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Journal articles on the topic 'Actors/parties'
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1
Lustiger‐Thaler, Henri, and Eric Shragge. "The New Urban Left: Parties Without Actors." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 22, no. 2 (June 1998): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00137.
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Schlozman, Daniel, and Sam Rosenfeld. "Prophets of Party in American Political History." Forum 15, no. 4 (December 20, 2017): 685–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2017-0045.
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Abstract This article pursues a developmental understanding of American parties as autonomous and thick collective actors through a comparison of four key historical actors we term “prophets of party”: partisans of the nineteenth-century Party Period; Progressive reformers; mid-twentieth century liberal Democrats; and activists in and around the body popularly known as the McGovern-Fraser Commission. Leading theories portray political parties as the vehicles either of ambitious politicians or of groups eager to extract benefits from the state. Yet such analyses leave underdetermined the path from such actors’ desires for power to the parties’ wielding of it. That path is mediated by partisan forms and practices that have varied widely across institutional and cultural context. As parties search for electoral majority, they do so in the long shadow of ideas and practices, layered and accreted across time, concerning the role of parties in political life. We analyze four such prophesies, trace their layered contributions to their successors, and reflect on their legacy for contemporary party politics.
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van Schagen, Esther. "Source of Concern or Room for Experimentation?" European Journal of Comparative Law and Governance 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 187–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134514-00302001.
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State actors increasingly involve private parties in the development of binding alternative regulation in private law. This involvement may be welcomed as an exercise of parties’ rights, but private parties may simultaneously limit other parties’ rights. Consequently, state actors have sought to control the influence of private parties particularly in the German legal order, where the constitutional principle of private autonomy is interpreted so as to require the protection of weaker private parties from Fremdbestimmung (hetero-determination) coming from structurally much more powerful private parties. In comparison, while Dutch law generally recognizes principles of private autonomy and the need to protect parties from heterodetermination (‘heteronomie’), so far this has not permeated the Dutch discussion on alternative regulation. The idea of hetero-determination may serve as a starting point for a more active and consistent approach towards the development and limitation of alternative regulation in the Dutch legal order.
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Mair, Peter. "The Electoral Payoffs of Fission and Fusion." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005743.
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Political parties are not unitary actors; rather, each contains within its ranks a variety of different ideological beliefs and strategic orientations. Nor are individual political parties wholly isolated; rather, each has friends and allies among the other parties, and, of course, some implacable opponents.
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Borz, Gabriela. "Justifying the constitutional regulation of political parties: A framework for analysis." International Political Science Review 38, no. 1 (July 8, 2016): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512116638543.
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What are the main reasons behind the regulation of political parties by contemporary constitutional practices? This article presents a framework for analysis which identifies types of justifications and actors involved in the process of regulation and their further influence on the outcomes of constitutionalisation. The empirical focus is on the revelatory case of Luxembourg, which amended the constitution for the sole reason of giving parties constitutional status. The analysis suggests that the constitutional regulation of political parties depends on their current interests and power status. Additionally, the paper draws attention to the involvement of external actors and to the changing nature of contemporary constitutionalism.
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Rivera, Mauricio. "Authoritarian Institutions and State Repression." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 10 (March 3, 2016): 2183–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716632301.
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Existing research has paid increasing attention to the role of political institutions such as legislatures and opposition parties in autocracies. So far, however, the relationship between nondemocratic institutions and state repression has remained largely unclear. This article argues that authoritarian institutions are related to divergent conflicting dynamics between incumbent regimes and opposition actors, which provide leaders with opposite incentives to repress. While authoritarian legislatures enhance leaders’ capacity to prevent conflict and reduce their need for repression, the presence of opposition parties helps opposition actors to overcome collective action barriers and mobilize against the incumbent regime, increasing the states’ need for repression. A panel data analysis of nondemocracies from 1976 to 2007 shows that authoritarian-elected legislatures reduce repression and the presence of opposition parties increases it. Moreover, the results indicate that autocracies with opposition parties and an elected legislature experience lower repression than autocracies with opposition parties but no elected legislature.
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HyunJaeHo. "Democratic Institutions and Political Actors : Political Parties, Constitutional Systems, and Public Policy." Korean Political Science Review 49, no. 1 (March 2015): 177–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2015.49.1.008.
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Boräng, Frida, and Lucie Cerna. "Constrained Politics: Labour Market Actors, Political Parties and Swedish Labour Immigration Policy." Government and Opposition 54, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.51.
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Sweden used to be one of the most restrictive countries in the Organisation of Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD) in terms of labour immigration policy. This was drastically changed in 2008 when a very liberal immigration law was passed. Why did one of the most restrictive labour immigration countries suddenly become one of the most liberal ones? The article argues that it is necessary to consider labour market institutions and their consequences for labour migration. These factors will influence the preferences, strategies and chances of success for various policy actors. A decline in union power and corporatism in Sweden had important consequences for its labour immigration. Following this decline, employers and centre-right parties became more active and adopted more liberal policy positions than previously. The article analyses policy developments since the 1960s and draws on official documents, position statements, party manifestos, media coverage and original elite interviews.
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Gauja, Anika, and Graeme Orr. "Regulating ‘third parties’ as electoral actors: Comparative insights and questions for democracy." Interest Groups & Advocacy 4, no. 3 (May 12, 2015): 249–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/iga.2015.2.
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Bergmann, Sina. "Non-state Actors in the International Climate Change Regulatory Framework." Helsinki Law Review 14, no. 1 (February 8, 2021): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33344/vol14iss1pp88-104.
