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1
Sundberg, Jan. Parties as organized actors: The transformation of the Scandinavian three-front parties. Helsinki: Finnish Society of Sciences and Letters, 2003.
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2
Conford, Ellen. Annabel the actress, starring in "Gorilla my dreams". New York: Scholastic, 2001.
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3
Institute of Economic Affairs (Ghana), ed. Follow-up Meeting Between Chairmen of Ghanaian Political Parties and Their Togolese Counterparts: Political parties as vibrant actors in a multiparty democracy. Accra: Institute of Economic Affairs, 2007.
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4
Glenn, John K. International actors and democratization: US assistance to new political parties in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Badia Fiesolana, San Domenico: European University Institute, Department of Political and Social Sciences, 1999.
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5
ill, Williams-Andriani Renee, ed. Annabel the actress, starring in "Gorilla my dreams". New York: Simon & Schuster Books for Young Readers, 1999.
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6
Buchanan, Sandra. How influential are third parties as mediators or actors in conflict resolution?: The case of (Irish) American involvement in the Northern Ireland conflict, 1968-1995. [S.l: The author], 1996.
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7
author, Patel Nandini, Kayuni Happy author, Chingaipe Henry author, Lembani Samson author, and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, eds. Malawi before the 2014 tripartite elections: Actors, issues, prospects & pitfalls : an analytical stocktaking. Gaborone, Botswana: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2014.
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8
1955-, Friend David, ed. Oscar night from the editors of Vanity fair: 75 years of Hollywood parties. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004.
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9
Conford, Ellen. Annabel the Actress Starring in Gorilla My Dreams. Turtleback Books Distributed by Demco Media, 2000.
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10
Annabel the Actress Starring in Gorilla My Dreams. Perfection Learning Prebound, 2002.
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11
Conford, Ellen. Annabel the Actress Starring in Gorilla My Dreams. Tandem Library, 2001.
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12
Katz, Richard S. 12. Political parties. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0014.
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This chapter examines the role that political parties play in the working of democracy. Political parties are among the major actors in democratic politics. Whether or not in power as the result of victory in free and fair elections, the governments of most countries have effectively been in the hands of party leaders. When governments were not in the hands of party leaders, most often because party government was interrupted by a military takeover. The chapter first considers various definitions of a political party before tracing the origins of political parties. It then describes the functions of parties and the ways in which parties are organized, regulated, and financed. It concludes with an analysis of the role of parties in the stabilization of democracy in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, as well as challenges confronting parties in the new millennium.
13
Joongi, Kim. 3 The Parties. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198755432.003.0003.
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This chapter features court cases showing the various legal obligations and obstacles undergone by the parties to an arbitration agreement, as well as other participating actors, such as exclusions, delegations, successions, and so forth. Some cases involve attempts to bring in other entities, who are not parties to the arbitration, for different reasons. Another section looks at the roles played by agents and non-parties acting on behalf of parties in arbitration disputes. The chapter also reviews the cases that have considered when a corporate entity can be disregarded. Finally, the chapter looks at whether the effect of an arbitral award extends to a successor party, which, like most of the cases covered in this chapter, remains a contentious issue.
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Katz, Richard S., and Peter Mair. The Locus of Power in Parties. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199586011.003.0003.
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Rather than being unitary actors, each party is a political system in itself, with three major “faces”: the party in public office; the party central office; and the party on the ground. Over time, the balance of power within parties has shifted, to support the dominance of the party in public office. This evolution has been accompanied by institutional changes, and it has been supported by the growing similarity of the positions of members of the party in public office (responsibilities of governing; exigencies of professional political careers) regardless of the political complexion of their parties or the demands of their members.
15
Caramani, Daniele. 13. Party systems. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0015.
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This chapter examines how competition between political parties gives rise to different party systems. In liberal democracies, competition for power is based on popular votes. The shape and dynamics of party systems are determined by the electoral game, with parties as main actors. A party system is thus essentially the result of competitive interactions between parties. A party system has three main elements: which parties exist, how many parties exist and how big they are, and how parties behave. An obvious but important point is that party systems must be composed of more than one political party. The chapter begins with a discussion of the origins of party systems, followed by an analysis of the format of party systems, such as two-party systems and multiparty systems. It then considers the influence of the electoral system on party systems before concluding with an assessment of the dynamics of party systems.
