Academic literature on the topic 'Actors/parties'

Abstract This article pursues a developmental understanding of American parties as autonomous and thick collective actors through a comparison of four key historical actors we term “prophets of party”: partisans of the nineteenth-century Party Period; Progressive reformers; mid-twentieth century liberal Democrats; and activists in and around the body popularly known as the McGovern-Fraser Commission. Leading theories portray political parties as the vehicles either of ambitious politicians or of groups eager to extract benefits from the state. Yet such analyses leave underdetermined the path from such actors’ desires for power to the parties’ wielding of it. That path is mediated by partisan forms and practices that have varied widely across institutional and cultural context. As parties search for electoral majority, they do so in the long shadow of ideas and practices, layered and accreted across time, concerning the role of parties in political life. We analyze four such prophesies, trace their layered contributions to their successors, and reflect on their legacy for contemporary party politics.

State actors increasingly involve private parties in the development of binding alternative regulation in private law. This involvement may be welcomed as an exercise of parties’ rights, but private parties may simultaneously limit other parties’ rights. Consequently, state actors have sought to control the influence of private parties particularly in the German legal order, where the constitutional principle of private autonomy is interpreted so as to require the protection of weaker private parties from Fremdbestimmung (hetero-determination) coming from structurally much more powerful private parties. In comparison, while Dutch law generally recognizes principles of private autonomy and the need to protect parties from heterodetermination (‘heteronomie’), so far this has not permeated the Dutch discussion on alternative regulation. The idea of hetero-determination may serve as a starting point for a more active and consistent approach towards the development and limitation of alternative regulation in the Dutch legal order.

Political parties are not unitary actors; rather, each contains within its ranks a variety of different ideological beliefs and strategic orientations. Nor are individual political parties wholly isolated; rather, each has friends and allies among the other parties, and, of course, some implacable opponents.

What are the main reasons behind the regulation of political parties by contemporary constitutional practices? This article presents a framework for analysis which identifies types of justifications and actors involved in the process of regulation and their further influence on the outcomes of constitutionalisation. The empirical focus is on the revelatory case of Luxembourg, which amended the constitution for the sole reason of giving parties constitutional status. The analysis suggests that the constitutional regulation of political parties depends on their current interests and power status. Additionally, the paper draws attention to the involvement of external actors and to the changing nature of contemporary constitutionalism.

Existing research has paid increasing attention to the role of political institutions such as legislatures and opposition parties in autocracies. So far, however, the relationship between nondemocratic institutions and state repression has remained largely unclear. This article argues that authoritarian institutions are related to divergent conflicting dynamics between incumbent regimes and opposition actors, which provide leaders with opposite incentives to repress. While authoritarian legislatures enhance leaders’ capacity to prevent conflict and reduce their need for repression, the presence of opposition parties helps opposition actors to overcome collective action barriers and mobilize against the incumbent regime, increasing the states’ need for repression. A panel data analysis of nondemocracies from 1976 to 2007 shows that authoritarian-elected legislatures reduce repression and the presence of opposition parties increases it. Moreover, the results indicate that autocracies with opposition parties and an elected legislature experience lower repression than autocracies with opposition parties but no elected legislature.

Sweden used to be one of the most restrictive countries in the Organisation of Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD) in terms of labour immigration policy. This was drastically changed in 2008 when a very liberal immigration law was passed. Why did one of the most restrictive labour immigration countries suddenly become one of the most liberal ones? The article argues that it is necessary to consider labour market institutions and their consequences for labour migration. These factors will influence the preferences, strategies and chances of success for various policy actors. A decline in union power and corporatism in Sweden had important consequences for its labour immigration. Following this decline, employers and centre-right parties became more active and adopted more liberal policy positions than previously. The article analyses policy developments since the 1960s and draws on official documents, position statements, party manifestos, media coverage and original elite interviews.

Global climate governance is multilateral and involves both state and non-state actors. This study sets to identify the ways in which non-state actors can access and participate in the international climate change regime under the UNFCCC and the 2015 Paris Agreement and to evaluate how they can influence law-making processes and outcomes under the agreements. The study further provides recommendations on how the involvement of non-state actors can be improved under the agreements. The study emphasizes that under the UNFCCC, non-state actors have an important role in acting as intermediaries under the orchestration governance model and in participating to the Conference of Parties and under the Paris Agreement, by exerting influence on state’s nationally determined contributions. The study suggests that the role of non-state actors in formulating nationally determined contributions and in participating to the Conference of Parties should be further formalised and that the NAZCA portal should be improved.