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Global climate governance is multilateral and involves both state and non-state actors. This study sets to identify the ways in which non-state actors can access and participate in the international climate change regime under the UNFCCC and the 2015 Paris Agreement and to evaluate how they can influence law-making processes and outcomes under the agreements. The study further provides recommendations on how the involvement of non-state actors can be improved under the agreements. The study emphasizes that under the UNFCCC, non-state actors have an important role in acting as intermediaries under the orchestration governance model and in participating to the Conference of Parties and under the Paris Agreement, by exerting influence on state’s nationally determined contributions. The study suggests that the role of non-state actors in formulating nationally determined contributions and in participating to the Conference of Parties should be further formalised and that the NAZCA portal should be improved.
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Basov, F. "Russia in the Settings of Political Parties of the FRG." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2014): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-4-56-61.
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This paper offers the analysis on Russia in the settings of German political parties. The author focuses on reactions of German political parties to the last trends in Russian social and political development. Parties’ influence on the creation of German policy towards Russia, and relations between the parties and interest groups (economic actors and human rights activists, which determine the policy towards Russia) are thoroughly examined in the article.
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Warjiyati, Sri. "Peranan Partai Politik Islam Dalam Pelaksanaan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Serentak di Indonesia." Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 9, no. 2 (October 10, 2019): 274–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2019.9.2.274-299.
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The Islamic Political Parties in support of simultaneous Regional Head Elections in Indonesia have proven to contribute significantly to a very pluralistic national political system. Increasing the capacity and performance of Islamic political parties directly influences the quality of democracy and the performance of the political system in Indonesia, so that the role of Islamic Political Parties needs to be improved, both in capacity, quality and performance in order to realize the quality of democracy in Indonesia. The birth of Islamic parties in Indonesia today has added to the treasures of democracy in Indonesia, this birth phenomenon is thought to be a manifestation of the re-presence of Islamic political power. The quality of democracy can be influenced one of them through the implementation of simultaneous regional head elections in 2018 which are carried out in a constitutional, peaceful, honest and fair manner. The quality of democracy is also determined by the existence of democratic institutions, actors of democracy, actors' relations with institutions, public issues, and the capacity and strategy of democratic actors in linking between political party platforms that carry candidates with issues of public interest. The success of the substance of the implementation of the Regional Head Election simultaneously can be measured from the effectiveness of the system
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Russo Spena, Tiziana, and Mele Cristina. "Practising innovation in the healthcare ecosystem: the agency of third-party actors." Journal of Business & Industrial Marketing 35, no. 3 (November 23, 2019): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jbim-01-2019-0048.
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Purpose Over recent years, few industries have seen such dramatic changes as the healthcare industry. The potential connectivity of digital technologies is completely transforming the healthcare ecosystem. This has resulted in companies increasingly investing in digital transformations to exploit data across channels, operations and patient outreach, by building on a practice approach and actor-network theory and being informed by service-dominant logic, this study aims to contribute by advancing the agential role of third-party actors to prompt innovation and shape service ecosystems. Design/methodology/approach This research is grounded in an epistemological contextualism. To gain situated knowledge and address the role of context in knowledge, understanding and meaning the authors adopted a qualitative methodology to study actors in their different contexts. The empirical research was based on case theory. The authors also took guidance from practice scholars about how to investigate actors’ practices. The unit of analysis moves from dyadic relationships to focus on practices across different networks of actors. Findings This study expands on the conceptualization of triad as proposed by Siltaloppi and Vargo (2017) by moving from the form of triadic relationships – brokerage, mediation and coalition – to the agency of e-health third-parties; and their practices to innovate in the healthcare ecosystem. This study focuses on the actors and the performativity of actions and grounding the conceptual view on an empirical base. Practical implications Third-party actors bring about innovative ways of doing business in the healthcare ecosystem. Their actions challenge the status quo and run counter to long-time practices. Third-parties support the complex set of interconnections between different healthcare actors for the provision of new service co-creation opportunities. Considering how these e-health third-parties performs has implications for health managers, patients and other actors. Originality/value This study focuses on the actors and the performativity of actions and grounding the conceptual view on an empirical base. The agency of third-party actors is their ability to act among others and to connect multiple social and material structures to boost innovation. They prompt innovation and shape service ecosystems by brokering, mediating and coalescing among a great variety of resources, practices and institutions.
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Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "Looking back at the past: image of the Soviet Union in the politics of memory the parties (by the example of materials of elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the VI and VII convocations)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.3.32753.
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Almost three decades have passed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union; however, there is still no unity towards its history – various political actors interpret it differently. Analysis is conducted on the politics of memory of the parties that participated in the last two election campaigns in reference to the Soviet period. The goal of article is to determine the parties with own politics of memory; assess the attitude of the political parties on the Soviet history as a whole and isolated key events; as well as describe experience of using the politics of memory in electoral cycle. The opposition parties – the CPRF, LDPR, Yabloko, PARNAS, and the Communists of Russia – most actively referred to the politics of memory. The center of political attention became the history of the Soviet period, to which different approaches were applied. The liberal parties criticized the USSR and advocated decommunization, while the left-wing parties notices only positive aspects in the Soviet history. The LDPR offered to separate the attitude towards the Soviet regime, and the attitude towards the state. Although the political parties have not fully fulfilled their potential as the actors of the politics of memory, the development of the own strategies of interpretation of history is traced clearly. The politics of memory may evolve into a separate vector of major party politics.