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Danielson, Michael S. Biographies of Emigrant Politicization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190679972.003.0005.
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Using comparative qualitative methods based on extensive field research, this chapter examines the process through which 10 migrants became politically engaged and influential actors in their home communities. The analysis shows that the most influential migrant political actors from the state of Oaxaca have entered the fray in opposition to dominant powers back home. In contrast, the migrants who have been most influential in the states of Guanajuato and Zacatecas have tended to be mobilized by and act in support of the dominant parties in their states. The institutionalization of the state–migrant relationship in Guanajuato and Zacatecas facilitates migrant social and political engagement with governing parties. In contrast, the exclusion of migrants from influence in Oaxaca helps explain why migrants often oppose the governing party; and their experiences of exploitation and resistance as migrants in Mexico and California radicalized many of the most influential migrant leaders.
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Poguntke, Thomas, Susan E. Scarrow, and Paul D. Webb. Political Party Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.227.
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How political parties organize directly affects who is represented and which policies are prioritized. Political parties structure political choice, which is one of the main functions generally ascribed to them. Their roles as gatekeepers for policies and political careers are closely linked to their nature as membership-based organizations, and to the extent to which they empower members to directly or indirectly influence these crucial choices. Parties also play a crucial role as campaign organizations, whose organizational strength influences their electoral success. The literature often summarizes differences in how parties organize and campaign by identifying major party types, which can be regarded as “classic models” of party organization. Yet, actual parties must adapt to changing environments or risk being supplanted by newer parties or by other political actors. For instance, in recent years one popular adaptation has involved parties opening their decision-making processes by introducing party-wide ballots to settle important questions. Changes like these alter how parties act as intermediaries in representation and political participation. Thanks to the increasing availability of comparable data on party organizations in established and new democracies, and in parliamentary and presidential systems, today’s scholars are better equipped to study the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences.
18
Marina, Ottaway, Hamzawy Amr, and Carnegie Endowment for International Peace., eds. Getting to pluralism: Political actors in the Arab world. Washington, D.C: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2009.
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19
Rahat, Gideon, and Ofer Kenig. From Party Politics to Personalized Politics? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198808008.001.0001.
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The book examines two of the most prominent developments in contemporary democratic politics, party change and political personalization, and the relationship between them. It presents a broad-brush, cross-national comparison of these phenomena that covers around fifty years in twenty-six countries through the use of more than twenty indicators. It demonstrates that, behind a general trend of decline of political parties, there is much variance among countries. In some, party decline is moderate or even small, which may point to adaptation to the changing environments these parties operate in. In others, parties sharply decline. Most cases fall between these two poles. A clear general trend of personalization in politics is identified, but there are large differences among countries in its magnitude and manifestations. Surprisingly, the online world seems to supply parties with an opportunity to revive. When parties decline, personalization increases. Yet these are far from being perfect zero-sum relationships, which leaves room for the possibility that other political actors may step in when parties decline and that, in some cases, personalization may not hurt parties; it may even strengthen them. Personalization is a big challenge to parties. But parties were, are, and will remain a solution to the problem of collective action, of channeling personal energies to the benefit of the group. Thus they can cope with personalization and even use it to their advantage.
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Estimating the policy positions of political actors. London: Routledge/ECPR, 2001.
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21
Laver, Michael. Estimating the Policy Position of Political Actors. Routledge, 2001.
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22
Strömbäck, Jesper. Swedish Election Campaigns. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.16.
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During election campaigns, the three most important sets of actors are voters, political parties and candidates, and the media. The purpose of this chapter is thus to describe and analyze Swedish election campaigns with a focus on four interrelated aspects: how voters learn about politics and the issues at stake during election campaigns; how the news media cover election campaigns; how the parties plan and run their election campaigns; and the importance of election campaigns in terms of campaign effects. Among other things, the analysis shows that the mass media are highly important for an understanding of Swedish election campaigns that the parties’ campaigning can be considered semi-professionalized, and that election campaigns have become more important as electoral volatility has increased. Overall, the analysis also suggests that Swedish election campaigns work quite well in terms of mobilizing voters politically.
