Academic literature on the topic 'Actually Existing Utopias'
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Journal articles on the topic "Actually Existing Utopias"
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Avery, Joshua. "Nomos and Platonism in More's Utopia." Moreana 58, no. 2 (December 2021): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2021.0102.
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This essay, following an existing train of scholarship working to make sense of the Platonic connection to Utopia, argues for nomos as a useful angle in furthering this understanding. Raphael's approach to politics combines with the Utopian social system to suggest a highly Platonic vision of nomos, whereby social norms are absorbed into an essentialized nature, stripped of all arbitrariness and therefore, ostensibly, perfectly rational. The result is a sterile regime that fails to acknowledge the whimsical elements necessary to the human soul and therefore also necessary to actual human societies.
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Jacobson, Erik. "Linguistic genocide in education – Or worldwide diversity and human rights? Tove Skutnabb-Kangas. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2000. Pp. 785." Applied Psycholinguistics 22, no. 3 (September 2001): 473–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716401223091.
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In the preface to this passionately argued text, the author makes the political aspects of the work quite clear. She states that she hopes readers will “become angry, desperate, frustrated, as well as reflective, optimistic and eager to join me and others in demanding, suggesting, creating, and implementing change” (p. xv). This statement sets the tone for the entire book: a mixture of self-professed utopian thinking (p. 600) and clear-sighted accounts of actually existing conditions. Recognizing that a simple call for justice is not enough in a world dominated by transnational capitalism and marked by institutionalized inequities in power, the author admits that a human rights approach to linguistic issues will only work if there is also a redistribution of the world's resources. The book is thus a call to action on a variety of fronts.
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Verovšek, Peter J. "Social criticism as medical diagnosis? On the role of social pathology and crisis within critical theory." Thesis Eleven 155, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619888663.
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The critical theory of the Frankfurt School starts with an explanatory-diagnostic analysis of the social pathologies of the present followed by anticipatory-utopian reflection on possible treatments for these disorders. This approach draws extensively on parallels to medicine. I argue that the ideas of social pathology and crisis that pervade the methodological writings of the Frankfurt School help to explain critical theory’s contention that the object of critique identifies itself when social institutions cease to function smoothly. However, in reflecting on the role that reason and self-awareness play in the second stage of social criticism, I contend that this model is actually better conceptualized through the lens of the psychoanalyst rather than the physician. Although the first generation’s explicit commitment to psychoanalysis has dissipated in recent critical theory, faith in a rationalized ‘talking cure’ leading to greater self-awareness of existing pathologies remains at the core of the Frankfurt School.
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Sassin, Wolfgang. "Eurasia: Dawning of New Dark Age? The G20 Meeting in Hamburg 2017, a Milestone on the Blind Alley towards Common Global Future." Eurasian Crossroads 1, no. 1 (February 18, 2020): 010000201. http://dx.doi.org/10.55269/eurcrossrd.1.010000201x.
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The globalisation of mankind as a moral and ethical justification for the installation of a worldwide domestication policy distracts the attention of leading Eurasian politicians from the actual fundamentals and detrimental threats of globalisation in the Eurasian space, especially if economic issues, investment programmes and lending are put in the foreground. These topics can relate to only short-term necessary regulation and control interventions without strategic perspectives of development of Eurasia. Such a narrow understanding of the situation creates a myth that the global expansion of the Western “value system” can continue in Eurasia indefinitely. This basic assumption of the modern "Enlightened" politics of Europeanisation of Eurasia is not just a utopia, a non-existent place like the ancient Greeks thought. It may create a dystopia, the worst place in the world. Will we live in such Eurasia like this?
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Shmorgun, O. "Modern Ethno-national Processes: the Potential of Anti-crisis Development of Ukraine." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-2.
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On the basis of the analysis of existing theories about the origin and historical genesis of modern nationalism the conceptual approach is proposed, according to which the process of nation formation is one of the important dimensions of the world historical process. The author reveals the complex interdependance and mutual opposition of specific historical types of national identity as well as the importance of a new national patriotism for formation of the universal innovative model of anti-crisis development and mechanisms of its implementation in Ukraine. In particular, the author refutes mystical and mythological projects of the crisis-free future as well as only outwardly opposing them, globalist anti-utopian projects (the model of so-called network society of M. Castells). The article proves the actuality of real national revival against a background of the naturally determined collapse of the neoliberal globalist trend and continuation of fragmentation of global geopolitical space. It is shown that the formation of new forms of national identity is inseparably linked with the formation of humanistic secularized world outlook during the Modern Ages and currently is the basis of the creative type of thinking.