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Kollman, Ken, John H. Miller, and Scott E. Page. "Adaptive Parties in Spatial Elections." American Political Science Review 86, no. 4 (December 1992): 929–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964345.
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We develop a model of two-party spatial elections that departs from the standard model in three respects: parties' information about voters' preferences is limited to polls; parties can be either office-seeking or ideological; and parties are not perfect optimizers, that is, they are modelled as boundedly rational adaptive actors. We employ computer search algorithms to model the adaptive behavior of parties and show that three distinct search algorithms lead to similar results. Our findings suggest that convergence in spatial voting models is robust to variations in the intelligence of parties. We also find that an adaptive party in a complex issue space may not be able to defeat a well-positioned incumbent.
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Lupu, Noam, and Rachel Beatty Riedl. "Political Parties and Uncertainty in Developing Democracies." Comparative Political Studies 46, no. 11 (August 30, 2012): 1339–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414012453445.
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This article lays out a theoretical framework for understanding the effects of political uncertainty on party development and strategies of mobilization and competition. Defining uncertainty as the imprecision with which political actors are able to predict future interactions, the authors identify three types of political uncertainty: regime uncertainty, economic uncertainty, and institutional uncertainty. They argue that political uncertainty is particularly high among developing democracies, contributing to puzzling empirical patterns of party development and competition in these contexts. Taking into account the role of uncertainty in the strategic decision making of party elites will help scholars better understand the differences between parties in advanced and developing democracies. But it can also help scholars understand the less dramatic differences between parties even within advanced democracies. The authors’ theoretical framework can be applied broadly since uncertainty informs the strategic choices of a much wider range of political actors.
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Wettstein, Martin, Frank Esser, Anne Schulz, Dominique S. Wirz, and Werner Wirth. "News Media as Gatekeepers, Critics, and Initiators of Populist Communication: How Journalists in Ten Countries Deal with the Populist Challenge." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 4 (August 2, 2018): 476–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218785979.
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In the wake of the recent successes of populist political actors and discussions about its causes in Europe, the contribution of the media has become an issue of public debate. We identify three roles—as gatekeepers, interpreters, and initiators—the media can assume in their coverage of populist actors, populist ideology, and populist communication. A comparative content analysis of nine thousand stories from fifty-nine news outlets in ten European countries shows that both media factors (e.g., tabloid orientation) and political factors (e.g., response of mainstream parties) influence the extent and nature of populism in the media. Although newspapers in most countries do not overrepresent populist actors and tend to evaluate them negatively, we still find abundant populist content in the news. Several media outlets like to present themselves as mouthpieces of the people while, at the same time, cover politicians and parties with antiinstitutional undertones.
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Larsson, Anders Olof. "Top Users and Long Tails: Twitter and Instagram Use During the 2015 Norwegian Elections." Social Media + Society 3, no. 2 (April 2017): 205630511771377. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305117713776.
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Uses of social media for purposes of political campaigning have become widespread across several electoral contexts. However, as much of the research focused on these issues have dealt primarily with Twitter, relatively little is known regarding how parties make use of other, similar platforms. This article analyzes Twitter and Instagram use during the 2015 Norwegian elections. By adopting a comparative approach, the article suggests a novel approach for applying the often-used normalization and equalization hypotheses. While the former of these hypotheses suggests that larger parties will dominate online, the latter proposes that comparably smaller actors will utilize comparably novel services—such as Instagram in this case—to comparably larger extents than their more sizeable competitors. Contrary to the hypotheses, however, messages primarily relating to smaller actors tended to dominate on Twitter, while larger actors were found to be successful in terms of gaining traction on Instagram.
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Pirro, Andrea L. P., and Pietro Castelli Gattinara. "MOVEMENT PARTIES OF THE FAR RIGHT: THE ORGANIZATION AND STRATEGIES OF NATIVIST COLLECTIVE ACTORS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 367–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-3-367.
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The scholarship on the far right has often interpreted nativist organizations as straddling the conceptual space between party and movement. These groups contest elections in order to gain representation in office, yet they also seek to mobilize public support to engage contentious issues like social movements. Despite theoretical commonalities, very little empirical research has focused on far-right “movement parties” as collective actors operating both in the protest and the electoral arenas. The article redresses this inconsistency by exploring the organizational and strategic configuration of two far-right collective actors—the Hungarian Jobbik and the Italian CasaPound. Deploying original interviews with high-ranking officials, the analysis enhances our understanding of the internal “supply side” of the far right as well as empirical knowledge on hybrid organizations that emerge from grassroots activism and successively organize to pursue the electoral option.
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Corrales, Javier. "Can Anyone Stop the President? Power Asymmetries and Term Limits in Latin America, 1984–2016." Latin American Politics and Society 58, no. 2 (2016): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2016.00308.x.
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AbstractSince the late twentieth century, numerous Latin American nations have launched efforts to relax presidential term limits, often successfully. This article discusses the conditions under which countries succeed in relaxing term limits. Drawing from bargaining models and reviewing 36 cases, it makes three arguments. First, actors' preferences are fairly predictable on the basis of officeholding: presidents are the most prominent actors pushing for expansion of term limits; opposition parties lead the resistance. Second, power asymmetry, measured by presidential approval ratings, is the best predictor of success, better than ideology or share of seats in Congress. Third, the only hope for stopping popular presidents rests with ruling parties and the courts, but only when the latter are sufficiently independent.
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Korgunyuk, Yury. "Classification of Russian Parties." Russian Politics 2, no. 3 (August 19, 2017): 255–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00203001.