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1949-, Laver Michael, ed. Estimating the policy position of political actors. New York: Routledge, 2001.
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24
Müller, Wolfgang C., ed. Austria. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747031.003.0005.
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This chapter discusses nuclear energy policy in Austria since the 1950s. It stresses that political parties were the main actors and decision-making on energy policy was strongly influenced by them. Building on the work of Strøm (1990) and Müller and Strøm (1999) it is argued that several position changes regarding nuclear energy were made by Austrian parties in response to public opinion, trading policy against votes or office. The Austrian case resembled other Western European countries until the 1970s, when a nuclear power plant was built but never made operational because of a negative referendum. After a decade of struggling with attempts at policy reversal, an anti-nuclear consensus was reached after Chernobyl. Soon parties did engage in a new form of competition on the nuclear issue—over their competence in fighting nuclear energy in other countries, in particular, plants close to the Austrian border.
25
Saito, Hiro. Introduction. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824856748.003.0001.
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In essence, East Asia’s history problem resulted from a collision of nationalist commemorations in Japan as well as in South Korea and China. To understand how the history problem evolved, this chapter draws on field theory and proposes to analyze the history problem as a field inhabited by various political actors—governments, political parties, NGOs, and so on—competing for the legitimate commemoration of the Asia-Pacific War. The Japanese government is the most important actor in this field because it has the power to define Japan’s official commemoration, the focal point of political struggles. In addition, commemorative positions of the Japanese government and other relevant actors can be identified in terms of the spectrum ranging between nationalism and cosmopolitanism—the two logics of commemoration available in the institutional environment. These actors then try to influence Japan’s official commemoration by exploiting available mobilizing structures and political opportunities.
26
Corrales, Javier. Ecuador. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190868895.003.0007.
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This chapter looks at Ecuador (1998–2008) to introduce yet another variation in power asymmetry: situations in which the Opposition splits. This split allows the Incumbent to form an alliance with former Opposition groups, thus permitting more expansion of presidential powers relative to the status quo. One of this book’s messages is that Incumbents require a large pro-Incumbent asymmetry to achieve their preferences. This chapter complicates this argument, showing how splits among non-Incumbent forces help the president achieve these goals—at a cost. In Ecuador, non-Incumbent forces split between traditional, region-based parties and newly mobilized nontraditional actors. One nontraditional actor—an indigenous group—also split, with one section supporting the president and the other becoming anti-Incumbent. The availability of so many nontraditional actors to form alliances with the Incumbent led to a remarkable pro-Incumbent table asymmetry. This alliance, however, required the Incumbent to offer concessions to nontraditional actors.
27
Gerard, McMeel. Part I The General Part, 6 Standard Form Contracts, Public Policy, and the Realms of Strict Construction and Strict Compliance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198755166.003.0006.
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This chapter introduces standard form contracts and the issues of construction to which they give rise. Such documents contain all species of contractual terms. However, in standard contractual texts the focus tends to be on exemption clauses, which have generated a great wealth of case law. The concern about standard forms generally and exemption clauses in particular is that they may not reflect a genuine bargain where the terms are drafted or chosen by one of the parties and are proffered on a ‘take-it-or-leave-it’ basis. This is particularly true of business-to-consumer dealings. However that stereotype of standard forms has been resisted where it is clear that both parties are commercial actors of relatively equal bargaining power.
28
Andrea, de Guttry. Part 1 The Cold War Era (1945–89), 27 The Iran–Iraq War—1980–88. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198784357.003.0027.
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This contribution discusses the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq war. After presenting the facts and context of the crisis (on which the parties strongly disagreed), this chapter examines the legal positions of the main actors involved in the war (Iran and Iraq), and discusses the reaction, or lack thereof, of the international community, and specifically of the United Nations. The legality of the military operations carried out by both parties is then investigated. The final section analyses if, and to what extent, the case has had an impact on the further development and evolution of the concepts of self-defence and of preventive self-defence and comments on the limited role played by the United Nations during most part of the war.