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Szmidt, Olga. "Eksplorowanie ruchomych piasków. Krytyka przekładu i krytyka literacka wobec petryfikacji współczesnej literatury światowej." Krytyka przekładu i okolice, no. 42 (December 29, 2021): 40–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/16891864pc.21.017.14328.
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Exploring Quicksand. Translation Criticism and Literary Criticism in the Face of the Petrification of Contemporary World Literature In contemporary discussions on the condition and further perspectives of World Literature, the mood of disappointment and disillusionment seems to dominate. Reservations concern World Literature in its complexity – its canon, potential multilingualism, existing hierarchies and often contradictory conceptualizations. The crisis of World Literature is not, however, the result of a scandal, but rather of many years of progressive petrification resulting in actual monolingualism, formulaic narrative patterns, consolidation of the center-periphery hierarchy and abandonment of the real pluralism of interpretation. One of the areas that seems to meet the challenge of World Literature is undoubtedly translation criticism. Therefore, the aim of the article is to reflect on how contemporary theories and conceptualizations of World Literature as well as its far-fetched utopia can benefit from translation criticism’s input. The article also argues that translation criticism may become a field that dynamizes contemporary World Literature and restores its reordering or even revolutionary potential.
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Šokčević, Šimo, and Tihomir Živić. "Newman and Strossmayer on the Relationship Between the Church and the State (II)." Anafora 8, no. 1 (2021): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.29162/anafora.v8i1.6.
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The cooperation between the Catholic Church and the State is a necessity and an imperative that was addressed by two important thinkers of the 19th century, John Henry Newman and Josip Juraj Strossmayer, and the models that actually trace back to their reflections are existent even nowadays. In the second part of a textological and theological analysis of Newman’s and Strossmayer’s understanding of the relationship between the Church and the State, our objective is to explore how much Newman’s and Strossmayer’s deliberations may be useful in the formulation of the bases on which a good relationship between the Catholic Church and the State should be built. We have seen that comprehension and concord are the fundamental imperatives of that relationship, as well as of the contemporary models that analyze it. The modern obstacles to this relationship have the identical roots, findable in negative liberalism and repaganization. On the trail of Newman and Strossmayer, we conclude that an anthropological reform primarily taking hold of the human heart is necessary today. Therefore, such a reform has to realize that the life in accordance with one’s own conscience, in the truth, is more valuable than all the utopian lies and deceptions that formulate the socioeconomic relations and personal life.
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Alexeyev, Alexander B. "The peculiarities of the oppositional political discourse of Ugandan politician Bobi Wine." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philology. Journalism 22, no. 2 (May 23, 2022): 164–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1817-7115-2022-22-2-164-170.
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The article analyzes the political discourse of one of the most influential Ugandan opposition politicians, Bobi Wine, who is famous for his scathing criticism of Ioweri Museveni’s regime, existing since 1986. Bobi Wine, who officially started his political career in 2017, the year when he was elected in the Ugandan parliament, actually does not recognize the legitimacy of the rule of his ideological enemy. In the country the political myth is created according to which the opposition, and not Yoweri Musevini, won the presidential elections of 2021. Yoweri Museveni just used mass rigging of votes to ensure his victory. The research is carried out on the basis of interviews given by the oppositional politician in the years of 2017–2021. Its urgency is explained by the necessity to study non-systemic political discourse, including the one that belongs to poor, developing countries living not in democracy but in the conditions of harsh authoritarianism. The main method of the research is critical discourse analysis developed mainly by T. van Dejk, N. Fairclough, R. Wodak and based on the fundamental neo-Marxist and Foucauldian principles. It has been found out that the Ugandan oppositional political discourse is characterized by the accentuation of such oppositions as ‘the young generation vs. the older generation’, ‘people – authorities’. It is also marked by some degree of pathos, the belief in utopian visions and political myths as well as figurativeness. Bobi Wine emphasizes that he represents the Ugandan ghetto and, unlike his rival, he is young. Hence, he can understand the hopes of most Ugandan people who are tired of the many-years rule of the permanent leader of Uganda as well as the corruption flourishing in Uganda. In the speeches of the politician, the need for changes is explained. The stress is made on the fact that opposition does not have fear of the future while Yoweri Musevini, on the contrary, is portrayed as a person who has lost the sense of reality, and is, most of all, afraid of losing power.
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Fert, Józef Franciszek. "Człowiek-zbiorowy pospolitej rzeczy. Norwid a społeczeństwo obywatelskie." Studia Norwidiana 39 Specjalny (2021): 37–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn2139s.2.