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This article attempts to classify Russian parties by various criteria and with the help of various methods. Cluster analysis shows that only 10 of the 75 parties registered by the Ministry of Justice can be considered as actual political actors. They can be broken into three clusters: 1) United Russia; 2) parliamentary opposition – cprf, ldpr and A Just Russia; 3) six parties with a various degree of participation in national political debates and rare regional and municipal deputies. Factor analysis enables us to build a 2D-map of the policy space where parties participating actively in national debates form a kind of triangle: the first vertex consists of six parties including cprf, ldpr and jr, the second one is represented by United Russia alone, the third – by liberals (Yabloko and parnas). From the organizational point of view, United Russia and cprf try to look like mass parties, other resemble cadre parties (most of them), business firms (ldpr), associations of soul-mate clubs (Yabloko).
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Sasikumar, Karthika, and Gilles Verniers. "The India-U.S. Nuclear Cooperation Agreement." Asian Survey 53, no. 4 (July 2013): 679–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.4.679.
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The U.S.-India civil nuclear energy agreement triggered a contentious debate in India from 2005 to 2008. Regional political actors played crucial and unanticipated roles in the debate. We present explanations for the positions adopted by the main actors and the level of contention. We find that parties’ positions were driven not by ideology but by the compulsions of coalition politics.
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Meyer, Thomas M. "Dropping the unitary actor assumption: The impact of intra-party delegation on coalition governance." Journal of Theoretical Politics 24, no. 4 (January 3, 2012): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629811429992.
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What happens to cabinet governance if parties do not act as ‘unitary actors’? In this paper, I examine the consequences of intra-party dissent for coalition governments in parliamentary systems. Drawing on the principal–agent literature, I develop a model in which party agents, namely cabinet ministers and legislators rather than parties as collective actors, decide on specific policies. The individuals’ amount of loyalty determines the degree of party unity. I use simulation techniques to analyze the power of an agenda-setting minister in a two-party coalition conditional on the level of party unity. The results suggest that the minister’s agenda-setting power diminishes if parliamentarians and cabinet members aim at implementing their personal policy preferences. However, the party not in charge of the respective portfolio may benefit from disunity within its own ranks. This counter-intuitive result raises doubts about the widespread view that internal unity strengthens the bargaining power of political parties.
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Fadli, Yusuf, and Adie Dwiyanto Nurlukman. "Government Collaboration in Empowerment? A Collaborative Framework for the Government in Empowering Coastal Communities." Journal of Government and Civil Society 2, no. 2 (November 16, 2018): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/jgcs.v2i2.1022.
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The pendulum of the development at the global level moves to the extent of collaborative work between government, society and third parties. Today, in Indonesia a collaboration model is also implemented with the aim of presenting long-standing welfare in coastal areas. The poverty that surrounds coastal communities is an anomaly in the midst of the abundance of wealth stored in the sea of Indonesia. The Regional Government of Tangerang Regency encourages to collaborate with external parties to resolve the troubles. This article tries to use the modified Triple-Helix model as an analytical framework, which is useful for knowing the role of actors involved in creating development innovation. This study uses qualitative methods to see and find out how political, social, and academic actors interact and integrate into overcoming public problems that arise from the perspective of collaborative governance. The findings of the study found, first, collaborative work is useful to improve governance, second, to provide opportunities for actors to find effective solutions, and thirdly, to increase trust between government and citizens. This article argues that the success of collaborative work depends on the synergy between actors and the extent to which each program can demonstrate its sustainability.
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Irfan, M. Nurul Irfan, Afwan Faizin, and Bukhori Muslim. "PERAN BASYARNAS DALAM PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA EKONOMI SYARIAH." Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/mnh.v11i2.1289.
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National Shariah Arbitration Board (Basyarnas) is one of the manifestations of the first established Islamic Arbitration in Indonesia. Basyarnas stands autonomously and independently as one of the legal instruments that resolve disputes of the parties, whether coming from within the environment of Islamic banks, Takaful Insurance, or any other party who needs it. In connection with the Basyarnas function, this article discusses the following three main issues: Firstly, the view of sharia economic actors on Basyarnas. Shariah economic actors generally consider the importance of Basyarnas’s position in settling disputes in Sharia economics. In the last five years (2010-2015) the number of disputes cases in Basyarnas (23 cases) is slightly higher than cases handled by the Religious Courts (20 cases). Secondly, the reason for sharia economic actors chooses the arbitration route because the process is faster, the cost is light and the verdict is final and binding and the secrets of the parties are maintained. Thirdly, the factors that influence the choice are also determined by the level of confidence of the sharia economic actors to the judges’ ability within the Religious Courts to resolve the dispute.
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Irfan, M. Nurul Irfan, Afwan Faizin, and Bukhori Muslim. "PERAN BASYARNAS DALAM PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA EKONOMI SYARIAH." Al-Manahij 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/mnh.v11i2.2017.pp145-160.
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National Shariah Arbitration Board (Basyarnas) is one of the manifestations of the first established Islamic Arbitration in Indonesia. Basyarnas stands autonomously and independently as one of the legal instruments that resolve disputes of the parties, whether coming from within the environment of Islamic banks, Takaful Insurance, or any other party who needs it. In connection with the Basyarnas function, this article discusses the following three main issues: Firstly, the view of sharia economic actors on Basyarnas. Shariah economic actors generally consider the importance of Basyarnas’s position in settling disputes in Sharia economics. In the last five years (2010-2015) the number of disputes cases in Basyarnas (23 cases) is slightly higher than cases handled by the Religious Courts (20 cases). Secondly, the reason for sharia economic actors chooses the arbitration route because the process is faster, the cost is light and the verdict is final and binding and the secrets of the parties are maintained. Thirdly, the factors that influence the choice are also determined by the level of confidence of the sharia economic actors to the judges’ ability within the Religious Courts to resolve the dispute.