29
Haughton, Tim, and Kevin Deegan-Krause. The New Party Challenge. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812920.001.0001.
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Why are there so many new parties? Why do so few of them survive? And why are they appearing and disappearing in so many more countries these days? Based on hundreds of interviews with party leaders, activists and voters and three decades of election results across Europe, The New Party Challenge introduces new tools for mapping and measuring party systems and develops an integrated conceptual framework for analysing the dynamics of party politics, particularly the birth and death of parties. The book charts and explains the patterns of politics in Central Europe since 1989, and then shows how similar processes are at play on a far wider geographical canvas. The repeated breakthroughs of new parties poses multiple challenges: existing parties that must staunch the outflow of disillusioned voters to fresh alternatives, new parties must figure out how to hold on to those new voters in the face of even newer alternatives, and society as a whole must find a way to pursue long-term policies in a political environment where the roster of political actors is constantly changing. The book underlines the importance of agency and choice in explaining the fate of parties, highlights the salience of the clean versus corrupt dimension of politics, charts the flow of voters in the new party subsystem and emphasizes the dimension of time and its role in shaping developments. The book concludes by reflecting on how the emergence of so many short-lived new parties may affect the health and quality of democracy, and what could and should be done.
30
Gamberini, Andrea. The Experience of Personal Government between the Factions and the Popolo. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824312.003.0009.
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At the beginning of the thirteenth century, two new actors made their appearance in the political life of the communes: the factions and the Societas Populi. This chapter focuses on the political language and culture of these two elements, highlighting the tendency of various social actors to consistently represent the unity of the political body. This was the supreme value which neither the factions nor the Popolo would renounce, even when they were alone in power: on the contrary, in fact, it was very much in that kind of situation that the parties tended to represent themselves as ‘the whole’. The chapter then goes on to examine the role that both the factions and the Societas Populi played in fostering the first experiences of lordly government in the city.
31
Henry G, Burnett, and Bret Louis-Alexis. Part IV Law and Applicable Principles, 18 Substantive Contractual Principles. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198757641.003.0018.
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The mining industry relies on a myriad of contractual agreements to organize relations between the different actors involved in mining projects and transactions. It follows naturally that international mining disputes will often concern the respective obligations of the different parties involved in these agreements. This chapter discusses the principal substantive principles applicable to international contractual mining disputes. It notes the importance of considering the applicable law when drafting an agreement. It pays particular attention to the principles invoked by parties seeking to avoid existing contractual or legal obligations, which are frequently invoked but often misunderstood. These defences include force majeure and its corollary, the act of the prince (fait du prince) doctrine, hardship, and necessity, which States can invoke to excuse non-compliance with their international obligations. This is particularly relevant given the strong nexus between the mining sector and State sovereignty.
32
Boyd, Christina L. Gatekeeping and Filtering in Trial Courts. Edited by Lee Epstein and Stefanie A. Lindquist. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199579891.013.11.
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Trial courts and their actors play critical gatekeeping and filtering roles within the judicial hierarchy. As this chapter discusses, the decisions made by litigants and judges in the millions of criminal and civil trial court cases in the United States each year affect things like what cases get filed, how cases develop, what cases settle or plea bargain and when, whether losing litigants will appeal, and, if they do, how the appellate courts will respond. This chapter proceeds by first examining the selection of disputes and charges that takes place by parties, prosecutors, and other lawyers prior to a case being filed in a trial court. Next, the chapter details the decision-making of trial court parties, lawyers, and judges. As the chapter concludes, it discusses the unique set of challenges present for interdisciplinary research on trial courts.
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Hale Williams, Michelle. The Political Impact of the Radical Right. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.16.
