, the culling of sharks is supposedly carried out to ensure human safety in the ocean, although this practice has long been questioned. In 1983, for instance, Whitley noted the “indiscriminate” killing of grey nurse sharks, despite this species largely being very docile and of little threat to people (Australian Sharks, 10). This is repeated by Tony Ayling twenty-five years later who adds the information that the generally harmless grey nurse sharks have been killed to the point of extinction, as it was wrongly believed they preyed on surfers and swimmers. Shark researcher and conservationist Riley Elliott, author of Shark Man: One Kiwi Man’s Mission to Save Our Most Feared and Misunderstood Predator (2014), includes an extremely critical chapter on Western Australian shark ‘management’ through culling, summing up the problems associated with this approach: it seems to me that this cull involved no science or logic, just waste and politics. It’s sickening that the people behind this cull were the Fisheries department, which prior to this was the very department responsible for setting up the world’s best acoustic tagging system for sharks. (Kindle version, Chapter 7) Describing sharks as “misunderstood creatures”, Orr is also clear in her opposition to killing sharks to ‘protect’ swimmers noting that “each year only around 10 people are killed in shark attacks worldwide, while around 73 million sharks are killed by humans”. She adds the question and answer, “sounds unfair? Of course it is, but when an attack is all over the news and the people are baying for shark blood, it’s easy to lose perspective. But culling them? Seriously?” (back cover). The condemnation of culling is also evident in David Brooks’s recent essay on the topic in his collection of essays about animal welfare, conservation and the relationship between humans and other species, Animal Dreams. This disapproval is also evident in narratives by those who have been injured by sharks. Navy diver Paul de Gelder and surfer Glen Orgias were both bitten by sharks in Sydney in 2009 and both their memoirs detail their fear of sharks and the pain they suffered from these interactions and their lengthy recoveries. However, despite their undoubted suffering – both men lost limbs due to these encounters – they also attest to their ongoing respect for these creatures and specify a shared desire not to see them culled. Orgias, instead, charts the life story of the shark who bit him alongside his own story in his memoir, musing at the end of the book, not about himself or his injury, but about the fate of the shark he had encountered: great whites are portrayed … as pathological creatures, and as malevolent. That’s rubbish … they are graceful, mighty beasts. I respect them, and fear them … [but] the thought of them fighting, dying, in a net upsets me. I hope this great white shark doesn’t end up like that. (271–271) Several of the more recent books identified in this study acknowledge that, despite growing understanding of sharks, the popular press and many policy makers continue to advocate for shark culls, these calls especially vocal after a shark-related human death or injury (Peppin-Neff). The damage to shark species involved caused by their killing – either directly by fishing, spearing, finning, or otherwise hunting them, or inadvertently as they become caught in nets or affected by human pollution of the ocean – is discussed in many of the more recent books identified in this study. Sharks as Endangered Alongside fishing, finning, and hunting, human actions and their effects such as beach netting, pollution and habitat change are killing many sharks, to the point where many shark species are threatened. Several recent books follow Orr in noting that an estimated 100 million sharks are now killed annually across the globe and that this, as well as changes to their habitats, are driving many shark species to the status of vulnerable, threatened or towards extinction (Dulvy et al.). This is detailed in texts about biodiversity and climate change in Australia (Steffen et al.) as well as in many of the zoologically focussed books discussed above under the theme of “Sharks as part of the natural environment”. The CSIRO’s Field Guide to Australian Sharks & Rays (Daley et al.), for example, emphasises not only that several shark species are under threat (and protected) (8–9) but also that sharks are, as individuals, themselves very fragile creatures. Their skeletons are made from flexible, soft cartilage rather than bone, meaning that although they are “often thought of as being incredibly tough; in reality, they need to be handled carefully to maximise their chance of survival following capture” (9). Material on this theme is included in books for younger readers on Australia’s endangered animals (Bourke; Roc and Hawke). Shark Conservation By 1991, shark conservation in Australia and overseas was a topic of serious discussion in Sydney, with an international workshop on the subject held at Taronga Zoo and the proceedings published (Pepperell et al.). Since then, the movement to protect sharks has grown, with marine scientists, high-profile figures and other writers promoting shark conservation, especially through attempts to educate the general public about sharks. De Gelder’s memoir, for instance, describes how he now champions sharks, promoting shark conservation in his work as a public speaker. Peter Benchley, who (with Carl Gottlieb) recast his novel Jaws for the film’s screenplay, later attested to regretting his portrayal of sharks as aggressive and became a prominent spokesperson for shark conservation. In explaining his change of heart, he stated that when he wrote the novel, he was reflecting the general belief that sharks would both seek out human prey and attack boats, but he later discovered this to be untrue (Benchley, “Without Malice”). Many recent books about sharks for younger readers convey a conservation message, underscoring how, instead of fearing or killing sharks, or doing nothing, humans need to actively assist these vulnerable creatures to survive. In the children’s book series featuring Bindi Irwin and her “wildlife adventures”, there is a volume where Bindi and a friend are on a diving holiday when they find a dead shark whose fin has been removed. The book not only describes how shark finning is illegal, but also how Bindi and friend are “determined to bring the culprits to justice” (Browne). This narrative, like the other books in this series, has a dual focus; highlighting the beauty of wildlife and its value, but also how the creatures described need protection and assistance. Concluding Discussion This study was prompted by the understanding that the Earth is currently in the epoch known as the Anthropocene, a time in which humans have significantly altered, and continue to alter, the Earth by our activities (Myers), resulting in numerous species becoming threatened, endangered, or extinct. It acknowledges the pressing need for not only natural science research on these actions and their effects, but also for such scientists to publish their findings in more accessible ways (see, Paulin and Green). It specifically responds to demands for scholarship outside the relevant areas of science and conservation to encourage widespread thinking and action (Mascia et al.; Bennett et al.). As understanding public perceptions and overcoming widely held fear of sharks can facilitate their conservation (Panoch and Pearson), the way sharks are imaged is integral to their survival. The five themes identified in this study reveal vastly different ways of viewing and writing about sharks. These range from seeing sharks as nothing more than large fishes to be killed for pleasure, to viewing them as terrifying monsters, to finally understanding that they are amazing creatures who play an important role in the world’s environment and are in urgent need of conservation. This range of representation is important, for if sharks are understood as demon monsters which hunt humans, then it is much more ‘reasonable’ to not care about their future than if they are understood to be fascinating and fragile creatures suffering from their interactions with humans and our effect on the environment. Further research could conduct a textual analysis of these books. In this context, it is interesting to note that, although in 1949 C. Bede Maxwell suggested describing human deaths and injuries from sharks as “accidents” (182) and in 2013 Christopher Neff and Robert Hueter proposed using “sightings, encounters, bites, and the rare cases of fatal bites” (70) to accurately represent “the true risk posed by sharks” to humans (70), the majority of the books in this study, like mass media reports, continue to use the ubiquitous and more dramatic terminology of “shark attack”. The books identified in this analysis could also be compared with international texts to reveal and investigate global similarities and differences. While the focus of this discussion has been on non-fiction texts, a companion analysis of representation of sharks in Australian fiction, poetry, films, and other narratives could also be undertaken, in the hope that such investigations contribute to more nuanced understandings of these majestic sea creatures. 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IntroductionTasmania hangs from the map of Australia like a drop in freefall from the substance of the mainland. Often the whole state is mislaid from Australian maps and logos (Reddit). Tasmania has, at least since federation, been considered peripheral—a region seen as isolated, a ‘problem’ economically, politically, and culturally. However, Tasmania not only cleaves to the ‘north island’ of Australia but is also subject to the gravitational pull of an even greater land mass—Antarctica. In this article, we upturn the political conventions of map-making that place both Antarctica and Tasmania in obscure positions at the base of the globe. We show how a changing global climate re-frames Antarctica and the Southern Ocean as key drivers of worldwide environmental shifts. The liquid and solid water between Tasmania and Antarctica is revealed not as a homogenous barrier, but as a dynamic and relational medium linking the Tasmanian archipelago with Antarctica. When Antarctica becomes the focus, the script is flipped: Tasmania is no longer on the edge, but core to a network of gateways into the southern land. The state’s capital of Hobart can from this perspective be understood as an “Antarctic city”, central to the geopolitics, economy, and culture of the frozen continent (Salazar et al.). Viewed from the south, we argue, Tasmania is not a problem, but an opportunity for a form of ecological, cultural, economic, and political sustainability that opens up the southern continent to science, discovery, and imagination.A Centre at the End of the Earth? Tasmania as ParadoxThe islands of Tasmania owe their existence to climate change: a period of warming at the end of the last ice age melted the vast sheets of ice covering the polar regions, causing sea levels to rise by more than one hundred metres (Tasmanian Climate Change Office 8). Eleven thousand years ago, Aboriginal people would have witnessed the rise of what is now called Bass Strait, turning what had been a peninsula into an archipelago, with the large island of Tasmania at its heart. The heterogeneous practices and narratives of Tasmanian regional identity have been shaped by the geography of these islands, and their connection to the Southern Ocean and Antarctica. Regions, understood as “centres of collective consciousness and sociospatial identities” (Paasi 241) are constantly reproduced and reimagined through place-based social practices and communications over time. As we will show, diverse and contradictory narratives of Tasmanian regionality often co-exist, interacting in complex and sometimes complementary ways. Ecocritical literary scholar C.A. Cranston considers duality to be embedded in the textual construction of Tasmania, writing “it was hell, it was heaven, it was penal, it was paradise” (29). Tasmania is multiply polarised: it is both isolated and connected; close and far away; rich in resources and poor in capital; the socially conservative birthplace of radical green politics (Hay 60). The weather, as if sensing the fine balance of these paradoxes, blows hot and cold at a moment’s notice.Tasmania has wielded extraordinary political influence at times in its history—notably during the settlement of Melbourne in 1835 (Boyce), and during protests against damming the Franklin River in the early 1980s (Mercer). However, twentieth-century historical and political narratives of Tasmania portray the Bass Strait as a barrier, isolating Tasmanians from the mainland (Harwood 61). Sir Bede Callaghan, who headed one of a long line of federal government inquiries into “the Tasmanian problem” (Harwood 106), was clear that Tasmania was a victim of its own geography:the major disability facing the people of Tasmania (although some residents may consider it an advantage) is that Tasmania is an island. Separation from the mainland adversely affects the economy of the State and the general welfare of the people in many ways. (Callaghan 3)This perspective may stem from the fact that Tasmania has maintained the lowest Gross Domestic Product per capita of all states since federation (Bureau of Infrastructure Transport and Regional Economics 9). Socially, economically, and culturally, Tasmania consistently ranks among the worst regions of Australia. Statistical comparisons with other parts of Australia reveal the population’s high unemployment, low wages, poor educational outcomes, and bad health (West 31). The state’s remoteness and isolation from the mainland states and its reliance on federal income have contributed to the whole of Tasmania, including Hobart, being classified as ‘regional’ by the Australian government, in an attempt to promote immigration and economic growth (Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development 1). Tasmania is indeed both regional and remote. However, in this article we argue that, while regionality may be cast as a disadvantage, the island’s remote location is also an asset, particularly when viewed from a far southern perspective (Image 1).Image 1: Antarctica (Orthographic Projection). Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons, Modified Shading of Tasmania and Addition of Captions by H. Nielsen.Connecting Oceans/Collapsing DistanceTasmania and Antarctica have been closely linked in the past—the future archipelago formed a land bridge between Antarctica and northern land masses until the opening of the Tasman Seaway some 32 million years ago (Barker et al.). The far south was tangible to the Indigenous people of the island in the weather blowing in from the Southern Ocean, while the southern lights, or “nuyina”, formed a visible connection (Australia’s new icebreaker vessel is named RSV Nuyina in recognition of these links). In the contemporary Australian imagination, Tasmania tends to be defined by its marine boundaries, the sea around the islands represented as flat, empty space against which to highlight the topography of its landscape and the isolation of its position (Davies et al.). A more relational geographic perspective illuminates the “power of cross-currents and connections” (Stratford et al. 273) across these seascapes. The sea country of Tasmania is multiple and heterogeneous: the rough, shallow waters of the island-scattered Bass Strait flow into the Tasman Sea, where the continental shelf descends toward an abyssal plain studded with volcanic seamounts. To the south, the Southern Ocean provides nutrient-rich upwellings that attract fish and cetacean populations. Tasmania’s coast is a dynamic, liminal space, moving and changing in response to the global currents that are driven by the shifting, calving and melting ice shelves and sheets in Antarctica.Oceans have long been a medium of connection between Tasmania and Antarctica. In the early colonial period, when the seas were the major thoroughfares of the world and inland travel was treacherous and slow, Tasmania’s connection with the Southern Ocean made it a valuable hub for exploration and exploitation of the south. Between 1642 and 1900, early European explorers were followed by British penal colonists, convicts, sealers, and whalers (Kriwoken and Williamson 93). Tasmania was well known to polar explorers, with expeditions led by Jules Dumont d’Urville, James Clark Ross, Roald Amundsen, and Douglas Mawson all transiting through the port of Hobart. Now that the city is no longer a whaling hub, growing populations of cetaceans continue to migrate past the islands on their annual journeys from the tropics, across the Sub-Antarctic Front and Antarctic circumpolar current, and into the south polar region, while southern species such as leopard seals are occasionally seen around Tasmania (Tasmania Parks and Wildlife). Although the water surrounding Tasmania and Antarctica is at times homogenised as a ‘barrier’, rendering these places isolated, the bodies of water that surround both are in fact permeable, and regularly crossed by both humans and marine species. The waters are diverse in their physical characteristics, underlying topography, sea life, and relationships, and serve to connect many different ocean regions, ecosystems, and weather patterns.Views from the Far SouthWhen considered in terms of its relative proximity to Antarctic, rather than its distance from Australia’s political and economic centres, Tasmania’s identity undergoes a significant shift. A sign at Cockle Creek, in the state’s far south, reminds visitors that they are closer to Antarctica than to Cairns, invoking a discourse of connectedness that collapses the standard ten-day ship voyage to Australia’s closest Antarctic station into a unit comparable with the routinely scheduled 5.5 hour flight to North Queensland. Hobart is the logistical hub for the Australian Antarctic Division and the French Institut Polaire Francais (IPEV), and has hosted Antarctic vessels belonging to the USA, South Korea, and Japan in recent years. From a far southern perspective, Hobart is not a regional Australian capital but a global polar hub. This alters the city’s geographic imaginary not only in a latitudinal sense—from “top down” to “bottom up”—but also a longitudinal one. Via its southward connection to Antarctica, Hobart is also connected east and west to four other recognized gateways: Cape Town in South Africa, Christchurch in New Zealand; Punta Arenas in Chile; and Ushuaia in Argentina (Image 2). The latter cities are considered small by international standards, but play an outsized role in relation to Antarctica.Image 2: H. Nielsen with a Sign Announcing Distances between Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities and Antarctica, Ushuaia, Argentina, 2018. Image Credit: Nicki D'Souza.These five cities form what might be called—to adapt geographer Klaus Dodds’ term—a ‘Southern Rim’ around the South Polar region (Dodds Geopolitics). They exist in ambiguous relationship to each other. Although the five cities signed a Statement of Intent in 2009 committing them to collaboration, they continue to compete vigorously for northern hemisphere traffic and the brand identity of the most prominent global gateway. A state government brochure spruiks Hobart, for example, as the “perfect Antarctic Gateway” emphasising its uniqueness and “natural advantages” in this regard (Tasmanian Government, 2016). In practice, the cities are automatically differentiated by their geographic position with respect to Antarctica. Although the ‘ice continent’ is often conceived as one entity, it too has regions, in both scientific and geographical senses (Terauds and Lee; Antonello). Hobart provides access to parts of East Antarctica, where the Australian, French, Japanese, and Chinese programs (among others) have bases; Cape Town is a useful access point for Europeans going to Dronning Maud Land; Christchurch is closest to the Ross Sea region, site of the largest US base; and Punta Arenas and Ushuaia neighbour the Antarctic Peninsula, home to numerous bases as well as a thriving tourist industry.The Antarctic sector is important to the Tasmanian economy, contributing $186 million (AUD) in 2017/18 (Wells; Gutwein; Tasmanian Polar Network). Unsurprisingly, Tasmania’s gateway brand has been actively promoted, with the 2016 Australian Antarctic Strategy and 20 Year Action Plan foregrounding the need to “Build Tasmania’s status as the premier East Antarctic Gateway for science and operations” and the state government releasing a “Tasmanian Antarctic Gateway Strategy” in 2017. The Chinese Antarctic program has been a particular focus: a Memorandum of Understanding focussed on Australia and China’s Antarctic relations includes a “commitment to utilise Australia, including Tasmania, as an Antarctic ‘gateway’.” (Australian Antarctic Division). These efforts towards a closer relationship with China have more recently come under attack as part of a questioning of China’s interests in the region (without, it should be noted, a concomitant questioning of Australia’s own considerable interests) (Baker 9). In these exchanges, a global power and a state of Australia generally classed as regional and peripheral are brought into direct contact via the even more remote Antarctic region. This connection was particularly visible when Chinese President Xi Jinping travelled to Hobart in 2014, in a visit described as both “strategic” and “incongruous” (Burden). There can be differences in how this relationship is narrated to domestic and international audiences, with issues of sovereignty and international cooperation variously foregrounded, laying the ground for what Dodds terms “awkward Antarctic nationalism” (1).Territory and ConnectionsThe awkwardness comes to a head in Tasmania, where domestic and international views of connections with the far south collide. Australia claims sovereignty over almost 6 million km2 of the Antarctic continent—a claim that in area is “roughly the size of mainland Australia minus Queensland” (Bergin). This geopolitical context elevates the importance of a regional part of Australia: the claims to Antarctic territory (which are recognised only by four other claimant nations) are performed not only in Antarctic localities, where they are made visible “with paraphernalia such as maps, flags, and plaques” (Salazar 55), but also in Tasmania, particularly in Hobart and surrounds. A replica of Mawson’s Huts in central Hobart makes Australia’s historic territorial interests in Antarctica visible an urban setting, foregrounding the figure of Douglas Mawson, the well-known Australian scientist and explorer who led the expeditions that proclaimed Australia’s sovereignty in the region of the continent roughly to its south (Leane et al.). Tasmania is caught in a balancing act, as it fosters international Antarctic connections (such hosting vessels from other national programs), while also playing a key role in administering what is domestically referred to as the Australian Antarctic Territory. The rhetoric of protection can offer common ground: island studies scholar Godfrey Baldacchino notes that as island narratives have moved “away from the perspective of the ‘explorer-discoverer-colonist’” they have been replaced by “the perspective of the ‘custodian-steward-environmentalist’” (49), but reminds readers that a colonising disposition still lurks beneath the surface. It must be remembered that terms such as “stewardship” and “leadership” can undertake sovereignty labour (Dodds “Awkward”), and that Tasmania’s Antarctic connections can be mobilised for a range of purposes. When Environment Minister Greg Hunt proclaimed at a press conference that: “Hobart is the gateway to the Antarctic for the future” (26 Apr. 2016), the remark had meaning within discourses of both sovereignty and economics. Tasmania’s capital was leveraged as a way to position Australia as a leader in the Antarctic arena.From ‘Gateway’ to ‘Antarctic City’While discussion of Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities often focuses on the economic and logistical benefit of their Antarctic connections, Hobart’s “gateway” identity, like those of its counterparts, stretches well beyond this, encompassing geological, climatic, historical, political, cultural and scientific links. Even the southerly wind, according to cartoonist Jon Kudelka, “has penguins in it” (Image 3). Hobart residents feel a high level of connection to Antarctica. In 2018, a survey of 300 randomly selected residents of Greater Hobart was conducted under the umbrella of the “Antarctic Cities” Australian Research Council Linkage Project led by Assoc. Prof. Juan Francisco Salazar (and involving all three present authors). Fourteen percent of respondents reported having been involved in an economic activity related to Antarctica, and 36% had attended a cultural event about Antarctica. Connections between the southern continent and Hobart were recognised as important: 71.9% agreed that “people in my city can influence the cultural meanings that shape our relationship to Antarctica”, while 90% agreed or strongly agreed that Hobart should play a significant role as a custodian of Antarctica’s future, and 88.4% agreed or strongly agreed that: “How we treat Antarctica is a test of our approach to ecological sustainability.” Image 3: “The Southerly” Demonstrates How Weather Connects Hobart and Antarctica. Image Credit: Jon Kudelka, Reproduced with Permission.Hobart, like the other gateways, activates these connections in its conscious place-branding. The city is particularly strong as a centre of Antarctic research: signs at the cruise-ship terminal on the waterfront claim that “There are more Antarctic scientists based in Hobart […] than at any other one place on earth, making Hobart a globally significant contributor to our understanding of Antarctica and the Southern Ocean.” Researchers are based at the Institute for Marine and Antarctic Studies (IMAS), the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), and the Australian Antarctic Division (AAD), with several working between institutions. Many Antarctic researchers located elsewhere in the world also have a connection with the place through affiliations and collaborations, leading journalist Jo Chandler to assert that “the breadth and depth of Hobart’s knowledge of ice, water, and the life forms they nurture […] is arguably unrivalled anywhere in the world” (86).Hobart also plays a significant role in Antarctica’s governance, as the site of the secretariats for the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR) and the Agreement on the Conservation of Albatrosses and Petrels (ACAP), and as host of the Antarctic Consultative Treaty Meetings on more than one occasion (1986, 2012). The cultural domain is active, with Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery (TMAG) featuring a permanent exhibit, “Islands to Ice”, emphasising the ocean as connecting the two places; the Mawson’s Huts Replica Museum aiming (among other things) to “highlight Hobart as the gateway to the Antarctic continent for the Asia Pacific region”; and a biennial Australian Antarctic Festival drawing over twenty thousand visitors, about a sixth of them from interstate or overseas (Hingley). Antarctic links are evident in the city’s natural and built environment: the dolerite columns of Mt Wellington, the statue of the Tasmanian Antarctic explorer Louis Bernacchi on the waterfront, and the wharfs that regularly accommodate icebreakers such as the Aurora Australis and the Astrolabe. Antarctica is figured as a southern neighbour; as historian Tom Griffiths puts it, Tasmanians “grow up with Antarctica breathing down their necks” (5). As an Antarctic City, Hobart mediates access to Antarctica both physically and in the cultural imaginary.Perhaps in recognition of the diverse ways in which a region or a city might be connected to Antarctica, researchers have recently been suggesting critical approaches to the ‘gateway’ label. C. Michael Hall points to a fuzziness in the way the term is applied, noting that it has drifted from its initial definition (drawn from economic geography) as denoting an access and supply point to a hinterland that produces a certain level of economic benefits. While Hall looks to keep the term robustly defined to avoid empty “local boosterism” (272–73), Gabriela Roldan aims to move the concept “beyond its function as an entry and exit door”, arguing that, among other things, the local community should be actively engaged in the Antarctic region (57). Leane, examining the representation of Hobart as a gateway in historical travel texts, concurs that “ingress and egress” are insufficient descriptors of Tasmania’s relationship with Antarctica, suggesting that at least discursively the island is positioned as “part of an Antarctic rim, itself sharing qualities of the polar region” (45). The ARC Linkage Project described above, supported by the Hobart City Council, the State Government and the University of Tasmania, as well as other national and international partners, aims to foster the idea of the Hobart and its counterparts as ‘Antarctic cities’ whose citizens act as custodians for the South Polar region, with a genuine concern for and investment in its future.Near and Far: Local Perspectives A changing climate may once again herald a shift in the identity of the Tasmanian islands. Recognition of the central role of Antarctica in regulating the global climate has generated scientific and political re-evaluation of the region. Antarctica is not only the planet’s largest heat sink but is the engine of global water currents and wind patterns that drive weather patterns and biodiversity across the world (Convey et al. 543). For example, Tas van Ommen’s research into Antarctic glaciology shows the tangible connection between increased snowfall in coastal East Antarctica and patterns of drought southwest Western Australia (van Ommen and Morgan). Hobart has become a global centre of marine and Antarctic science, bringing investment and development to the city. As the global climate heats up, Tasmania—thanks to its low latitude and southerly weather patterns—is one of the few regions in Australia likely to remain temperate. This is already leading to migration from the mainland that is impacting house prices and rental availability (Johnston; Landers 1). The region’s future is therefore closely entangled with its proximity to the far south. Salazar writes that “we cannot continue to think of Antarctica as the end of the Earth” (67). Shifting Antarctica into focus also brings Tasmania in from the margins. As an Antarctic city, Hobart assumes a privileged positioned on the global stage. This allows the city to present itself as central to international research efforts—in contrast to domestic views of the place as a small regional capital. The city inhabits dual identities; it is both on the periphery of Australian concerns and at the centre of Antarctic activity. Tasmania, then, is not in freefall, but rather at the forefront of a push to recognise Antarctica as entangled with its neighbours to the north.AcknowledgementsThis work was supported by the Australian Research Council under LP160100210.ReferencesAntonello, Alessandro. “Finding Place in Antarctica.” Antarctica and the Humanities. Eds. Peder Roberts, Lize-Marie van der Watt, and Adrian Howkins. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. 181–204.Australian Government. 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In the 2019 documentary Chasing Happiness, recording artist/musician Joe Jonas tells audiences that the band was “living the dream”. Similarly, in the 2012 documentary Artifact, lead singer Jared Leto remarks that at the height of Thirty Seconds to Mars’s success, they “were living the dream”. However, for both the Jonas Brothers and Thirty Seconds to Mars, their experiences of the music industry (much like other commercially successful recording artists) soon transformed into nightmares. Similar to other commercially successful recording artists, the Jonas Brothers and Thirty Seconds to Mars, came up against the constraints of the industry which inevitably led to a forfeiting of authenticity, a loss of creative control, increased exploitation, and unequal remuneration. This work will consider how working in the music industry is not always a dream come true and can instead be viewed as a proverbial nightmare. Living the DreamIn his book Dreams, Carl Gustav Jung discusses how that which is experienced in sleep, speaks of a person’s wishes: that which might be desired in reality but may not actually happen. In his earlier work, The Interpretation of Dreams, Freud argued that the dream is representative of fulfilling a repressed wish. However, the creative industries suggest that a dream need not be a repressed wish; it can become a reality. Jon Bon Jovi believes that his success in the music industry has surpassed his wildest dreams (Atkinson). Jennifer Lopez considers the fact that she held big dreams, had a focussed passion, and strong aspirations the reason why she pursued a creative career that took her out of the Bronx (Thomas). In a Twitter post from 23 April 2018, Bruno Mars declared that he “use [sic] to dream of this shit,” in referring to a picture of him performing for a sold out arena, while in 2019 Shawn Mendes informed his 24.4 million Twitter followers that his “life is a dream”. These are but a few examples of successful music industry artists who are seeing their ‘wishes’ come true and living the American Dream.Endemic to the American culture (and a characteristic of the identity of the country) is the “American Dream”. It centres on “a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for every man, with opportunity for each according to his ability and achievement” (Adams, 404). Although initially used to describe having a nice house, money, stability and a reasonable standard of living, the American Dream has since evolved to what the scholar Florida believes is the new ‘aspiration of people’: doing work that is enjoyable and relies on human creativity. At its core, the original American Dream required striving to meet individual goals, and was promoted as possible for anyone regardless of their cultural, socio-economic and political background (Samuel), because it encourages the celebrating of the self and personal uniqueness (Gamson). Florida’s conceptualisation of the New American dream, however, tends to emphasise obtaining success, fame and fortune in what Neff, Wissinger, and Zukin (310) consider “hot”, “creative” industries where “the jobs are cool”.Whether old or new, the American Dream has perpetuated and reinforced celebrity culture, with many of the young generation reporting that fame and fortune were their priorities, as they sought to emulate the success of their famous role models (Florida). The rag to riches stories of iconic recording artists can inevitably glorify and make appealing the struggle that permits achieving one’s dream, with celebrities offering young, aspiring creative people a means of identification for helping them to aspire to meet their dreams (Florida; Samuel). For example, a young Demi Lovato spoke of how she idolised and looked up to singer Beyonce Knowles, describing Knowles as a role model because of the way she carries herself (Tishgart). Similarly, American Idol winner Kelly Clarkson cited Aretha Franklin as her musical inspiration and the reason that she sings from a place deep within (Nilles). It is unsurprising then, that popular media has tended to portray artists working in the creative industries and being paid to follow their passions as “a much-vaunted career dream” (Duffy and Wissinger, 4656). Movies such as A Star Is Born (2018), The Coal Miner’s Daughter (1980), Dreamgirls (2006), Begin Again (2013) and La La Land (2016) exalt the perception that creativity, talent, sacrifice and determination will mean dreams come true (Nicolaou). In concert with the American dream is the drive among creative people pursuing creative success to achieve their dreams because of the perceived autonomy they will gain, the chance of self-actualisation and social rewards, and the opportunity to fulfil intrinsic motivations (Amabile; Auger and Woodman; Cohen). For these workers, the love of creation and the happiness that accompanies new discoveries (Csikszentmihalyi) can offset the tight budgets and timelines, precarious labour (Blair, Grey, and Randle; Hesmondhalgh and Baker), uncertain demand (Caves; Shultz), sacrifice of personal relationships (Eikhof and Haunschild), the demand for high quality products (Gil & Spiller), and the tense relationships with administrators (Bilton) which are known to plague these industries. In some cases, young, up and coming creative people overlook these pitfalls, instead romanticising creative careers as ideal and worthwhile. They willingly take on roles and cede control to big corporations to “realize their passions [and] uncover their personal talent” (Bill, 50). Of course, as Ursell argues in discussing television employees, such idealisation can mean creatives, especially those who are young and unfamiliar with the constraints of the industry, end up immersed in and victims of the “vampiric” industry that exploits workers (816). They are socialised towards believing, in this case, that the record label is a necessary component to obtain fame and fortune and whether willing or unwilling, creative workers become complicit in their own exploitation (Cohen). Loss of Control and No CompensationThe music industry itself has been considered by some to typify the cultural industries (Chambers). Popular music has potency in that it is perceived as speaking a universal language (Burnett), engaging the emotions and thoughts of listeners, and assisting in their identity construction (Burnett; Gardikiotis and Baltzis). Given the place of music within society, it is not surprising that in 2018, the global music industry was worth US$19.1billion (IFPI). The music industry is necessarily underpinned by a commercial agenda. At present, six major recording companies exist and between them, they own between 70-80 per cent of the recordings produced globally (Konsor). They also act as gatekeepers, setting trends by defining what and who is worth following and listening to (Csikszentmihalyi; Jones, Anand, and Alvarez). In essence, to be successful in the music industry is to be affiliated with a record label. This is because the highly competitive nature and cluttered environment makes it harder to gain traction in the market without worthwhile representation (Moiso and Rockman). In the 2012 documentary about Thirty Seconds to Mars, Artifact, front man Jared Leto even questions whether it is possible to have “success without a label”. The recording company, he determines, “deal with the crappy jobs”. In a financially uncertain industry that makes money from subjective or experience-based goods (Caves), having a label affords an artist access to “economic capital for production and promotion” that enables “wider recognition” of creative work (Scott, 239). With the support of a record label, creative entrepreneurs are given the chance to be promoted and distributed in the creative marketplace (Scott; Shultz). To have a record label, then, is to be perceived as legitimate and credible (Shultz).However, the commercial music industry is just that, commercial. Accordingly, the desire to make money can see the intrinsic desires of musicians forfeited in favour of standardised products and a lack of remuneration for artists (Negus). To see this standardisation in practice, one need not look further than those contestants appearing on shows such as American Idol or The Voice. Nowhere is the standardisation of the music industry more evident than in Holmes’s 2004 article on Pop Idol. Pop Idol first aired in Britain from 2001-2003 and paved the way for a slew of similar shows around the world such as Australia’s Popstars Live in 2004 and the global Idol phenomena. According to Holmes, audiences are divested of the illusion of talent and stardom when they witness the obvious manufacturing of musical talent. The contestants receive training, are dressed according to a prescribed image, and the show emphasises those melodramatic moments that are commercially enticing to audiences. Her sentiments suggest these shows emphasise the artifice of the music industry by undermining artistic authenticity in favour of generating celebrities. The standardisation is typified in the post Idol careers of Kelly Clarkson and Adam Lambert. Kelly Clarkson parted with the recording company RCA when her manager and producer Clive Davis told her that her album My December (2007) was “not commercial enough” and that Clarkson, who had written most of the songs, was a “shitty writer… who should just shut up and sing” (Nied). Adam Lambert left RCA because they wanted him to make a full length 80s album comprised of covers. Lambert commented that, “while there are lots of great songs from that decade, my heart is simply not in doing a covers album” (Lee). In these instances, winning the show and signing contracts led to both Clarkson and Lambert forfeiting a degree of creative control over their work in favour of formulaic songs that ultimately left both artists unsatisfied. The standardisation and lack of remuneration is notable when signing recording artists to 360° contracts. These 360° contracts have become commonplace in the music industry (Gulchardaz, Bach, and Penin) and see both the material and immaterial labour (such as personal identities) of recording artists become controlled by record labels (Stahl and Meier). These labels determine the aesthetics of the musicians as well as where and how frequently they tour. Furthermore, the labels become owners of any intellectual property generated by an artist during the tenure of the contract (Sanders; Stahl and Meier). For example, in their documentary Show Em What You’re Made Of (2015), the Backstreet Boys lament their affiliation with manager Lou Pearlman. Not only did Pearlman manufacture the group in a way that prevented creative exploration by the members (Sanders), but he withheld profits to the point that the Backstreet Boys had to sue Pearlman in order to gain access to money they deserved. In 2002 the members of the Backstreet Boys had stated that “it wasn’t our destinies that we had to worry about in the past, it was our souls” (Sanders, 541). They were not writing their own music, which came across in the documentary Show Em What You’re Made Of when singer Howie Dorough demanded that if they were to collaborate as a group again in 2013, that everything was to be produced, managed and created by the five group members. Such a demand speaks to creative individuals being tied to their work both personally and emotionally (Bain). The angst encountered by music artists also signals the identity dissonance and conflict felt when they are betraying their true or authentic creative selves (Ashforth and Mael; Ashforth and Humphrey). Performing and abiding by the rules and regulations of others led to frustration because the members felt they were “being passed off as something we aren’t” (Sanders 539). The Backstreet Boys were not the only musicians who were intensely controlled and not adequately compensated by Pearlman. In the documentary The Boy Band Con: The Lou Pearlman Story 2019, Lance Bass of N*Sync and recording artist Aaron Carter admitted that the experience of working with Pearlman became a nightmare when they too, were receiving cheques that were so small that Bass describes them as making his heart sink. For these groups, the dream of making music was undone by contracts that stifled creativity and paid a pittance.In a similar vein, Thirty Seconds to Mars sought to cut ties with their record label when they felt that they were not being adequately compensated for their work. In retaliation EMI issued Mars with a US$30 million lawsuit for breach of contract. The tense renegotiations that followed took a toll on the creative drive of the group. At one point in the documentary Artifact (2012), Leto claims “I can’t sing it right now… You couldn’t pay me all the money in the world to sing this song the way it needs to be sung right now. I’m not ready”. The contract subordination (Phillips; Stahl and Meier) that had led to the need to renegotiate financial terms came at not only a financial cost to the band, but also a physical and emotional one. The negativity impacted the development of the songs for the new album. To make music requires evoking necessary and appropriate emotions in the recording studio (Wood, Duffy, and Smith), so Leto being unable to deliver the song proved problematic. Essentially, the stress of the lawsuit and negotiations damaged the motivation of the band (Amabile; Elsbach and Hargadon; Hallowell) and interfered with their creative approach, which could have produced standardised and poor quality work (Farr and Ford). The dream of making music was almost lost because of the EMI lawsuit. Young creatives often lack bargaining power when entering into contracts with corporations, which can prove disadvantaging when it comes to retaining control over their lives (Phillips; Stahl and Meier). Singer Demi Lovato’s big break came in the 2008 Disney film Camp Rock. As her then manager Phil McIntyre states in the documentary Simply Complicated (2017), Camp Rock was “perceived as the vehicle to becoming a superstar … overnight she became a household name”. However, as “authentic and believable” as Lovato’s edginess appeared, the speed with which her success came took a toll on Lovato. The pressure she experienced having to tour, write songs that were approved by others, star in Disney channel shows and movies, and look a certain way, became too much and to compensate, Lovato engaged in regular drug use to feel free. Accordingly, she developed a hybrid identity to ensure that the squeaky clean image required by the moral clauses of her contract, was not tarnished by her out-of-control lifestyle. The nightmare came from becoming famous at a young age and not being able to handle the expectations that accompanied it, coupled with a stringent contract that exploited her creative talent. Lovato’s is not a unique story. Research has found that musicians are more inclined than those in other workforces to use psychotherapy and psychotropic drugs (Vaag, Bjørngaard, and Bjerkeset) and that fame and money can provide musicians more opportunities to take risks, including drug-use that leads to mortality (Bellis, Hughes, Sharples, Hennell, and Hardcastle). For Lovato, living the dream at a young age ultimately became overwhelming with drugs her only means of escape. AuthenticityThe