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Clark, Alistair, and Lynn Bennie. "STRATEGIC ACTORS OR MUDDLING THROUGH? POLITICAL PARTIES, LOCAL CAMPAIGNING AND THE SINGLE TRANSFERABLE VOTE1." Representation 44, no. 4 (November 2008): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890802422922.
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Seiler, Daniel Louis. "Ombres et lumières sur les élections européennes des 7 et 10 juin 1979 : ébauche d’une première analyse des résultats." Études internationales 10, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 549–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700965ar.
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This article seeks to provide a first attempt at finding a way through the intricate jungle created by at least nine political Systems electing members for one Parliament. The analysis is divided into four steps. The first step considers the actors and the rules of the game and results in a clear conclusion : neither the rules (the electoral Systems) nor the actors (European political parties) allow for the expression of any kind of political will. The second step of the analysis deals with some generalizations about the so-called European trends of the election. The "nonvoters' party" appears as the clear winner. Moreover, this is the only common pattern observed in the nine countries. The third step is comprised of a country by country overview. Rather than referring to the European election, one should talk about at least elevent different elections each with a different set of issues. In terms of the issues, Denmark is the sole country where essentially European matters were in the forefront. In the other cases, the election of the MEP resembles an opinion poll designed especially to meet the needs of national leaders and parties. The article concludes by considering future developments. The real European elections will take place in 1984. What will happen from June 1979 until 1984 will be akin to rehersals for a play. The script seems well written and the dialogue is interesting. However, the actors (the parties) are untrained. The destiny of the performance will entirely depend on the actors.
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Nurlaina, Nurlaina, Muryanto Amin, and Warjio Warjio. "Motif Aktor Lokal dalam Kuota Pencalonan 120 Persen Partai Politik Lokal pada Pemilu 2019." PERSPEKTIF 10, no. 2 (July 8, 2021): 441–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v10i2.4604.
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This research explains the change in the nomination quota for members of the Provincial DPRD (DPRA) and Regency / City DPRD (DPRK) members for local political parties in the 2019 Election in Aceh Province from a quota of 100 percent to 120 percent based on the number of seats that have been assigned to each electoral district, because the provisions of the LoGA stipulated in the Aceh Qanun are different from the national provisions. The change in the quota cannot be separated from the influence of requests made by DPRA members who are cadres of one of the local political parties. As a political actor at the local level, this request is supported by various motives. To analyze motives, the researchers looked at the reasons local actors asked for changes in nomination quotas. This research is a type of qualitative research by collecting data through interviews, observation and library data, then the data that has been obtained is analyzed by content. Research findings show that actors use an integrative model to get special treatment for local political parties in the 2019 elections, actor actions in achieving preferences, interactions between institutions and instruments or institutional rules, it is found that apart from maintaining the specificity of Aceh, the request for a 120 percent quota for political parties is found. The local background is also motivated by the motive of the interests of actors and their groups, namely becoming incumbent candidates and accommodating many candidates for DPRA and DPRK candidates from the Aceh Party.
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Kuebler-Wolf, Elizabeth. "‘Born in America, in Europe bred, in Africa travell’d and in Asia wed’: Elihu Yale, material culture, and actor networks from the seventeenth century to the twenty-first." Journal of Global History 11, no. 3 (October 11, 2016): 320–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022816000176.
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AbstractObjects can serve as non-living actors in a Latourian actor network which spans not only geography but time. Over this spatial–temporal network, what I call ‘object-actors’ acquire meanings that motivate living actors to use these objects as connecting points between past and present. Object-actors form networks in original exchanges between individuals and institutions, connect the past and present, and generate new and shifting meanings in this global–temporal network. Object-actors work and generate meaning in four dimensions – distance, location, relation, and time. Globally, object-actors can accrue conflicting meanings bound by locality. This article uses the collections of Elihu Yale as a case study in how object-actors constitute an important aspect of networks, and how those networks are not bound to the original transactions between historical parties or to their original geographies.
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Paget, Dan. "The authoritarian origins of well-organized opposition parties: The rise of Chadema in Tanzania." African Affairs 118, no. 473 (December 18, 2018): 692–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady061.
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Abstract This article concerns the organizational expansion undertaken by the opposition party, Chadema, in Tanzania between 2003 and 2015. It argues that Chadema’s extensive party-building enabled it to mobilize on the ground. These organizational developments, as much as elite action, underpinned recent changes in the party system and the opposition’s improved showing in recent elections. Chadema established branches even though many of the prerequisite circumstances typically recognized in the literature were absent. This makes Chadema a deviant case and this deviance has implications for the historical institutionalist literature on party-building. This article complicates Rachel Riedl’s account of state substitution. She links the incorporation or substitution of social actors to different paths of party system institutionalization. This article demonstrates that the character and consequences of state substitution depend upon the balance of power between state and social actors. It also builds on accounts by Adrienne LeBas and others that when social actors are strong, they can endow opposition parties with resources which make branch establishment possible, and when they are weak, they can only act as surrogate party branches. This article illustrates that when social actors are absent from partisan politics, parties have no way to organize except by founding green-site branches.