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Popular and partisan reactions to multiculturalism have proven pervasive in societies around the world. As governments work to direct policy toward immigrants, law and order, and social welfare provision, among other areas, populist radical right-wing parties have contributed to the discourse, agendas, and policy responses. Still, scholars debate the precise role of radical right-wing parties and the degree of causal credit due to them. This chapter contends that despite the causal complexity, evidence of RRP impact can be found in contextualized understanding of dynamic interactions within national party systems affected by sociopolitical conditions, actors, and institutions. It examines four indicators of RRP impact with evidence from Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and several other countries around the world. Radical right-wing party impact can be either direct or indirect, as RRPs mediate issue debates, particularly on immigration, multiculturalism, and national identity.
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Perliger, Arie, and Ami Pedahzur. The Radical Right in Israel. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.33.
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In a landmark article, Sammy Smooha, a prominent scholar of Israel’s regime, argued that as an ethnic democracy, Israel was unlikely to witness the emergence of “European-style” radical right-wing populism. The gist of the argument was that in ethnic democracies the state already occupies the ideological spaces that radical right-wing parties fill in liberal democracies, leaving such ideologies no room to evolve. In contrast to Smooha, this chapter considers ethnic democracies as fertile grounds for the growth of radical right politics. It maintains that such regimes facilitate the entrenchment of radical-right sentiments within significant parts of the population and political system, and consequently further facilitate the radicalization of radical-right parties that seek to distinguish themselves from other political actors. The chapter tests this argument via an analysis of the various ideological pillars of the Israeli radical right.
35
Epstein, Ben. Political Choice. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190698980.003.0004.
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Chapter 4 explains the concept of political choice, the second and most important phase of the political communication cycle (PCC). The political choice phase is the process in which political actors choose if and when to incorporate new information and communications technologies (ICTs) into their communication strategies. This chapter details the process that political actors or organizations go through when determining whether to innovate and helps to identify characteristics of those parties that are more likely to innovate earlier than others, known as innovativeness. Political choice is the behavioral component of the political communication cycle. These innovation decisions are the primary determinants regarding if and how ICT innovations are used to change political communication activity. Therefore, political choice is the most important phase of the PCC, differentiating political communication change from social and societal communication change more broadly.
36
Brady, David, Agnes Blome, and Hanna Kleider. How Politics and Institutions Shape Poverty and Inequality. Edited by David Brady and Linda M. Burton. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199914050.013.7.
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This article explores the influence of politics and institutions on poverty and inequality. It first considers the general contention that poverty is shaped by the combination of power resources and institutions. On one hand, scholars in the power resources tradition have emphasized the role of class-based collective political actors for mobilizing “power resources” in the state and economy. On the other hand, institutionalists have highlighted the role of formal rules and regulations. The article goes on to discuss the theoretical arguments of power resources theory and the evidence for key power resources (that is, collective political actors like labor unions and parties). It also reviews institutional explanations, focusing on the key concepts and theories and as well as the evidence linking the most salient institutions to poverty. Finally, it examines how state policy influences poverty and presents several challenges for future research.
37
Noël, Alain. Social Investment in a Federal Welfare State. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790488.003.0023.
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Following the 1995 referendum on sovereignty, Quebec’s main political and social actors agreed on a new social pact that combined efforts to eliminate the deficit with ambitious social investment reforms. In the following years, Quebec governments, headed in turn by the province’s two main political parties, substantially transformed a number of social policies, and succeeded in increasing labour-market participation, limiting the rise of inequality, and reducing poverty. The Quebec experience, which unfolded while the Canadian government gradually moved away from social investment, can be seen as an instructive case on the possibilities of social investment in a highly constrained, federal and liberal welfare state context. It underlines, in particular, the importance of social forces and political actors in bringing about unexpected changes, and points as well to trade-offs between the maintenance of established social programmes and the development of new ones.
38
Laver, Michael, and Ernest Sergenti. Party Competition. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691139036.001.0001.