challenges then for music artists is that the dream of pursuing music can come at the cost of a musician’s authentic self. According to Hughes, “to be authentic is to be in some sense real and true to something ... It is not simply an imitation, but it is sincere, real, true, and original expression of its creator, and is believable or credible representations or example of what it appears to be” (190). For Nick Jonas of the Jonas Brothers, being in the spotlight and abiding by the demands of Disney was “non-stop” and prevented his personal and musical growth (Chasing Happiness). As Kevin Jonas put it, Nick “wanted the Jonas Brothers to be no more”. The extensive promotion that accompanies success and fame, which is designed to drive celebrity culture and financial motivations (Currid-Halkett and Scott; King), can lead to cynical performances and dissatisfaction (Hughes) if the identity work of the creative creates a disjoin between their perceived self and aspirational self (Beech, Gilmore, Cochrane, and Greig). Promoting the band (and having to film a television show and movies he was not invested in all because of contractual obligations) impacted on Nick’s authentic self to the point that the Jonas Brothers made him feel deeply upset and anxious. For Nick, being stifled creatively led to feeling inauthentic, thereby resulting in the demise of the band as his only recourse.In her documentary Gaga: Five Foot Two (2017), Lady Gaga discusses the extent she had to go to maintain a sense of authenticity in response to producer control. As she puts it, “when producers wanted me to be sexy, I always put some absurd spin on it, that made me feel like I was still in control”. Her words reaffirm the perception amongst scholars (Currid-Halkett and Scott; King; Meyers) that in playing the information game, industry leaders will construct an artist’s persona in ways that are most beneficial for, in this case, the record label. That will mean, for example, establishing a coherent life story for musicians that endears them to audiences and engaging recording artists in co-branding opportunities to raise their profile and to legitimise them in the marketplace. Such behaviour can potentially influence the preferences and purchases of audiences and fans, can create favourability, originality and clarity around artists (Loroz and Braig), and can establish competitive advantage that leads to producers being able to charge higher prices for the artists’ work (Hernando and Campo). But what impact does that have on the musician? Lady Gaga could not continue living someone else’s dream. She found herself needing to make changes in order to avoid quitting music altogether. As Gaga told a class of university students at the Emotion Revolution Summit hosted by Yale University:I don’t like being used to make people money. It feels sad when I am overworked and that I have just become a money-making machine and that my passion and creativity take a backseat. That makes me unhappy.According to Eikof and Haunschild, economic necessity can threaten creative motivation. Gaga’s reaction to the commercial demands of the music industry signal an identity conflict because her desire to create, clashed with the need to be commercial, with the outcome imposing “inconsistent demands upon” her (Ashforth and Mael, 29). Therefore, to reduce what could be considered feelings of dissonance and inconsistency (Ashforth and Mael; Ashforth and Humphrey) Gaga started saying “no” to prevent further loss of her identity and sense of authentic self. Taking back control could be seen as a means of reorienting her dream and overcoming what had become dissatisfaction with the commercial processes of the music industry. ConclusionsFor many creatives working in the creative industries – and specifically the music industry – is constructed as a dream come true; the working conditions and expectations experienced by recording artists are far from liberating and instead can become nightmares to which they want to escape. The case studies above, although likely ‘constructed’ retellings of the unfortunate circumstances encountered working in the music industry, nevertheless offer an inside account that contradicts the prevailing ideology that pursuing creative passions leads to a dream career (Florida; Samuel). If anything, the case studies explored above involving 30 Seconds to Mars, the Jonas Brothers, Lady Gaga, Kelly Clarkson, Adam Lambert and the Backstreet Boys, acknowledge what many scholars writing in the creative industries have already identified; that exploitation, subordination, identity conflict and loss of control are the unspoken or lesser known consequences of pursuing the creative dream. That said, the conundrum for creatives is that for success in the industry big “creative” businesses, such as recording labels, are still considered necessary in order to break into the market and to have prolonged success. This is simply because their resources far exceed those at the disposal of independent and up-and-coming creative entrepreneurs. Therefore, it can be argued that this friction of need between creative industry business versus artists will be on-going leading to more of these ‘dream to nightmare’ stories. The struggle will continue manifesting in the relationship between business and artist for long as the recording artists fight for greater equality, independence of creativity and respect for their work, image and identities. 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As a scholarly discourse, transmedia storytelling relies heavily on conservative constructions of authorship that laud corporate architects and patriarchs such as George Lucas and J.J. Abrams as exemplars of “the creator.” This piece argues that transmedia theory works to construct patriarchal ideals of individual authorship to the detriment of alternative conceptions of transmediality, storyworlds, and authorship. The genesis for this piece was our struggle to find a transmedia storyworld that we were both familiar with, that also qualifies as “legitimate” transmedia in the eyes of our prospective scholarly readers. After trying to wrangle our various interests, fandoms, and areas of expertise into harmony, we realized we were exerting more effort in this process of validating stories as transmedia than actually examining how stories spread across various platforms, how they make meanings, and what kinds of pleasures they offer audiences. Authorship is a definitive criterion of transmedia storytelling theory; it is also an academic red herring. We were initially interested in investigating the possible overdeterminations between the healthcare industry and Breaking Bad (2008-2013). The series revolves around a high school chemistry teacher who launches a successful meth empire as a way to pay for his cancer treatments that a dysfunctional US healthcare industry refuses to fund. We wondered if the success of the series and the timely debates on healthcare raised in its reception prompted any PR response from or discussion among US health insurers. However, our concern was that this dynamic among medical and media industries would not qualify as transmedia because these exchanges were not authored by Vince Gilligan or any of the credited creators of Breaking Bad. Yet, why shouldn’t such interfaces between the “real world” and media fiction count as part of the transmedia story that is Breaking Bad? Most stories are, in some shape or form, transmedia stories at this stage, and transmedia theory acknowledges there is a long history to this kind of practice (Freeman). Let’s dispense with restrictive definitions of transmediality and turn attention to how storytelling behaves in a digital era, that is, the processes of creating, disseminating and amending stories across many different media, the meanings and forms such media and communications produce, and the pleasures they offer audiences.Can we think about how health insurance companies responded to Breaking Bad in terms of transmedia storytelling? Defining Transmedia Storytelling via AuthorshipThe scholarly concern with defining transmedia storytelling via a strong focus on authorship has traced slight distinctions between seriality, franchising, adaptation and transmedia storytelling (Jenkins, “Transmedia Storytelling;” Johnson, “Media Franchising”). However, the theoretical discourse on authorship itself and these discussions of the tensions between forms are underwritten by a gendered bias. Indeed, the very concept of transmediality may be a gendered backlash against the rising prominence of seriality as a historically feminised mode of storytelling, associated with television and serial novels.Even with the move towards traditionally lowbrow, feminized forms of trans-serial narrative, the majority of academic and popular criticism of transmedia storytelling reproduces and reinstates narratives of male-centred, individual authorship that are historically descended from theorizations of the auteur. Auteur theory, which is still considered a legitimate analytical framework today, emerged in postwar theorizations of Hollywood film by French critics, most prominently in the journal Cahiers du Cinema, and at the nascence of film theory as a field (Cook). Auteur theory surfaced as a way to conceptualise aesthetic variation and value within the Fordist model of the Hollywood studio system (Cook). Directors were identified as the ultimate author or “creative source” if a film sufficiently fitted a paradigm of consistent “vision” across their oeuvre, and they were thus seen as artists challenging the commercialism of the studio system (Cook). In this way, classical auteur theory draws a dichotomy between art and authorship on one side and commerce and corporations on the other, strongly valorising the former for its existence within an industrial context dominated by the latter. In recent decades, auteurist notions have spread from film scholarship to pervade popular discourses of media authorship. Even though transmedia production inherently disrupts notions of authorship by diffusing the act of creation over many different media platforms and texts, much of the scholarship disproportionately chooses to vex over authorship in a manner reminiscent of classical auteur theory.In scholarly terms, a chief distinction between serial storytelling and transmedia storytelling lies in how authorship is constructed in relation to the text: serial storytelling has long been understood as relying on distributed authorship (Hilmes), but transmedia storytelling reveres the individual mastermind, or the master architect who plans and disseminates the storyworld across platforms. Henry Jenkins’ definition of transmedia storytelling is multifaceted and includes, “the systematic dispersal of multiple textual elements across many channels, which reflects the synergies of media conglomeration, based on complex story-worlds, and coordinated authorial design of integrated elements” (Jenkins, “Transmedia Storytelling”). Jenkins is perhaps the most pivotal figure in developing transmedia studies in the humanities to date and a key reference point for most scholars working in this subfield.A key limitation of Jenkins’ definition of transmedia storytelling is its emphasis on authorship, which persists in wider scholarship on transmedia storytelling. Jenkins focuses on the nature of authorship as a key characteristic of transmedia productions that distinguishes them from other kinds of intertextual and serial stories:Because transmedia storytelling requires a high degree of coordination across the different media sectors, it has so far worked best either in independent projects where the same artist shapes the story across all of the media involved or in projects where strong collaboration (or co-creation) is encouraged across the different divisions of the same company. (Jenkins, “Transmedia Storytelling”)Since the texts under discussion are commonly large in their scale, budget, and the number of people employed, it is reductive to credit particular individuals for this work and implicitly dismiss the authorial contributions of many others. Elaborating on the foundation set by Jenkins, Matthew Freeman uses Foucauldian concepts to describe two “author-functions” focused on the role of an author in defining the transmedia text itself and in marketing it (Freeman 36-38). Scott, Evans, Hills, and Hadas similarly view authorial branding as a symbolic industrial strategy significant to transmedia storytelling. Interestingly, M.J. Clarke identifies the ways transmedia television texts invite audiences to imagine a central mastermind, but also thwart and defer this impulse. Ultimately, Freeman argues that identifiable and consistent authorship is a defining characteristic of transmedia storytelling (Freeman 37), and Suzanne Scott argues that transmedia storytelling has “intensified the author’s function” from previous eras (47).Industry definitions of transmediality similarly position authorship as central to transmedia storytelling, and Jenkins’ definition has also been widely mobilised in industry discussions (Jenkins, “Transmedia” 202). This is unsurprising, because defining authorial roles has significant monetary value in terms of remuneration and copyright. In speaking to the Producers Guild of America, Jeff Gomez enumerated eight defining characteristics of transmedia production, the very first of which is, “Content is originated by one or a very few visionaries” (PGA Blog). Gomez’s talk was part of an industry-driven bid to have “Transmedia Producer” recognised by the trade associations as a legitimate and significant role; Gomez was successful and is now recognised as a transmedia producer. Nevertheless, his talk of “visionaries” not only situates authorship as central to transmedia production, but constructs authorship in very conservative, almost hagiographical terms. Indeed, Leora Hadas analyses the function of Joss Whedon’s authorship of Marvel's Agents of S.H.I.E.L.D (2013-) as a branding mechanism and argues that authors are becoming increasingly visible brands associated with transmedia stories.Such a discourse of authorship constructs individual figures as artists and masterminds, in an idealised manner that has been strongly critiqued in the wake of poststructuralism. It even recalls tired scholarly endeavours of divining authorial intention. Unsurprisingly, the figures valorised for their transmedia authorship are predominantly men; the scholarly emphasis on authorship thus reinforces the biases of media industries. Further, it idolises these figures at the expense of unacknowledged and under-celebrated female writers, directors and producers, as well as those creative workers labouring “below the line” in areas like production design, art direction, and special effects. Far from critiquing the biases of industry, academic discourse legitimises and lauds them.We hope that scholarship on transmedia storytelling might instead work to open up discourses of creation, production, authorship, and collaboration. For a story to qualify as transmedia is it even necessary to have an identifiable author? Transmedia texts and storyworlds can be genuinely collaborative or authorless creations, in which the harmony of various creators’ intentions may be unnecessary or even undesirable. Further, industry and academics alike often overlook examples of transmedia storytelling that might be considered “lowbrow.” For example, transmedia definitions should include Antonella the Uncensored Reviewer, a relatively small-scale, forty-something, plus size, YouTube channel producer whose persona is dispersed across multiple