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Ayling, Julie. "Harnessing Third Parties for Transnational Environmental Crime Prevention." Transnational Environmental Law 2, no. 2 (September 10, 2013): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2047102513000174.
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AbstractBecause transnational environmental crime (TEC) can result in the demise of an environmental resource or irreversible damage to the environment and has implications for national and global security, its prevention is a critical issue. Deterrence through law enforcement can go only a limited distance towards preventing TEC. However, there is a huge potential for third parties to be active participants, alongside governmental authorities, in crafting and implementing strategies for TEC prevention. This article explores the ways in which states can catalyze third parties – non-state, non-offending actors – to contribute their own capacities towards the pursuit of preventive outcomes. It draws together concepts and theories from policing studies, criminology and regulatory studies to highlight changing relationships between the state and non-state actors with respect to crime control, and applies them to TEC. Examples and illustrations used in the article relate mainly to efforts to combat the illegal wildlife trade. The article concludes that a more systematic approach to TEC prevention involving third parties is needed, and that this requires dedicated strategic analysis and planning on the part of states, working individually and together.
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Balcere, Ilze. "INSIGHTS INTO INTRA-PARTY DECISION-MAKING IN LATVIA’S POLITICAL PARTIES." Baltic Journal of Political Science 6, no. 6 (February 12, 2018): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2017.6.11593.
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This article examines the decision–making processes within political parties in Latvia. Two important variables have been chosen for analysis: 1) policy formulation (which actors are involved in the elaboration of election programs), and 2) candidate selection (how parties create their electoral lists). A survey of Saeima (Latvia’s parliamentary body) deputies indicates that party board members have the most say in deciding which individuals to include on electoral lists and which policies to pursue; financial supporters seem to have almost no impact on parties’ internal decision-making processes.
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Fischer, Manuel, Karin Ingold, Pascal Sciarini, and Frédéric Varone. "Dealing with bad guys: actor- and process-level determinants of the “devil shift” in policy making." Journal of Public Policy 36, no. 2 (February 2, 2015): 309–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x15000021.
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AbstractPolicy actors tend to misinterpret and distrust opponents in policy processes. This phenomenon, known as the “devil shift”, consists of the following two dimensions: actors perceive opponents as more powerful and as more evil than they really are. Analysing nine policy processes in Switzerland, this article highlights the drivers of the devil shift at two levels. On the actor level, interest groups, political parties and powerful actors suffer more from the devil shift than state actors and powerless actors. On the process level, the devil shift is stronger in policy processes dealing with socio-economic issues as compared with other issues. Finally, and in line with previous studies, there is less empirical evidence of the power dimension of the devil shift phenomenon than of its evilness dimension.
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De Giorgi, Elisabetta, António Dias, and Branislav Dolný. "New Challenger Parties in Opposition: Isolation or Cooperation?" Parliamentary Affairs 74, no. 3 (March 30, 2021): 662–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab025.
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Abstract The context of European parties has been through a process of significant transformation in recent years, with the fall of traditional mainstream parties and the rise of challenger parties. Despite their significant differences, mainly at the ideological level, we argue that challenger parties share some common characteristics when they first enter parliament. Namely, we expect them to employ a similar strategy as regards their relationship with the other party actors and to attempt to send the same message to their electorate: that they represent the alternative to existing parties, be it in government or in opposition, and will behave accordingly in parliament. We test our expectations by analysing and comparing the cooperation attitudes of challenger parties vis-à-vis the other opposition parties, using legislative co-sponsorship during their first term in parliament as an indicator and Social Network Analysis as a method.
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Pittoors, Gilles. "Living Apart Together? The Organization of Political Parties beyond the Nation-State: The Flemish Case." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2458.
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This article aims to contribute both theoretically and empirically to the study of political parties in the EU context, focusing on party organisation. Theoretically, it draws on insights from various literatures to develop a novel typology of multilevel party organisation specific to the EU context. It argues that parties are goal-seeking actors that choose their organisation based on a cost-benefit analysis, involving both party characteristics and the institutional context. Empirically, the article applies this framework on the Flemish political parties. It finds that rational goal-seeking behaviour cannot fully account for parties’ organisational choices. Results show that normative and historical considerations play a crucial role in parties’ cost-benefit analysis. It therefore calls upon future research to expand the number of comparative studies and to further assess parties’ goal-seeking behaviour regarding their multilevel organisation.
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Heinkelmann-Wild, Tim, Lisa Kriegmair, and Berthold Rittberger. "The EU Multi-Level System and the Europeanization of Domestic Blame Games." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2522.
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Blame games between governing and opposition parties are a characteristic feature of domestic politics. In the EU, policymaking authority is shared among multiple actors across different levels of governance. How does EU integration affect the dynamics of domestic blame games? Drawing on the literatures on EU politicisation and blame attribution in multi-level governance systems, we derive expectations about the direction and frequency of blame attributions in a Europeanized setting. We argue, first, that differences in the direction and frequency of blame attributions by governing and opposition parties are shaped by their diverging baseline preferences as blame avoiders and blame generators; secondly, we posit that differences in blame attributions across Europeanized policies are shaped by variation in political authority structures, which incentivize certain attributions while constraining others. We hypothesize, inter alia, that blame games are “Europeanized” primarily by governing parties and when policy-implementing authority rests with EU-level actors. We test our theoretical expectations by analysing parliamentary debates on EU asylum system policy and EU border control policy in Austria and Germany.
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van Asselt, Harro. "The Role of Non-State Actors in Reviewing Ambition, Implementation, and Compliance under the Paris Agreement." Climate Law 6, no. 1-2 (May 6, 2016): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18786561-00601006.