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Party competition for votes in free and fair elections involves complex interactions by multiple actors in political landscapes that are continuously evolving, yet classical theoretical approaches to the subject leave many important questions unanswered. This book offers the first comprehensive treatment of party competition using the computational techniques of agent-based modeling. This exciting new technology enables researchers to model competition between several different political parties for the support of voters with widely varying preferences on many different issues. The book models party competition as a true dynamic process in which political parties rise and fall, a process where different politicians attack the same political problem in very different ways, and where today's political actors, lacking perfect information about the potential consequences of their choices, must constantly adapt their behavior to yesterday's political outcomes. This book shows how agent-based modeling can be used to accurately reflect how political systems really work. It demonstrates that politicians who are satisfied with relatively modest vote shares often do better at winning votes than rivals who search ceaselessly for higher shares of the vote. It reveals that politicians who pay close attention to their personal preferences when setting party policy often have more success than opponents who focus solely on the preferences of voters, that some politicians have idiosyncratic “valence” advantages that enhance their electability—and much more.
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Hardy, Duncan. Lordship and Administration. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0005.
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The Holy Roman Empire, and especially Upper Germany, was notoriously politically fragmented in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries. A common way to interpret this fragmentation has been to view late medieval lordships, particularly those ruled by princes, as incipient ‘territories’, or even ‘territorial states’. However, this over-simplifies and reifies structures of lordship and administration in this period, which consisted of shifting agglomerations of assets, revenues, and jurisdictions that were dispersed among and governed by interconnected networks of political actors. Seigneurial properties and rights had become separable, commoditized, and highly mobile by the later middle ages, and these included not only fiefs (Lehen) but also loan-based pledges (Pfandschaften) and offices, all of which could be sold, transferred, or even ruled or exercised by multiple parties at once, whether these were princes, nobles, or urban elites. This fostered intensive interaction between formally autonomous political actors, generating frictions and disputes.
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Imlay, Talbot. The Practice of Socialist Internationalism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.001.0001.
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The Practice of Socialist Internationalism examines the efforts of British, French, and German socialist parties to cooperate with one another on concrete international issues. Drawing on archival research in twelve countries, it spans the years from the First World War to the early 1960s, paying particular attention to the two post-war periods (1918 to the late 1920s and 1945 to the mid-1950s), during which national and international politics were recast. During these years, European socialists operated simultaneously in national and transnational spaces, and the book explores the ways in which these two spaces overlapped. In addition to highlighting a neglected dimension of twentieth-century European socialism, it provides novel perspectives on two related subjects: the history of internationalism and the history of international politics. Scholars of internationalism focus either on state or on non-state actors (INGOs), but socialist parties constituted something of a hybrid: rooted more firmly in national politics than most INGOs, they were also more self-consciously internationalist than state actors. Just as importantly, European socialists sought to forge a new practice of international relations, one that would emerge from their collective efforts to work out ‘socialist’ approaches to pressing issues of European politics such as post-war reconstruction, European integration, and decolonization. While the extent of their success is debatable, the efforts of European socialists to identify distinct approaches act as a spotlight, illuminating obscure yet vital aspects of an issue.
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Gryzmala-Busse, Anna. Religion and European Politics. Edited by Orfeo Fioretos, Tulia G. Falleti, and Adam Sheingate. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199662814.013.28.
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Historical institutionalist approaches have been critical (if unacknowledged) in the study of religion and politics in two ways. First, a particular set of ideas—religious doctrine—profoundly shaped preferences both over secular institutional forms and the strategies of religious and secular actors. Second, the historical relationship between state, nation, and religion continues to shape the political context in which churches operate and institutions arise. Several developments, such as the rise of secular education and welfare states, the rise of Christian Democratic parties, the founding of the EU, and contemporary patterns of religiosity are historically grounded in earlier episodes of church-state relations and religious doctrine.
42
Holmes, Sean P. The Sock and Buskin or the Artisan’s Biretta. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037481.003.0003.