formats including beauty product reviews, letter writing, as well as interactive sex advice live casts. What happens when we blur the categories of author, celebrity, brand, and narrative in scholarship? We argue that these roles are substantially blurred in media industries in which authors like J.J. Abrams share the limelight with their stars as well as their corporate affiliations, and all “brands” are sutured to the storyworld text. These various actors all shape and are shaped by the narrative worlds they produce in an author-storyworld nexus, in which authorship includes all people working to produce the storyworld as well as the corporation funding it. Authorship never exists inside the limits of a single, male mind. Rather it is a field of relations among various players and stakeholders. While there is value in delineating between these roles for purposes of analysis and scholarly discussion, we should acknowledge that in the media industry, the roles of various stakeholders are increasingly porous.The current academic discourse of transmedia storytelling reconstructs old social biases and hierarchies in contexts where they might be most vulnerable to breakdown. Scott argues that,despite their potential to demystify and democratize authorship between producers and consumers, transmedia stories tend to reinforce boundaries between ‘official’ and ‘unauthorized’ forms of narrative expansion through the construction of a single author/textual authority figure. (44)Significantly, we suggest that it is the theorisation of transmedia storytelling that reinforces (or in fact constructs anew) an idealised author figure.The gendered dimension of the scholarly distinction between serialised (or trans-serial) and transmedial storytelling builds on a long history in the arts and the academy alike. In fact, an important precursor of transmedia narratives is the serialized novel of the Victorian era. The literature of Charlotte Brontë, George Eliot and Harriet Beecher Stowe was published in serial form and among the most widely read of the Victorian era in Western culture (Easley; Flint 21; Hilmes). Yet, these novels are rarely given proportional credit in what is popularly taught as the Western literary canon. The serial storytelling endemic to television as a medium has similarly been historically dismissed and marginalized as lowbrow and feminine (at least until the recent emergence of notions of the industrial role of the “showrunner” and the critical concept of “quality television”). Joanne Morreale outlines how trans-serial television examples, like The Dick Van Dyke Show, which spread their storyworlds across a number of different television programs, offer important precursors to today’s transmedia franchises (Morreale). In television’s nascent years, the anthology plays of the 1940s and 50s, which were discrete, unconnected hour-length stories, were heralded as cutting-edge, artistic and highbrow while serial narrative forms like the soap opera were denigrated (Boddy 80-92). Crucially, these anthology plays were largely created by and aimed at males, whereas soap operas were often created by and targeted to female audiences. The gendered terms in which various genres and modes of storytelling are discussed have implications for the value assigned to them in criticism, scholarship and culture more broadly (Hilmes; Kuhn; Johnson, “Devaluing”). Transmedia theory, as a scholarly discourse, betrays similarly gendered leanings as early television criticism, in valorising forms of transmedia narration that favour a single, male-bodied, and all-powerful author or corporation, such as George Lucas, Jim Henson or Marvel Comics.George Lucas is often depicted in scholarly and popular discourses as a headstrong transmedia auteur, as in the South Park episode ‘The China Problem’ (2008)A Circle of Men: Fans, Creators, Stories and TheoristsInterestingly, scholarly discourse on transmedia even betrays these gendered biases when exploring the engagement and activity of audiences in relation to transmedia texts. Despite the definitional emphasis on authorship, fan cultures have been a substantial topic of investigation in scholarly studies of transmedia storytelling, with many scholars elevating fans to the status of author, exploring the apparent blurring of these boundaries, and recasting the terms of these relationships (Scott; Dena; Pearson; Stein). Most notably, substantial scholarly attention has traced how transmedia texts cultivate a masculinized, “nerdy” fan culture that identifies with the male-bodied, all-powerful author or corporation (Brooker, Star Wars, Using; Jenkins, Convergence). Whether idealising the role of the creators or audiences, transmedia theory reinforces gendered hierarchies. Star Wars (1977-) is a pivotal corporate transmedia franchise that significantly shaped the convergent trajectory of media industries in the 20th century. As such it is also an anchor point for transmedia scholarship, much of which lauds and legitimates the creative work of fans. However, in focusing so heavily on the macho power struggle between George Lucas and Star Wars fans for authorial control over the storyworld, scholarship unwittingly reinstates Lucas’s status as sole creator rather than treating Star Wars’ authorship as inherently diffuse and porous.Recent fan activity surrounding animated adult science-fiction sitcom Rick and Morty (2013-) further demonstrates the macho culture of transmedia fandom in practice and its fascination with male authors. The animated series follows the intergalactic misadventures of a scientific genius and his grandson. Inspired by a seemingly inconsequential joke on the show, some of its fans began to fetishize a particular, limited-edition fast food sauce. When McDonalds, the actual owner of that sauce, cashed in by promoting the return of its Szechuan Sauce, a macho culture within the show’s fandom reached its zenith in the forms of hostile behaviour at McDonalds restaurants and online (Alexander and Kuchera). Rick and Morty fandom also built a misogynist reputation for its angry responses to the show’s efforts to hire a writer’s room that gave equal representation to women. Rick and Morty trolls doggedly harassed a few of the show’s female writers through 2017 and went so far as to post their private information online (Barsanti). Such gender politics of fan cultures have been the subject of much scholarly attention (Johnson, “Fan-tagonism”), not least in the many conversations hosted on Jenkins’ blog. Gendered performances and readings of fan activity are instrumental in defining and legitimating some texts as transmedia and some creators as masterminds, not only within fandoms but also in the scholarly discourse.When McDonalds promoted the return of their Szechuan Sauce, in response to its mention in the story world of animated sci-fi sitcom Rick and Morty, they contributed to transmedia storytelling.Both Rick and Morty and Star Wars are examples of how masculinist fan cultures, stubborn allegiances to male authorship, and definitions of transmedia converge both in academia and popular culture. While Rick and Morty is, in reality, partly female-authored, much of its media image is still anchored to its two male “creators,” Justin Roiland and Dan Harmon. Particularly in the context of #MeToo feminism, one wonders how much female authorship has been elided from existing storyworlds and, furthermore, what alternative examples of transmedia narration are exempt from current definitions of transmediality.The individual creator is a social construction of scholarship and popular discourse. This imaginary creator bears little relation to the conditions of creation and production of transmedia storyworlds, which are almost always team written and collectively authored. Further, the focus on writing itself elides the significant contributions of many creators such as those in production design (Bevan). Beyond that, what creative credit do focus groups deserve in shaping transmedia stories and their multi-layered, multi-platformed reaches? Is authorship, or even credit, really the concept we, as scholars, want to invest in when studying these forms of narration and mediation?At more symbolic levels, the seemingly exhaustless popular and scholarly appetite for male-bodied authorship persists within storyworlds themselves. The transmedia examples popularly and academically heralded as “seminal” centre on patrimony, patrilineage, and inheritance (i.e. Star Wars [1977-] and The Lord of the Rings [1937-]). Of course, Harry Potter (2001-2009) is an outlier as the celebrification of J.K. Rowling provides a strong example of credited female authorship. However, this example plays out many of the same issues, albeit the franchise is attached to a woman, in that it precludes many of the other creative minds who have helped shape Harry Potter’s world. How many more billions of dollars need we invest in men writing about the mysteries of how other men spread their genetic material across fictional universes? Moreover, transmedia studies remains dominated by academic men geeking out about how fan men geek out about how male creators write about mostly male characters in stories about … men. There are other stories waiting to be told and studied through the practices and theories of transmedia. These stories might be gender-inclusive and collective in ways that challenge traditional notions of authorship, control, rights, origin, and property.Obsession with male authorship, control, rights, origin, paternity and property is recognisible in scholarship on transmedia storytelling, and also symbolically in many of the most heralded examples of transmedia storytelling, such as the Star Wars saga.Prompting Broader DiscussionThis piece urges the development of broader understandings of transmedia storytelling. A range of media scholarship has already begun this work. Jonathan Gray’s book on paratexts offers an important pathway for such scholarship by legitimating ancillary texts, like posters and trailers, that uniquely straddle promotional and feature content platforms (Gray). A wave of scholars productively explores transmedia storytelling with a focus on storyworlds (Scolari; Harvey), often through the lens of narratology (Ryan; Ryan and Thon). Scolari, Bertetti, and Freeman have drawn together a media archaeological approach and a focus on transmedia characters in an innovative way. We hope to see greater proliferation of focuses and perspectives for the study of transmedia storytelling, including investigations that connect fictional and non-fictional worlds and stories, and a more inclusive variety of life experiences.Conversely, new scholarship on media authorship provides fresh directions, models, methods, and concepts for examining the complexity and messiness of this topic. A growing body of scholarship on the functions of media branding is also productive for reconceptualising notions of authorship in transmedia storytelling (Bourdaa; Dehry Kurtz and Bourdaa). Most notably, A Companion to Media Authorship edited by Gray and Derek Johnson productively interrogates relationships between creative processes, collaborative practices, production cultures, industrial structures, legal frameworks, and theoretical approaches around media authorship. Its case studies begin the work of reimagining of the role of authorship in transmedia, and pave the way for further developments (Burnett; Gordon; Hilmes; Stein). In particular, Matt Hills’s case study of how “counter-authorship” was negotiated on Torchwood (2006-2011) opens up new ways of thinking about multiple authorship and the variety of experiences, contributions, credits, and relationships this encompasses. Johnson’s Media Franchising addresses authorship in a complex way through a focus on social interactions, without making it a defining feature of the form; it would be significant to see a similar scholarly treatment of transmedia. At the very least, scholarly attention might turn its focus away from the very patriarchal activity of discussing definitions among a coterie and, instead, study the process of spreadability of male-centred transmedia storyworlds (Jenkins, Ford, and Green). Given that transmedia is not historically unique to the digital age, scholars might instead study how spreadability changes with the emergence of digitality and convergence, rather than pontificating on definitions of adaptation versus transmedia and cinema versus media.We urge transmedia scholars to distance their work from the malignant gender politics endemic to the media industries and particularly global Hollywood. The confluence of gendered agendas in both academia and media industries works to reinforce patriarchal hierarchies. The humanities should offer independent analysis and critique of how media industries and products function, and should highlight opportunities for conceiving of, creating, and treating such media practices and texts in new ways. As such, it is problematic that discourses on transmedia commonly neglect the distinction between what defines transmediality and what constitutes good examples of transmedia. This blurs the boundaries between description and prescription, taxonomy and hierarchy, analysis and evaluation, and definition and taste. Such discourses blinker us to what we might consider to be transmedia, but also to what examples of “good” transmedia storytelling might look like.Transmedia theory focuses disproportionately on authorship. This restricts a comprehensive understanding of transmedia storytelling, limits the lenses we bring to it, obstructs the ways we evaluate transmedia stories, and impedes how we imagine the possibilities for both media and storytelling. Stories have always been transmedial. What changes with the inception of transmedia theory is that men can claim credit for the stories and for all the work that many people do across various sectors and industries. It is questionable whether authorship is important to transmedia, in which creation is most often collective, loosely planned (at best) and diffused across many people, skill sets, and sectors. 