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Non-state actors will play a unique and crucial role in the implementation of the Paris Agreement. Although much of the focus in the lead-up to Paris was on the mitigation commitments and actions of non-state actors, this essay focuses on another valuable contribution they can make: to hold the parties to their obligations under the Paris Agreement. I argue that, while the formal avenues for non-state-actor participation in review processes—encompassing the review of implementation, compliance, and effectiveness—remain limited, there are several other ways in which non-state actors can be, and already have been, influential.1
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MASUMBE, Peter SAKWE. "A Re-Examination of Measures for Typifying Political Parties’ Philosophies, Policies and Democracy in Free Societies and Lessons for sub-Saharan Africa’s Emerging Societies." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 8 (August 14, 2021): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.88.10665.
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This article re-examines measures on how plentiful political parties’ philosophies and policies implant democracy in free societies, to adduce lessons for political parties in sub-Saharan Africa’s emerging societies. From Bawn et al.’s (2012) charaterising framework on political parties’ in free societies, I expand their theory of political parties by affirming that, interest groups, activists and lay voters, rather than leaders of political parties must be the key actors in policy-making and democratisation; as groups’ alliances develop collective plans and screen contestants for party nominations based on loyalties to parties’ agendas. This premise contrasts with those theories, which believe that, parties are tools for self-seeking leaders. The variance edifies, because parties dominated by interest groups, activists and voters, rather than leaders, are more responsive to voters’ preferences. Thus, I debunk the prevailing practices of political parties’ philosophies and policies in sub-Saharan African societies, wherein elective offices aspirants rebuff popularising in solving social problems, but scheme on narrow self-seeking predatory ambitions at the electorates’ chagrin.
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Murtagh, Cera. "The plight of civic parties in divided societies." International Political Science Review 41, no. 1 (October 24, 2019): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119859349.
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Civic political parties in divided societies occupy an ambiguous place in the power-sharing literature. Scholarship tends to focus on ethnic parties and assumes civic actors to be marginal. The empirical reality tells a different story: civic parties have contributed to peace, stability and democracy in some of the world’s most deeply divided places by playing a mediating role, acting as a moderating force and representing otherwise marginalised groups. Drawing from interviews with representatives from civic parties, ethnic parties and civil society in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and broader institutional analysis, I argue that civic parties’ survival can be explained by the fact that they meet therein not only with barriers but also critical openings. They adapt to this opportunity structure, with different party types developing under different forms of power-sharing. In illustrating the relationship between governance models and civic parties, this article underlines the importance of post-settlement institutional design.
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Snegovaya, Maria. "Different Strokes for Different Folks: Who Votes for Technocratic Parties?" Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 556–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3482.
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In this study, I look at two types of political actors commonly described as ‘populist’ in literature—namely, rightwing populists and technocratic leaders like France’s Emmanuel Macron and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš. While both types of political actors tend to emerge as a response to a decline in trust in established parties and adopt platforms with anti-establishment and monist elements, they also possess noticeably different qualities. Unlike rightwing populists, technocrats lack a distinctive ideological profile and tend to adopt more inclusive rhetoric by appealing to a broadly-defined community of people. When contrasted with supporters of rightwing populists, empirical analysis of supporters of Macron’s and Babiš’ parties shows that the two have few commonalities. Relatively few examples of such political leadership, the lack of a distinct ideological profile and the variation of their support bases suggest that one should use caution when conceptualizing technocratic populists as a distinct theoretical type.
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Urso, Ornella. "The politicization of immigration in Italy. Who frames the issue, when and how." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (August 10, 2018): 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.16.
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AbstractItaly is one of the most representative ‘new immigration countries.’ Between the 1980s and the 1990s, it became a major country of destination for immigrants coming from Asia, Middle East, and North Africa. As a result, since the mid-90s, immigration has gained salience within the Italian political debate. Building on the existing literature on agenda-setting and framing studies, this article studies the evolution of the immigration issue in Italy over the last two decades. It focuses on the framing and, more specifically, the position political actors tend to adopt when debating on immigration. In particular, the main research questions are: to what extent is the framing of immigration associated with the traditional left vs. right spectrum? Do incumbent political parties tend to adopt a different position toward immigration than opposition parties? This article analyses party competition dynamics over the immigration issue in Italy from 1995 to 2011. The author carried out a political-claim analysis of articles from two Italian national daily newspapers. Findings show that immigration is more a positional issue than a valence one. Political actors’ positions towards migration appear to be anchored to the old left vs. right dimension of the political conflict. This demonstrates that parties’ engagement within the political conflict goes beyond electoral campaigns. Finally, being in government seems to play a crucial role in ‘softening’ the way party actors frame immigration, in terms of both the arguments used and the pro- or anti-immigration positions adopted.
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Field, Bonnie N. "The Evolution of Substate Nationalist Parties as Statewide Parliamentary Actors: CiU and PNV in Spain." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 21, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2015.1003493.
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Powell, Robert. "Research Bets and Behavioral IR." International Organization 71, S1 (April 2017): S265—S277. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818316000461.
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AbstractBehavioral IR faces a fundamental challenge. The actors in most IR models and theories are not individuals—they are aggregates like states, ministries, interest groups, political parties, and rebel factions. There are two broad approaches to attempting to integrate behavioral research about individuals. The first, a quasi-behavioral approach, makes nonstandard assumptions about the preferences, beliefs, or decision-making processes of aggregate actors. The second tries to build theories in which the key actors are individuals. Pursuing the former means that the assumptions about actors will be only weakly linked to the empirical findings propelling behavioral research. The second approach faces formidable obstacles that international relations theory has confronted for a long time and for the most part has not overcome.