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This chapter focuses on the problems that organizing in defense of their collective interests posed for the men and women of the American stage and, indeed, for many other occupational groups on the margins of the American middle class. Beginning with an analysis of the work culture of actors, it argues that while the shared experiences of a life on the boards generated a powerful sense of group identity, individual ambition, the fuel that powered the star system, proved difficult to reconcile with the principles of collective action. It goes on to highlight how actors' leaders deployed the vocabulary of high culture and the larger language of class of which it was a part not simply to define their position in relation to the major theatrical employers but also to draw a line between those performers they deemed worthy of the label artist and those they did not. It concludes with a detailed analysis of the debate that raged within the ranks of the Actors' Equity Association over the question of affiliation with the organized labor movement. Paying careful attention to the language that the competing parties employed to articulate their respective positions, it documents the development of a schism within the theatrical community that sprang from two markedly different ways of conceptualizing the process of cultural production.
43
Schiller, Wendy J., and Charles Stewart III. Electing the Senate. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.001.0001.
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From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.
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Guisinger, Alexandra. American Opinion on Trade. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190651824.001.0001.
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American Opinion on Trade: Preferences without Politics explains how American voters form opinions on trade policy and why those preferences can remain at odds with policy choices of political actors and parties who depend on their votes. The book shows that Americans weave together distinct and at times countervailing beliefs about trade’s effect on themselves, their communities, and the country. Initial chapters describe gender, race, and community based sources of protectionist sentiment. Later chapters focus on media and campaign portrayals of trade and their influence on Americans’ continued negative perception of the effect of trade on American jobs even as the United States continues to promote policies sustaining globalization. The final chapter discusses the difficulty faced by politicians and parties navigating these diverse and malleable sources of trade sentiment, particularly when encumbered with voting histories supportive of trade liberalization. It identifies party convergence on trade as a source of the diminished salience in American politics and compares the American experience with that of eight other advanced industrial economies. The book concludes by noting the potential for the reemerging influence of trade policy, particularly in light of the return of trade discourse in the 2016 Presidential campaigns.
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Rohrschneider, Robert, and Jacques Thomassen, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Political Representation in Liberal Democracies. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198825081.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
How can democracies effectively represent citizens? The goal of this Handbook is to evaluate comprehensively how well the interests and preferences of mass publics become represented by institutions in liberal democracies. It first explores how the idea and institutions of liberal democracies were formed over centuries and became enshrined in Western political systems. The contributors to this Handbook, made up of the world’s leading scholars on the various aspects of political representation, examine how well the political elites and parties who are charged with the representation of the public interest meet their duties. Clearly, institutions often fail to live up to their own representation goals. With this in mind, the contributors explore several challenges to the way that the system of representation is organized in modern democracies. For example, actors such as parties and established elites face rising distrust among electorates. Also, the rise of international problems such as migration and environmentalism suggests that the focus of democracies on nation states may have to shift to a more international level. All told, this Handbook illuminates the normative and functional challenges faced by representative institutions in liberal democracies.
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Koinova, Maria. Diaspora Entrepreneurs and Contested States. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848622.001.0001.
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Why do conflict-generated diasporas mobilize in contentious and non-contentious ways or use mixed strategies of contention? Why do they channel their homeland-oriented goals through host-states, transnational networks, and international organizations? This book develops a theory of socio-spatial positionality and its implications for the individual agency of diaspora entrepreneurs, moving beyond essentialized notions of diasporas as groups. Individual diaspora entrepreneurs operate in transnational social fields affecting their mobilizations beyond dynamics confined to host-states and original home-states. There are four types of diaspora entrepreneurs—Broker, Local, Distant, and Reserved—depending on the relative strength of their socio-spatial linkages to host-land, on the one hand, and original homeland and other global locations, on the other. A two-level typological theory captures nine causal pathways, unravelling how the socio-spatial linkages of these diaspora entrepreneurs interact with external factors: host-land foreign policies, homeland governments, parties, non-state actors, and critical events or limited global influences. Such pathways produce mobilization trajectories with varying levels of contention and methods of channelling homeland-oriented goals. Non-contentious pathways often occur when host-state foreign policies are convergent with the diaspora entrepreneurs’ goals, and when diaspora entrepreneurs can act autonomously. Dual-pronged contention pathways occur quite often, under the influence of homeland governments, non-state actors, and political parties. The most contentious pathway occurs in response to violent critical events in the homeland or adjacent to it fragile states. This book is informed by 300 interviews and a dataset of 146 interviews with diaspora entrepreneurs among the Albanian, Armenian, and Palestinian diasporas in the UK, Germany, France, Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland, as well as Kosovo and Armenia in the European neighbourhood.