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Introduction Documentary film has grown significantly in the past decade, with high profile films such as Fahrenheit 9/11, Supersize Me, and An Inconvenient Truth garnering increased attention both at the box office and in the news media. In addition, the rising prominence of web-based media has provided new opportunities for documentary to create social impact. Films are now typically released with websites, Facebook pages, twitter feeds, and web videos to increase both reach and impact. This combination of technology and broader audience appeal has given rise to a current landscape in which documentary films are imbedded within coordinated multi-media campaigns. New media have not only opened up new avenues for communicating with audiences, they have also created new opportunities for data collection and analysis of film impacts. A recent report by McKinsey and Company highlighted this potential, introducing and discussing the implications of increasing consumer information being recorded on the Internet as well as through networked sensors in the physical world. As they found: "Big data—large pools of data that can be captured, communicated, aggregated, stored, and analyzed—is now part of every sector and function of the global economy" (Manyika et al. iv). This data can be mined to learn a great deal about both individual and cultural response to documentary films and the issues they represent. Although film has a rich history in humanities research, this new set of tools enables an empirical approach grounded in the social sciences. However, several researchers across disciplines have noted that limited investigation has been conducted in this area. Although there has always been an emphasis on social impact in film and many filmmakers and scholars have made legitimate (and possibly illegitimate) claims of impact, few have attempted to empirically justify these claims. Over fifteen years ago, noted film scholar Brian Winston commented that "the underlying assumption of most social documentaries—that they shall act as agents of reform and change—is almost never demonstrated" (236). A decade later, Political Scientist David Whiteman repeated this sentiment, arguing that, "despite widespread speculation about the impact of documentaries, the topic has received relatively little systematic attention" ("Evolving"). And earlier this year, the introduction to a special issue of Mass Communication and Society on documentary film stated, "documentary film, despite its growing influence and many impacts, has mostly been overlooked by social scientists studying the media and communication" (Nisbet and Aufderheide 451). Film has been studied extensively as entertainment, as narrative, and as cultural event, but the study of film as an agent of social change is still in its infancy. This paper introduces a systematic approach to measuring the social impact of documentary film aiming to: (1) discuss the context of documentary film and its potential impact; and (2) argue for a social science approach, discussing key issues about conducting such research. Changes in Documentary Practice Documentary film has been used as a tool for promoting social change throughout its history. John Grierson, who coined the term "documentary" in 1926, believed it could be used to influence the ideas and actions of people in ways once reserved for church and school. He presented his thoughts on this emerging genre in his 1932 essay, First Principles of Documentary, saying, "We believe that the cinema's capacity for getting around, for observing and selecting from life itself, can be exploited in a new and vital art form" (97). Richard Barsam further specified the definition of documentary, distinguishing it from non-fiction film, such that all documentaries are non-fiction films but not all non-fiction films are documentaries. He distinguishes documentary from other forms of non-fiction film (i.e. travel films, educational films, newsreels) by its purpose; it is a film with an opinion and a specific message that aims to persuade or influence the audience. And Bill Nichols writes that the definition of documentary may even expand beyond the film itself, defining it as a "filmmaking practice, a cinematic tradition, and mode of audience reception" (12). Documentary film has undergone many significant changes since its inception, from the heavily staged romanticism movement of the 1920s to the propagandist tradition of governments using film to persuade individuals to support national agendas to the introduction of cinéma vérité in the 1960s and historical documentary in the 1980s (cf. Barnouw). However, the recent upsurge in popularity of documentary media, combined with technological advances of internet and computers have opened up a whole new set of opportunities for film to serve as both art and agent for social change. One such opportunity is in the creation of film-based social action campaigns. Over the past decade, filmmakers have taken a more active role in promoting social change by coordinating film releases with action campaigns. Companies such as Participant Media (An Inconvenient Truth, Food Inc., etc.) now create "specific social action campaigns for each film and documentary designed to give a voice to issues that resonate in the films" (Participant Media). In addition, a new sector of "social media" consultants are now offering services, including "consultation, strategic planning for alternative distribution, website and social media development, and complete campaign management services to filmmakers to ensure the content of nonfiction media truly meets the intention for change" (Working Films). The emergence of new forms of media and technology are changing our conceptions of both documentary film and social action. Technologies such as podcasts, video blogs, internet radio, social media and network applications, and collaborative web editing "both unsettle and extend concepts and assumptions at the heart of 'documentary' as a practice and as an idea" (Ellsworth). In the past decade, we have seen new forms of documentary creation, distribution, marketing, and engagement. Likewise, film campaigns are utilizing a broad array of strategies to engage audience members, including "action kits, screening programs, educational curriculums and classes, house parties, seminars, panels" that often turn into "ongoing 'legacy' programs that are updated and revised to continue beyond the film's domestic and international theatrical, DVD and television windows" (Participant Media). This move towards multi-media documentary film is becoming not only commonplace, but expected as a part of filmmaking. NYU film professor and documentary film pioneer George Stoney recently noted, "50 percent of the documentary filmmaker's job is making the movie, and 50 percent is figuring out what its impact can be and how it can move audiences to action" (qtd. in Nisbet, "Gasland"). In his book Convergence Culture, Henry Jenkins, coined the term "transmedia storytelling", which he later defined as "a process where integral elements of a fiction get dispersed systematically across multiple delivery channels for the purpose of creating a unified and coordinated entertainment experience" ("Transmedia"). When applied to documentary film, it is the elements of the "issue" raised by the film that get dispersed across these channels, coordinating, not just an entertainment experience, but a social action campaign. Dimensions of Evaluation It is not unreasonable to assume that such film campaigns, just like any policy or program, have the possibility to influence viewers' knowledge, attitudes, and behavior. Measuring this impact has become increasingly important, as funders of documentary and issue-based films want look to understand the "return on investment" of films in terms of social impact so that they can compare them with other projects, including non-media, direct service projects. Although we "feel" like films make a difference to the individuals who also see them in the broader cultures in which they are embedded, measurement and empirical analysis of this impact are vitally important for both providing feedback to filmmakers and funders as well as informing future efforts attempting to leverage film for social change. This type of systematic assessment, or program evaluation, is often discussed in terms of two primary goals—formative (or process) and summative (or impact) evaluation (cf. Muraskin; Trochim and Donnelly). Formative evaluation studies program materials and activities to strengthen a program, and summative evaluation examines program outcomes. In terms of documentary film, these two goals can be described as follows: Formative Evaluation: Informing the Process As programs (broadly defined as an intentional set of activities with the aim of having some specific impact), the people who interact with them, and the cultures they are situated in are constantly changing, program development and evaluation is an ongoing learning cycle. Film campaigns, which are an intentional set of activities with the aim of impacting individual viewers and broader cultures, fit squarely within this purview. Without formulating hypotheses about the relationships between program activities and goals and then collecting and analyzing data during implementation to test them, it is difficult to learn ways to improve programs (or continue doing what works best in the most efficient manner). Attention to this process enables those involved to learn more about, not only what works, but how and why it works and even gain insights about how program outcomes may be affected by changes to resource availability, potential audiences, or infrastructure. Filmmakers are constantly learning and honing their craft and realizing the impact of their practice can help the artistic process. Often faced with tight budgets and timelines, they are forced to confront tradeoffs all the time, in the writing, production and post-production process. Understanding where they are having impact can improve their decision-making, which can help both the individual project and the overall field. Summative Evaluation: Quantifying Impacts Evaluation is used in many different fields to determine whether programs are achieving their intended goals and objectives. It became popular in the 1960s as a way of understanding the impact of the Great Society programs and has continued to grow since that time (Madaus and Stufflebeam). A recent White House memo stated that "rigorous, independent program evaluations can be a key resource in determining whether government programs are achieving their intended outcomes as well as possible and at the lowest possible cost" and the United States Office of Management and Budget (OMB) launched an initiative to increase the practice of "impact evaluations, or evaluations aimed at determining the causal effects of programs" (Orszag 1). Documentary films, like government programs, generally target a national audience, aim to serve a social purpose, and often do not provide a return on their investment. Participant Media, the most visible and arguably most successful documentary production company in the film industry, made recent headlines for its difficulty in making a profit during its seven-year history (Cieply). Owner and founder Jeff Skoll reported investing hundreds of millions of dollars into the company and CEO James Berk added that the company sometimes measures success, not by profit, but by "whether Mr. Skoll could have exerted more impact simply by spending his money philanthropically" (Cieply). Because of this, documentary projects often rely on grant funding, and are starting to approach funders beyond traditional arts and media sources. "Filmmakers are finding new fiscal and non-fiscal partners, in constituencies that would not traditionally be considered—or consider themselves—media funders or partners" (BRITDOC 6). And funders increasingly expect tangible data about their return on investment. Says Luis Ubiñas, president of Ford Foundation, which recently launched the Just Films Initiative: In these times of global economic uncertainty, with increasing demand for limited philanthropic dollars, assessing our effectiveness is more important than ever. Today, staying on the frontlines of social change means gauging, with thoughtfulness and rigor, the immediate and distant outcomes of our funding. Establishing the need for evaluation is not enough—attention to methodology is also critical. Valid research methodology is a critical component of understanding around the role entertainment can play in impacting social and environmental issues. The following issues are vital to measuring impact. Defining the Project Though this may seem like an obvious step, it is essential to determine the nature of the project so one can create research questions and hypotheses based on a complete understanding of the "treatment". One organization that provides a great example of the integration of documentary film imbedded into a larger campaign or movement is Invisible Children. Founded in 2005, Invisible Children is both a media-based organization as well as an economic development NGO with the goal of raising awareness and meeting the needs of child soldiers and other youth suffering as a result of the ongoing war in northern Uganda. Although Invisible Children began as a documentary film, it has grown into a large non-profit organization with an operating budget of over $8 million and a staff of over a hundred employees and interns throughout the year as well as volunteers in all 50 states and several countries. Invisible Children programming includes films, events, fundraising campaigns, contests, social media platforms, blogs, videos, two national "tours" per year, merchandise, and even a 650-person three-day youth summit in August 2011 called The Fourth Estate. Individually, each of these components might lead to specific outcomes; collectively, they might lead to others. In order to properly assess impacts of the film "project", it is important to take all of these components into consideration and think about who they may impact and how. This informs the research questions, hypotheses, and methods used in evaluation. Film campaigns may even include partnerships with existing social movements and non-profit organizations targeting social change. The American University Center for Social Media concluded in a case study of three issue-based documentary film campaigns: Digital technologies do not replace, but are closely entwined with, longstanding on-the-ground activities of stakeholders and citizens working for social change. Projects like these forge new tools, pipelines, and circuits of circulation in a multiplatform media environment. They help to create sustainable network infrastructures for participatory public media that extend from local communities to transnational circuits and from grassroots communities to policy makers. (Abrash) Expanding the Focus of Impact beyond the Individual A recent focus has shifted the dialogue on film impact. Whiteman ("Theaters") argues that traditional metrics of film "success" tend to focus on studio economic indicators that are far more relevant to large budget films. Current efforts focused on box office receipts and audience size, the author claims, are really measures of successful film marketing or promotion, missing the mark when it comes to understanding social impact. He instead stresses the importance of developing a more comprehensive model. His "coalition model" broadens the range and types of impact of film beyond traditional metrics to include the entire filmmaking process, from production to distribution. Whiteman (“Theaters”) argues that a narrow focus on the size of the audience for a film, its box office receipts, and viewers' attitudes does not incorporate the potential reach of a documentary film. Impacts within the coalition model include both individual and policy levels. Individual impacts (with an emphasis on activist groups) include educating members, mobilizing for action, and raising group status; policy includes altering both agenda for and the substance of policy deliberations. The Fledgling Fund (Barrett and Leddy) expanded on this concept and identified five distinct impacts of documentary film campaigns. These potential impacts expand from individual viewers to groups, movements, and eventually to what they call the "ultimate goal" of social change. Each is introduced briefly below. Quality Film. The film itself can be presented as a quality film or media project, creating enjoyment or evoking emotion in the part of audiences. "By this we mean a film that has a compelling narrative that draws viewers in and can engage them in the issue and illustrate complex problems in ways that statistics cannot" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Awareness. Film can increase public awareness by bringing light to issues and stories that may have otherwise been unknown or not often thought about. This is the level of impact that has received the most attention, as films are often discussed in terms of their "educational" value. "A project's ability to raise awareness around a particular issue, since awareness is a critical building block for both individual change and broader social change" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Engagement. Impact, however, need not stop at simply raising public awareness. Engagement "indicates a shift from simply being aware of an issue to acting on this awareness. Were a film and its outreach campaign able to provide an answer to the question 'What can I do?' and more importantly mobilize that individual to act?" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This is where an associated film campaign becomes increasingly important, as transmedia outlets such as Facebook, websites, blogs, etc. can build off the interest and awareness developed through watching a film and provide outlets for viewers channel their constructive efforts. Social Movement. In addition to impacts on individuals, films can also serve to mobilize groups focused on a particular problem. The filmmaker can create a campaign around the film to promote its goals and/or work with existing groups focused on a particular issue, so that the film can be used as a tool for mobilization and collaboration. "Moving beyond measures of impact as they relate to individual awareness and engagement, we look at the project's impact as it relates to the broader social movement … if a project can strengthen the work of key advocacy organizations that have strong commitment to the issues raised in the film" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). Social Change. The final level of impact and "ultimate goal" of an issue-based film is long-term and systemic social change. "While we understand that realizing social change is often a long and complex process, we do believe it is possible and that for some projects and issues there are key indicators of success" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This can take the form of policy or legislative change, passed through film-based lobbying efforts, or shifts in public dialogue and behavior. Legislative change typically takes place beyond the social movement stage, when there is enough support to pressure legislators to change or create policy. Film-inspired activism has been seen in issues ranging from environmental causes such as agriculture (Food Inc.) and toxic products (Blue Vinyl) to social causes such as foreign conflict (Invisible Children) and education (Waiting for Superman). Documentary films can also have a strong influence as media agenda-setters, as films provide dramatic "news pegs" for journalists seeking to either sustain or generation new coverage of an issue (Nisbet "Introduction" 5), such as the media coverage of climate change in conjunction with An Inconvenient Truth. Barrett and Leddy, however, note that not all films target all five impacts and that different films may lead to different impacts. "In some cases we could look to key legislative or policy changes that were driven by, or at least supported by the project... In other cases, we can point to shifts in public dialogue and how issues are framed and discussed" (7). It is possible that specific film and/or campaign characteristics may lead to different impacts; this is a nascent area for research and one with great promise for both practical and theoretical utility. Innovations in Tools and Methods Finally, the selection of tools is a vital component for assessing impact and the new media landscape is enabling innovations in the methods and strategies for program evaluation. Whereas the traditional domain of film impact measurement included box office statistics, focus groups, and exit surveys, innovations in data collection and analysis have expanded the reach of what questions we can ask and how we are able to answer them. For example, press coverage can assist in understanding and measuring the increase in awareness about an issue post-release. Looking directly at web-traffic changes "enables the creation of an information-seeking curve that can define the parameters of a teachable moment" (Hart and Leiserowitz 360). Audience reception can be measured, not only via interviews and focus groups, but also through content and sentiment analysis of web content and online analytics. "Sophisticated analytics can substantially improve decision making, minimize risks, and unearth valuable insights that would otherwise remain hidden" (Manyika et al. 5). These new tools are significantly changing evaluation, expanding what we can learn about the social impacts of film through triangulation of self-report data with measurement of actual behavior in virtual environments. Conclusion The changing media landscape both allows and impels evaluation of film impacts on individual viewers and the broader culture in which they are imbedded. Although such analysis may have previously been limited to box office numbers, critics' reviews, and theater exit surveys, the rise of new media provides both the ability to connect filmmakers, activists, and viewers in new ways and the data in which to study the process. This capability, combined with significant growth in the documentary landscape, suggests a great potential for documentary film to contribute to some of our most pressing social and environmental needs. A social scientific approach, that combines empirical analysis with theory applied from basic science, ensures that impact can be measured and leveraged in a way that is useful for both filmmakers as well as funders. In the end, this attention to impact ensures a continued thriving marketplace for issue-based documentary films in our social landscape. References Abrash, Barbara. "Social Issue Documentary: The Evolution of Public Engagement." American University Center for Social Media 21 Apr. 2010. 26 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.centerforsocialmedia.org/›. Aufderheide, Patricia. "The Changing Documentary Marketplace." Cineaste 30.3 (2005): 24-28. Barnouw, Eric. Documentary: A History of the Non-Fiction Film. New York: Oxford UP, 1993. Barrett, Diana and Sheila Leddy. 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"Finding the Teachable Moment: An Analysis of Information-Seeking Behavior on Global Warming Related Websites during the Release of The Day After Tomorrow." Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture 3.3 (2009): 355-66. Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York UP, 2006. ———. "Transmedia Storytelling 101." Confessions of an Aca-Fan. The Official Weblog of Henry Jenkins. 22 Mar. 2007. 10 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.henryjenkins.org/2007/03/transmedia_storytelling_101.html›. Madaus, George, and Daniel Stufflebeam. "Program Evaluation: A Historical Overview." Evaluation in Education and Human Services 49.1 (2002): 3-18. Manyika, James, Michael Chui, Jacques Bughin, Brad Brown, Richard Dobbs, Charles Roxburgh, and Angela Hung Byers. Big Data: The Next Frontier for Innovation, Competition, and Productivity. McKinsey Global Institute. May 2011 ‹http://www.mckinsey.com/mgi/publications/big_data/›. Muraskin, Lana. 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A slash manip is a photo remix that montages visual signs from popular media with those from gay pornography, creating a new cultural artefact. Slash (see Russ) is a fannish practice that homoeroticises the bonds between male media characters and personalities—female pairings are categorised separately as ‘femslash’. Slash has been defined almost exclusively as a female practice. While fandom is indeed “women-centred” (Bury 2), such definitions have a tendency to exclude male contributions. Remix has been well acknowledged in discussions on slash, most notably video remix in relation to slash vids (Kreisinger). Non-written slash forms such as slash vids (see Russo) and slash fanart (see Dennis) have received increased attention in recent years. This article continues the tradition of moving beyond fiction by considering the non-written form of slash manips, yet to receive sustained scholarly attention. Speaking as a practitioner—my slash manips can be found here—I perform textual analysis from an aca–fan (academic and fan) position of two Merlin slash manips by male Tumblr artist wandsinhand. My textual analysis is influenced by Barthes’s use of image semiotics, which he applies to the advertising image. Barthes notes that “all images are polysemous”, that underlying their signifiers they imply “a ‘floating chain’ of signifieds, the reader able to choose some and ignore others” (274). That said, the advertising image, he argues, constructs an “undoubtedly intentional […] signification”, making it ideally suited for analysis (270). By supplementing my analysis with excerpts from two interviews I conducted with wandsinhand in February and April 2013 (quoted here with permission), I support my readings with respect to the artist’s stated ‘intentional reading’. I then contextualise these readings with respect to canon (Merlin) representations and gay pornography—via the chosen sexual acts/positions, bukkake and doggystyle, of the pornographic base models, as selected by the artist. This approach allows me to examine the photo remix qualities of slash manips with respect to the artist’s intentions as well as how artistic choices of inclusion function to anchor meaning in the works. I describe these choices as the ‘semiotic significance of selection’. Together the readings and interviews in this article help illustrate the value of this form and the new avenues it opens for slash scholars, such as consideration of photo remix and male production, and the importance of gay pornography to slash. My interviews also reveal, via the artist’s own assessment of the ‘value’ of his practice, a tendency to devalue or overlook the significance of this particular slash form, affirming a real need for further critical engagement with this under-examined practice. Slash Photo Remix: Famous Faces, Porny Bodies Lessig defines remix culture as based on an activity of “rip, mix and burn” (12–5); while Navas describes it as a “practice of cut/copy and paste” (159)—the latter being more applicable to photo remix. Whereas Lessig is concerned primarily with issues of copyright, Navas is interested in remix’s role in aesthetics and the political economy. Within fan studies, slash vids—a form of video remix—has been a topic of considerable academic interest in recent years. Slash manips—a form of photo or image remix—however, has not attracted the same degree of interest. Stasi’s description of slash as “a non-hierarchical, rich layering of genres” points to the usefulness of slash manips as an embodiment of the process of slash; whereby artists combine, blend and mutate graphic layers from popular media with those from gay pornography. Aesthetics and the slash manip process are central concerns of this article’s consideration of slash photo remix. Slash manips, or slash photo montage, use image manipulation software (Adobe Photoshop being the community standard, see wandsinhand’s tutorial) to layer the heads of male fictional characters from stills or promotional images with scenes—static or moving—from gay pornography. Once an artist has selected pornographic ‘base models’ anatomically suited to canon characters, these models are often then repositioned into the canon universe, which in the case of Merlin means a medieval setting. (Works not repositioned and without added details from canon are generally categorised as ‘male celebrity fakes’ rather than ‘slash manips’.) Stedman contends that while many fan studies scholars are interested in remix, “studies commonly focus on examples of remixed objects rather than the compositional strategies used by remix composers themselves” (107). He advocates moving beyond an exclusive consideration of “text-centred approaches” to also consider “practice-” and “composer-centred” approaches. Such approaches offer insight into “the detailed choices composers actually make when composing” (107). He refers to recognition of the skills required by a remix composer as “remix literacy” (108). This article’s consideration of the various choices and skills that go into the composition of slash manips—what I term the ‘semiotic significance of selection’—is explored with respect to wandsinhand’s practice, coupling my reading—informed by my experience as a practitioner—with the interpretations of the artist himself. Jenkins defines slash as “reaction against” constructions of male sexuality in both popular media and pornography (189). By their very nature, slash manips also make clear the oft-overlooked connections between slash and gay pornography, and in turn the contributions of gay male participants, who are well represented by the form. This contrasts with a tendency within scholarship to compare slash with heterosexual female forms, such as the romance genre (Salmon and Symons). Gay pornography plays a visible role in slash manips—and slash vids, which often remix scenes from popular media with gay cinema and pornography. Slash as Romance, Slash as Pornography Early scholarship on slash (see Russ; Lamb and Veith) defines it as a form of erotica or pornography, by and for women; a reductive definition that fails to take into account men’s contribution, yet one that many researchers continue to adopt today. As stated above, there has also been a tendency within scholarship to align the practice with heterosexual female forms such as the romance genre. Such a tendency is by and large due to theorisation of slash as heterosexual female fantasy—and concerned primarily with romance and intimacy rather than sex (see Woledge). Weinstein describes slash as more a “fascination with” than a “representation of” homosexual relationships (615); while MacDonald makes the point that homosexuality is not a major political motivator for slash (28–9). There is no refuting that slash—along with most fannish practice—is female dominated, ethnographic work and fandom surveys reveal that is the case. However there is great need for research into male production of slash, particularly how such practices might challenge reigning definitions and assumptions of the practice. In similar Japanese practices, for example, gay male opposition to girls’ comics (shōjo) depicting love between ‘pretty boys’ (bishōunen) has been well documented (see Hori)—Men’s Love (or bara) is a subgenre of Boys’ Love (or shōnen’ai) predominately created by gay men seeking a greater connection with the lived reality of gay life (Lunsing). Dennis finds male slash fanart producers more committed to muscular representations and depiction of graphic male/male sex when compared with female-identifying artists (14, 16). He also observes that male fanart artists have a tendency of “valuing same-sex desire without a heterosexual default and placing it within the context of realistic gay relationships” (11). I have observed similar differences between male and female-identifying slash manip artists. Female-identifying Nicci Mac, for example, will often add trousers to her donor bodies, recoding them for a more romantic context. By contrast, male-identifying mythagowood is known for digitally enlarging the penises and rectums of his base models, exaggerating his work’s connection to the pornographic and the macabre. Consider, for example, mythagowood’s rationale for digitally enlarging and importing ‘lips’ for Sam’s (Supernatural) rectum in his work Ass-milk: 2012, which marks the third anniversary of the original: Originally I wasn’t going to give Sammy’s cunt any treatment (before I determined the theme) but when assmilk became the theme I had to go find a good set of lips to slap on him and I figured, it’s been three years, his hole is going to be MUCH bigger. (personal correspondence, used with permission) While mythagowood himself cautions against gendered romance/pornography slash arguments—“I find it annoying that people attribute certain specific aspects of my work to something ‘only a man’ would make.” (ibid.)