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The intellectually and politically tempestuous crystallization of the civic ideal in the nineteenth and twentieth century manifested not only in Europe (especially Western), but also in North and Middle America, and in time – all over the globe. An intense search for the “civic ideal” is clearly discernible in societies comprising the former Polish Republic, whose demise towards the end of the eighteenth century and the subsequent phases of its increasingdecompositionnot only failed to annihilate the republican tradition but in fact intensified authentic debate on possible roads toward modern society in the future independent state. A key role in this important dialogue was played by representatives of the landed gentry and the intelligentsia, the latter emerging in the nineteenth century as a new social formation that basically had no exact counterpart in other countries. In time, a few representatives of other classes also joined this dialogue on the shape of the future Polish state. What is the meaning of the phrase “civic society”? Today, it is used almost naturallyby columnists and politicians representing various positions, but it was virtually non-existent during Norwid’s lifetime, although the very ideaof organizing collective life on the basis of “civic” virtues has an almost immemorial provenance. This article attempts to describe Norwid’s civic thought, mainly by analysing his discursive statements, chiefly in journalism. Norwid was decidedly opposed to any doctrinaire elevation of “humanity” (which he called a “holy abstraction”) over “nation” and “Church,” through which individuals can actually partake in “the work of ages.” Another area in which Norwid struggled to develop clear civic categories comprises visions of humanity’s universal happiness and/or its apocalyptic fall, many of which were promulgated at the time. In his polemics with utopias of “fulfilled history” it is possible to discern clear echoes of ideological debates held at the time, especially ones between mystical and political visions used by various “prophets” to describe the ultimate perspectives for the development of current events whose subject is “humanity” – a category replacing “nations,” which would be thus seen as ending their historical “mission.”From this angle, Norwidwould criticise Skład zasad[A collection of principles] by Adam Mickiewicz– a manifesto of revolutionary transformations of civic rights, which are part of the legacy of the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.In a letter to Józef Bohdan Zaleski, dated 24 April 1848, Norwid expressed his outrage at most theses contained in Skład, which he saw as undermining traditional values such as “homeland,” “property,” “lineage,” “nation,” etc.
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Афанасов, Николай Борисович. "METHODOLOGICAL LIMITS OF SOCIAL-PHILOSOPHICAL FUTUROLOGY: EXPERIENCE, THOUGHT EXPERIMENT AND RHETORIC." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: Философия, no. 1(59) (May 12, 2022): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtphilos/2022.1.045.
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Статья предлагает обратиться к методологическим основаниям социально-философской футурологии в критическом ключе. Автор указывает, что способы философского мышления о будущем не только распространились в современной культуре, но и колонизировали социальную и культурную теорию. Одержимость футурологией стала ответом на нарастание скорости изменений в обществе и фрагментацию больших нарративов. Социально-философская футурология заняла место философии истории и составила конкуренцию утопическому измерению классических идеологий. В конечном итоге апелляция к будущему становится де факто составной частью любого осмысленного рассуждения о настоящем, всегда подразумеваемым продолжением анализа научных данных. Автор предлагает очертить методологические границы дисциплины, которые бы разграничили еѐ с другими научными и культурными предметностями, тенденция к растворению в которых стала проблемой не только для философии, но и для самих частных наук (экономики, социологии и т. д.). Статья показывает, что в основе строгой социальнофилософской футурологии должны лежать уникальные методы, порождѐнные философской традицией: логический анализ, мысленный эксперимент, перформативная критика риторики, а также оценка этического измерения происходящего. Главными опасностями для дисциплины становятся, с одной стороны, соблазны вольного обращения с эмпирическими данными, а с другой стороны, производство фантастических нарративов. Автор уточняет способы функционирования социальнофилософской футурологии в контексте современной культурной логики капитализма и указывает на наиболее продуктивную для дисциплины стратегию работы с будущим. Ей становится социально-философский анализ логики существующей капиталистической системы. The article makes an attempt to critically analyze the methodological basis of social-philosophical futurology. The author argues that the ways of philosophical thinking about the future became common not only in contemporary culture but also colonized social and cultural theories. The futurology obsession was an answer to the growth of the speed of changes and the fragmentation of the grand narratives. Social-philosophical futurology replaced philosophy of history and competed with utopia dimension of classical ideologies. Eventually the appellation to the future de facto becomes a part of thinking about the present, the always-present continuation of the scientific data analysis. The author proposes to find the limits of its methodological borders, that would distinguish it from other scientific and cultural spheres, in which it tends to dissolve. The latter became not just a problem for philosophy but also for concrete disciplines (economics, sociology etc.). The article shows that in the basis of social-philosophical futurology have to exist unique methods born inside philosophical tradition: logical analysis, thought experiment, performative critique of rhetoric and ethical (value) evaluation of the present. The main risks are, however, temptations to treat empirical data freely and to produce fantastic narratives. Among other things the author specifies the ways of social-philosophical functioning in the borders of contemporary cultural logic of capitalism and points out the most effective strategy to deal with it. The latter is understood as social-philosophical analysis of actually existing capitalist system.