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Paffenholz, Thania, and I. William Zartman. "Inclusive Peace Negotiations – From a Neglected Topic to New Hype." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24011186.
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Abstract The objective of this special issue on inclusive peace negotiations is to advance the debate on negotiations. It sheds light on included and excluded actors, in particular political parties, civil society, business, youth and religious actors, and those armed actors that are either excluded or included. This special issue is particularly interesting as all articles combine a conceptual introduction of the role of the discussed actor in question in peace negotiations with a case study approach. This method enriches conceptual discussion and debates on the role of the various actors through analyses of several peace negotiations, including among others, DRC, Kenya, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Guatemala, El Salvador, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Macedonia, Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and Myanmar.
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Scott, Deborah, Sarah Hitchner, Edward M. Maclin, and Juan Luis Dammert B. "Fuel for the Fire: Biofuels and the Problem of Translation at the Tenth Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity." Global Environmental Politics 14, no. 3 (August 2014): 84–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00240.
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At the 2010 negotiations of the Conference of the Parties (COP10) of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) for a decision on biofuels and bio-diversity, biofuels were portrayed as holding many different, conflicting characteristics. Using Callon's (1986) concept of translation, we find that the COP10 biofuel negotiations failed to advance beyond the first moment of translation, problematization, when actors are defined in relation to each other. We trace attempts by various actors to fix the identity of biofuels throughout the negotiations, using strategies such as rendering political issues “technical,” relying on formal text to stabilize contested identities, and restricting the sources of knowledge relied upon. We suggest that the CBD parties experiment with new strategies, taking advantage of the COP's legal flexibility and the CBD's institutional history of engaging with the political nature of scientific knowledge.
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Bawn, Kathleen, Martin Cohen, David Karol, Seth Masket, Hans Noel, and John Zaller. "A Theory of Political Parties: Groups, Policy Demands and Nominations in American Politics." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 3 (August 16, 2012): 571–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712001624.
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We propose a theory of political parties in which interest groups and activists are the key actors, and coalitions of groups develop common agendas and screen candidates for party nominations based on loyalty to their agendas. This theoretical stance contrasts with currently dominant theories, which view parties as controlled by election-minded politicians. The difference is normatively important because parties dominated by interest groups and activists are less responsive to voter preferences, even to the point of taking advantage of lapses in voter attention to politics. Our view is consistent with evidence from the formation of national parties in the 1790s, party position change on civil rights and abortion, patterns of polarization in Congress, policy design and nominations for state legislatures, Congress, and the presidency.
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Estaswara, B. Helpris. "Strategic Communication dalam Perspektif Ilmu Komunikasi." CoverAge: Journal of Strategic Communication 11, no. 2 (March 17, 2021): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35814/coverage.v11i2.2028.
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Strategic communication is a new study and beginning to develop and it is concern to many parties. However, many writings in international journals have not been identified as including communication concepts and theories. This article attempts to explain strategic communication from the perspective of communication science. The method used in this research is literature review, considering that many strategic communication thinkers have initiated their writings using literature reviews. The result, from the four definitions, found that strategic communication is built on actors, then action, interaction and negotiation, and the last is meaning. Actors in strategic communication are not only single actors, but multiple actors. With multiple actors, strategic communication will be more important and relevant. Whereas action, interaction and negotiation, in strategic communication, it is not only action, but interaction and negotiation are the discussion. Finally, meaning in strategic communication is a process from multiple actors, where they simultaneously carry out actions, interactions and negotiations.
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Ponce de Leon, Zoila. "Healthcare Reform out of Nowhere? Policy Reform and the Lack of Programmatic Commitment in Peru." Journal of Latin American Studies 53, no. 3 (August 2021): 493–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x21000493.
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AbstractThe reform approved in Peru in 2009 during a right-wing government deviates from similar attempts in the region to expand access to healthcare. Left-wing parties in Peru were extremely weak during the policy-making process and the political parties were non-programmatic. Based on original field research, this article demonstrates how parties that lacked core values uniting their leaders and had no commitment to the health reform did not care for the definition of specifications regarding funding and implementation. Instead, technocrats dominated the process of policy formation, which, accompanied by the lack of commitment from key political actors, led to poorly specified policy and deficient implementation.
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Destrity, Nia Ashton. "Petisi Online Sebagai Media Advokasi Alternatif dalam Upstream Social Marketing." Jurnal Komunikasi Global 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 148–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/jkg.v7i2.11833.
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Social marketing as a method encourages behavioral change in individuals for a better life by adopting concepts and principles in commercial marketing. Changes of individual behavior are influenced by social contexts that cannot be separated from the role of the upstream actors (parties who have influence in the policy-making process). In accordance, targeting upstream actors for social marketing activities has become a challenge. Therefore, social marketers need to communicate creatively with upstream parties to support their social marketing goals. This conceptual article aims to explain the importance of moving upstream as a concept and describes the use of online petitions as an alternative platform for media advocacy establishing an upstream social marketing strategy. It is argued that the development of information and communication technology offers an online petition platform for reaching upstream parties. Through a study of literature method, this article presents a case of online petition Change.org Indonesia which is supported by the media and policymakers. Change.org Indonesia has been actively developing media advocacy through the press conference, press release and press note, social media, and offline actions or events to influence policymakers in order to create a supportive environmental condition for behavioral change.