—gay pornography occupies an important place in the lives of gay men as a means for entertainment, community engagement and identity-construction (see McKee). As one of the only cultural representations available to gay men, Fejes argues that gay pornography plays a crucial role in defining gay male desire and identity. This is confirmed by an Internet survey conducted by Duggan and McCreary that finds 98% of gay participants reporting exposure to pornographic material in the 30-day period prior to the survey. Further, the underground nature of gay pornographic film (see Dyer) aligns it with slash as a subcultural practice. I now analyse two Merlin slash manips with respect to the sexual positions of the pornographic base models, illustrating how gay pornography genres and ideologies referenced through these works enforce their intended meaning, as defined by the artist. A sexual act such as bukkake, as wandsinhand astutely notes, acts as a universal sign and “automatically generates a narrative for the image without anything really needing to be detailed”. Barthes argues that such a “relation between thing signified and image signifying in analogical representation” is unlike language, which has a much more ‘arbitrary’ relationship between signifier and signified (272). Bukkake and the Assertion of Masculine Power in Merlin Merlin (2008–12) is a BBC reimagining of the Arthurian legend that focuses on the coming-of-age of Arthur and his close bond with his manservant Merlin, who keeps his magical identity secret until Arthur’s final stand in the iconic Battle of Camlann. The homosexual potential of Merlin and Arthur’s story—and of magic as a metaphor for homosexuality—is something slash fans were quick to recognise. During question time at the first Merlin cast appearance at the London MCM Expo in October 2008—just one month after the show’s pilot first aired—a fan asked Morgan and James, who portray Merlin and Arthur, is Merlin “meant to be a love story between Arthur and Merlin?” James nods in jest. Wandsinhand, who is most active in the Teen Wolf (2011–present) fandom, has produced two Merlin slash manips to date, a 2013 Merlin/Arthur and a 2012 Arthur/Percival, both untitled. The Merlin/Arthur manip (see Figure 1) depicts Merlin bound and on his knees, Arthur ejaculating across his face and on his chest. Merlin is naked while Arthur is partially clothed in chainmail and armour. They are both bruised and dirty, Arthur’s injuries suggesting battle given his overall appearance, while Merlin’s suggesting abuse, given his subordinate position. The setting appears to be the royal stables, where we know Merlin spends much of his time mucking out Arthur’s horses. I am left to wonder if perhaps Merlin did not carry out this duty to Arthur’s satisfaction, and is now being punished for it; or if Arthur has returned from battle in need of sexual gratification and the endorsement of power that comes from debasing his manservant. Figure 1: wandsinhand, Untitled (Merlin/Arthur), 2013, photo montage. Courtesy the artist. Both readings are supported by Arthur’s ‘spent’ expression of disinterest or mild curiosity, while Merlin’s face emotes pain: crying and squinting through the semen obscuring his vision. The artist confirms this reading in our interview: “Arthur is using his pet Merlin to relieve some stress; Merlin of course not being too pleased about the aftermath, but obedient all the same.” The noun ‘pet’ evokes the sexual connotations of Merlin’s role as Arthur’s personal manservant, while also demoting Merlin even further than usual. He is, in Arthur’s eyes, less than human, a sexual plaything to use and abuse at will. The artist’s statement also confirms that Arthur is acting against Merlin’s will. Violence is certainly represented here, the base models having been ‘marked up’ to depict sexualisation of an already physically and emotionally abusive relationship, their relative positioning and the importation of semen heightening the humiliation. Wandsinhand’s work engages characters in sadomasochistic play, with semen and urine frequently employed to degrade and arouse—“peen wolf”, a reference to watersports, is used within his Teen Wolf practice. The two wandsinhand works analysed in this present article come without words, thus lacking a “linguistic message” (Barthes 273–6). However even so, the artist’s statement and Arthur’s stance over “his pet Merlin” mean we are still able to “skim off” (270) the meanings the image contains. The base models, for example, invite comparison with the ‘gay bukkake’ genre of gay pornography—admittedly with a single dominant male rather than a group. Gay bukkake has become a popular niche in North American gay pornography—it originated in Japan as a male–female act in the 1980s. It describes a ritualistic sexual act where a group of dominant men—often identifying as heterosexual—fuck and debase a homosexual, submissive male, commonly bareback (Durkin et al. 600). The aggression on display in this act—much like the homosocial insistency of men who partake in a ‘circle jerk’ (Mosher 318)—enables the participating men to affirm their masculinity and dominance by degrading the gay male, who is there to service (often on his knees) and receive—in any orifice of the group’s choosing—the men’s semen, and often urine as well. The equivalencies I have made here are based on the ‘performance’ of the bukkake fantasy in gay niche hazing and gay-for-pay pornography genres. These genres are fuelled by antigay sentiment, aggression and debasement of effeminate males (see Kendall). I wish here to resist the temptation of labelling the acts described above as deviant. As is a common problem with anti-pornography arguments, to attempt to fix a practice such as bukkake as deviant and abject—by, for example, equating it to rape (Franklin 24)—is to negate a much more complex consideration of distinctions and ambiguities between force and consent; lived and fantasy; where pleasure is, where it is performed and where it is taken. I extend this desire not to label the manip in question, which by exploiting the masculine posturing of Arthur effectively sexualises canon debasement. This began with the pilot when Arthur says: “Tell me Merlin, do you know how to walk on your knees?” Of the imported imagery—semen, bruising, perspiration—the key signifier is Arthur’s armour which, while torn in places, still ensures the encoding of particular signifieds: masculinity, strength and power. Doggystyle and the Subversion of Arthur’s ‘Armoured Self’ Since the romanticism and chivalric tradition of the knight in shining armour (see Huizinga) men as armoured selves have become a stoic symbol of masculine power and the benchmark for aspirational masculinity. For the medieval knight, armour reflects in its shiny surface the mettle of the man enclosed, imparting a state of ‘bodilessness’ by containing any softness beneath its shielded exterior (Burns 140). Wandsinhand’s Arthur/Percival manip (see Figure 2) subverts Arthur and the symbolism of armour with the help of arguably the only man who can: Arthur’s largest knight Percival. While a minor character among the knights, Percival’s physical presence in the series looms large, and has endeared him to slash manip artists, particularly those with only a casual interest in the series, such as wandsinhand: Why Arthur and Percival were specifically chosen had really little to do with the show’s plot, and in point of fact, I don’t really follow Merlin that closely nor am I an avid fan. […] Choosing Arthur/Percival really was just a matter of taste rather than being contextually based on their characterisations in the television show. Figure 2: wandsinhand, Untitled (Arthur/Percival), 2012, photo montage. Courtesy the artist. Concerning motivation, the artist explains: “Sometimes one’s penis decides to pick the tv show Merlin, and specifically Arthur and Percival.” The popularity of Percival among manip artists illustrates the power of physicality as a visual sign, and the valorisation of size and muscle within the gay community (see Sánchez et al.). Having his armour modified to display his muscles, the implication is that Percival does not need armour, for his body is already hard, impenetrable. He is already suited up, simultaneously man and armoured. Wandsinhand uses the physicality of this character to strip Arthur of his symbolic, masculine power. The work depicts Arthur with a dishevelled expression, his armoured chest pressed against the ground, his chainmail hitched up at the back to expose his arse, Percival threading his unsheathed cock inside him, staring expressionless at the ‘viewer’. The artist explains he “was trying to show a shift of power”: I was also hinting at some sign of struggle, which is somewhat evident on Arthur’s face too. […] I think the expressions work in concert to suggest […] a power reversal that leaves Arthur on the bottom, a position he’s not entirely comfortable accepting. There is pleasure to be had in seeing the “cocky” Arthur forcefully penetrated, “cut down to size by a bigger man” (wandsinhand). The two assume the ‘doggystyle’ position, an impersonal sexual position, without eye contact and where the penetrator sets the rhythm and intensity of each thrust. Scholars have argued that the position is degrading to the passive party, who is dehumanised by the act, a ‘dog’ (Dworkin 27); and rapper Snoop ‘Doggy’ Dogg exploits the misogynistic connotations of the position on his record Doggystyle (see Armstrong). Wandsinhand is clear in his intent to depict forceful domination of Arthur. Struggle is signified through the addition of perspiration, a trademark device used by this artist to symbolise struggle. Domination in a sexual act involves the erasure of the wishes of the dominated partner (see Cowan and Dunn). To attune oneself to the pleasures of a sexual partner is to regard them as a subject. To ignore such pleasures is to degrade the other person. The artist’s choice of pairing embraces the physicality of the male/male bond and illustrates a tendency among manip producers to privilege conventional masculine identifiers—such as size and muscle—above symbolic, nonphysical identifiers, such as status and rank. It is worth noting that muscle is more readily available in the pornographic source material used in slash manips—muscularity being a recurrent component of gay pornography (see Duggan and McCreary). In my interview with manip artist simontheduck, he describes the difficulty he had sourcing a base image “that complimented the physicality of the [Merlin] characters. […] The actor that plays Merlin is fairly thin while Arthur is pretty built, it was difficult to find one. I even had to edit Merlin’s body down further in the end.” (personal correspondence, used with permission) As wandsinhand explains, “you’re basically limited by what’s available on the internet, and even then, only what you’re prepared to sift through or screencap yourself”. Wandsinhand’s Arthur/Percival pairing selection works in tandem with other artistic decisions and inclusions—sexual position, setting, expressions, effects (perspiration, lighting)—to ensure the intended reading of the work. Antithetical size and rank positions play out in the penetration/submission act of wandsinhand’s work, in which only the stronger of the two may come out ‘on top’. Percival subverts the symbolic power structures of prince/knight, asserting his physical, sexual dominance over the physically inferior Arthur. That such a construction of Percival is incongruent with the polite, impeded-by-my-size-and-muscle-density Percival of the series speaks to the circumstances of manip production, much of which is on a taste basis, as previously noted. There are of course exceptions to this, the Teen Wolf ‘Sterek’ (Stiles/Derek) pairing being wandsinhand’s, but even in this case, size tends to couple with penetration. Slash manips often privilege physicality of the characters in question—as well as the base models selected—above any particular canon-supported slash reading. (Of course, the ‘queering’ nature of slash practice means at times there is also a desire to see such identifiers subverted, however in this example, raw masculine power prevails.) This final point is in no way representative—my practice, for example, combines manips with ficlets to offer a clearer connection with canon, while LJ’s zdae69 integrates manips, fiction and comics. However, common across slash manip artists driven by taste—and requests—rather than connection with canon—the best known being LJ’s tw-31988, demon48180 and Tumblr’s lwoodsmalestarsfakes, all of whom work across many fandoms—is interest in the ‘aesthetics of canon’, the blue hues of Teen Wolf or the fluorescent greens of Arrow (2012–present), displayed in glossy magazine format using services such as ISSUU. In short, ‘the look’ of the work often takes precedent over canonical implications of any artistic decisions. “Nothing Too Serious”: Slash Manips as Objects Worth Studying It had long been believed that the popular was the transient, that of entertainment rather than enlightenment; that which is manufactured, “an appendage of the machinery”, consumed by the duped masses and a product not of culture but of a ‘culture industry’ (Adorno and Rabinbach 12). Scholars such as Radway, Ang pioneered a shift in scholarly practice, advancing the cultural studies project by challenging elitism and finding meaning in traditionally devalued cultural texts and practices. The most surprising outcome of my interviews with wandsinhand was hearing how he conceived of his practice, and the study of slash: If I knew I could get a PhD by writing a dissertation on Slash, I would probably drop out of my physics papers! […] I don’t really think too highly of faking/manip-making. I mean, it’s not like it’s high art, is it? … or is it? I guess if Duchamp’s toilet can be a masterpiece, then so can anything. But I mainly just do it to pass the time, materialise fantasies, and disperse my fantasies unto others. Nothing too serious. Wandsinhand erects various binaries—academic/fan, important/trivial, science/arts, high art/low art, profession/hobby, reality/fantasy, serious/frivolous—as justification to devalue his own artistic practice. Yet embracing the amateur, personal nature of his practice frees him to “materialise fantasies” that would perhaps not be possible without self-imposed, underground production. This is certainly supported by his body of work, which plays with taboos of the unseen, of bodily fluids and sadomasochism. My intention with this article is not to contravene views such as wandsinhand’s. Rather, it is to promote slash manips as a form of remix culture that encourages new perspectives on how slash has been defined, its connection with male producers and its symbiotic relationship with gay pornography. I have examined the ‘semiotic significance of selection’ that creates meaning in two contrary slash manips; how these works actualise and resist canon dominance, as it relates to the physical and the symbolic. This examination also offers insight into this form’s connection to and negotiation with certain ideologies of gay pornography, such as the valorisation of size and muscle. 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