Book chapters on the topic "Actually Existing Utopias"
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"Stefan Heym’s Schwarzenberg: Actually Existing Utopia?" In Travellers in Time and Space / Reisende durch Zeit und Raum, 331–42. Brill | Rodopi, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004333949_021.
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Boer, Roland. "Multinationality and the Utopian Project: The Case of Actually Existing Israel." In Imagined Worlds and Constructed Differences in the Hebrew Bible. T&T CLARK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780567683526.0011.
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"Utopia and Actuality: What is to Be Done with Really Existing Socialism?" In The Skin of the System, 19–37. Stanford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804762472.003.0002.
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"1. Utopia and Actuality: What Is to Be Done with Really Existing Socialism?" In The Skin of the System, 19–37. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780804772488-003.
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Wei, Jason Tan Jian, and Moussa Pourya Asl. "Dystopia and Heterotopia." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 18–36. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-6650-6.ch002.
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The traditional classification of city spaces in Afghan literature in English as either utopian or dystopian overlooks the possibility of other spaces existing within the same spatial structure. This chapter argues that although Khaled Hosseini's A Thousand Splendid Suns is widely known to be teeming with exclusively dystopian elements, the novel depicts the functioning of alternative spaces within the same spatial realities. The authors use Foucault's notion of heterotopia to examine how the actuality of such different spaces throughout the novel allows the reimagining of alternate ways of life for the female characters. Drawing upon Foucault's six principles of heterotopia, the analysis underlines that despite the predominantly dystopian portrayal of the country in the novel, multiple physical and imaginary heterotopias are shown as operating whereby the characters, especially the female ones, are able to reimagine themselves away from the dreads of the chaotic reality.
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Wolff, Nathan. "Introduction Bureaucratic Vistas." In Not Quite Hope and Other Political Emotions in the Gilded Age, 2–23. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831693.003.0007.
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This chapter sheds new light on the US Gilded Age (roughly the final three decades of the nineteenth century), revealing it—and its literature—to be a period defined as much by cynicism about corruption as by actual political venality. It sets out three of the book’s overarching interventions: first, calling us to expand our vocabulary of “political emotion” beyond sympathy to a wider range of disagreeable and in-between feelings; second, providing frameworks for analyzing the relation, rather than the opposition, between reason and emotion in political contexts (in particular, via the affective tenor of late-nineteenth-century bureaucratic discourse); third, claiming that we must supplement accounts of nineteenth-century US literature’s utopian moods with a view of those quotidian feelings—so often negative—that define encounters with existing political institutions, as foregrounded by Gilded Age fiction. Authors discussed include Frances Hodgson Burnett, Herman Melville, Mark Twain, and Walt Whitman.
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Mauldin, Joshua. "The Divine Mandates and Political Resistance." In Barth, Bonhoeffer, and Modern Politics, 81–109. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198867517.003.0005.
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Building on the framework established in Chapter 3, this chapter interprets Bonhoeffer’s account of the divine mandates as a Hegelian-inspired account of the “ethical life” or Sittlichkeit of modern society. For Bonhoeffer, the divine mandates constitute the forms of ethical life that gives substance to our lives in society, establishing the possibility for an authentically “modern” form of social life that can endure through time. In outlining the mandates, Bonhoeffer describes the actual, existing norms and practices constituting the ethical life of society. The grounding of ethics in the social institutions that the divine mandates name wards off alienation even while making space for social criticism. Bonhoeffer links the conception of freedom represented by the French Revolution with the rise of National Socialism in Germany. The modern commitment to rational autonomy, unmoored from the actual ethical life of a determinate culture, leads to the “absolute freedom” on display in the Revolution’s descent into terror, and later in the rise of National Socialism. Bonhoeffer saw this utopian impulse as modernity’s enduring temptation. Living amid the social ruin wrought by absolute freedom’s destructive power, Bonhoeffer sought a solution to this central problem of modern political life.