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Venzke, Ingo. International Courts’ De Facto Authority and its Justification. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198795582.003.0019.
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This chapter argues that the framework chapter’s understanding of de facto authority above all fits the relationship between international courts (ICs) and the parties to a case. Questions arise when it comes to intermediate and extensive audiences. The way in which ICs exercise authority beyond any concrete dispute is, above all, due to the sway they hold over the legal discourse—their semantic authority. ICs have the capacity to establish content-laden reference points for legal discourse that other actors can hardly escape. The chapter also claims that the distinction of authority from persuasion should be maintained as a constitutive feature of both concepts. This is not only in line with a strong tradition of the authority concept, but also clarifies the legitimacy challenge.
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Hirschmann, Gisela. Accountability in Global Governance. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861249.001.0001.
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How can international organizations (IOs) like the United Nations (UN) and their implementing partners be held accountable if their actions and policies violate fundamental human rights? Political scientists and legal scholars have shed a much-needed light on the limits of traditional accountability when it comes to complex global governance. However, conventional studies on IO accountability fail to systematically analyze a related, puzzling empirical trend: human rights violations that occur in the context of global governance do not go unnoticed altogether; they are investigated and sanctioned by independent third parties. This book puts forward the concept of pluralist accountability, whereby third parties hold IOs and their implementing partners accountable for human rights violations. We can expect pluralist accountability to evolve if a competitive environment stimulates third parties to enact accountability and if the implementing actors are vulnerable to human rights demands. Based on a comprehensive study of UN-mandated operations in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Kosovo, the European Union Troika’s austerity policy, and global public–private health partnerships in India, this book demonstrates how competition and human rights vulnerability shape the evolution of pluralist accountability in response to diverse human rights violations, such as human trafficking, the violation of the rights of detainees, economic rights, and the right to consent in clinical trials. While highlighting the importance of studying alternative accountability mechanisms, this book also argues that pluralist accountability should not be regarded as a panacea for IOs’ legitimacy problems, as it is often less legalized and might cause multiple accountability disorder.
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Agrawal, Khushbu, Yukihiko Hamada, and Alberto Fernández Gibaja. Regulating Online Campaign Finance: Chasing the Gost. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.6.
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As the number of Internet and social media users increases, political parties and candidates are spending significant amounts of money on online campaigning. It not only helps them to reach out to more voters with comparatively lower costs, but also allows them to communicate more targeted messages to voters when compared with other traditional campaign tools. Despite the growing use of online campaigns, appropriate regulation of online expenditures is almost non-existent around the world. In fact, online expenditure is one of the key weaknesses of political finance systems and regulatory frameworks. Appropriate regulation of online expenditures will not only protect the integrity of the political process, but also thwart negative effects, such as disinformation and polarization and, more generally, prevent inauthentic activities that usually characterize online campaigns. As online expenditure is a relatively new phenomenon, its regulation is not straightforward and there is no conclusive evidence on what works. This report outlines some of the challenges that policymakers, legislators and oversight agencies face when drafting and implementing laws to include online expenditure within the scope of regulated political finance. It also provides recommendations for policymakers, social media platforms, political parties, candidates and campaigners, as well as civil society actors, on the steps that they can take towards closing the regulatory gap.
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Schillemans, Thomas, and Jon Pierre, eds. Media and Governance. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447341437.001.0001.
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First published as a special issue of Policy & Politics, this updated volume explores the intersections between governance and media in western democracies, which have undergone profound recent changes. Many governmental powers have been shifted toward a host of network parties such as NGOs, state enterprises, international organizations, autonomous agencies, and local governments. Governments have developed complex networks for service delivery and they have a strategic interest in the news media as an arena where their interests can be served and threatened. How do the media relate to and report on complex systems of government? How do the various governance actors respond to the media and what are the effects on their policies? This book considers the impact of media-related factors on governance, policy, public accountability and the attribution of blame for failures.