La combinaison de différents facteurs économiques, sociaux, politiques, managériaux ont amené de nouveaux modes relationnels entre les organisations et les acteurs affectant ainsi les processus de réflexion, la prise de décision et la mise en œuvre de la stratégie. Les chercheurs qui étudient les décisions stratégiques sont confrontés à prendre en considération la complexité de l’élaboration de ces processus ainsi que les multiples acteurs internes et externes pouvant y participer. Au travers de ce travail de recherche, nous cherchons à comprendre comment les acteurs externes participent à la construction de la décision stratégique. Nous avons élaboré théoriquement deux conceptions de l’ouverture des processus de décision stratégique aux acteurs externes. Nous qualifions la première perspective d’« outside-in ». Ceci souligne un comportement qui résulte d’une réflexion appropriée. La rationalité procédurale, terme emprunté par Herbet Simon à la psychologie, dépend du processus qui l’a généré. Le manager va ainsi devoir s’adapter à l’environnement et à ses propres limites cognitives afin de délibérer de la façon la plus satisfaisante. La seconde perspective, que nous avons qualifiée d’« inside-out », est guidée selon une rationalité des jeux consistant à ce que des acteurs se regroupent à partir de leurs intérêts individuels, formant ainsi une coalition, pour tenter d’influencer la décision finale. L’opposition à première vue de ces perspectives ne tient pas lorsque l’on adopte une lecture dynamique de l’ouverture des processus. Nous mettons donc en avant les proximités entre ces deux perspectives et la nécessité de les penser ensemble dans notre grille de lecture. Nous distinguons dès lors trois dimensions communes à ces deux perspectives : l’ouverture des processus de décision stratégique aux acteurs externes est ainsi composée de « finalité », d’« une nature des relations », et de « caractéristiques du processus ». Ce travail doctoral a été réalisé au travers de dix études de cas pour confirmer empiriquement notre construction théorique et préciser les modalités de fonctionnement des managers avec les acteurs externes. Une synthèse de sept pratiques a été développée, à partir de nos analyses, pour permettre de mieux comprendre comment chaque forme d’ouverture se produit et à quel moment dans le processus les managers les utilisent. L’exposition de ces pratiques nous a également permis de préciser le passage d’une forme d’ouverture à l’autre. Trois modalités contribuent dès lors à réaliser le basculement de la perspective « outside-in » à celle « inside-out » et inversement. Une attention variant selon la rationalité recherchée par les acteurs, une volonté de conservation des ressources et du pouvoir, ainsi qu’une obligation de traduction de la part des managers sont des éléments centraux pour expliquer ces alternances entre les formes d’ouverture.Enfin, la mise en évidence d’actions structurantes a contribué à proposer une conceptualisation de la construction de la décision stratégique et de l’ouverture du processus aux acteurs externes en s’appuyant notamment sur le travail de Mintzberg et al. (1976). Nous prolongeons ainsi leur travail en expliquant ce qui guide les managers à interagir avec les acteurs externes et comment ils utilisent cela ensuite dans leur réflexion personnelle ou avec les autres managers en interne pour élaborer la décision stratégique
Combination of different economic, social, political and managerial factors have developed new relational modes between organizations and managers affecting in this way strategic thinking process, decision-making process and its implementation. Researchers must integrate the complexity of constructing process and considering internal and external actors. In this thesis, we want to better understand how external actors participate to the elaboration of the strategic decision. Thus, we have built theoretically two conceptions of the openness of decision-making process to external actors. We consider the first perspective as “outside-in”. It underlines a behaviour resulting of an appropriated reflection. Procedural rationality, term borrowed by Herbert Simon to psychology, depends of the process that has generated it. Manager will have to adapt to the environment and to his cognitive limits in order to deliberate satisfactorily. The second perspective, considered as “inside-out”, is characterized by a game rationality. This consists of individuals who act in relation to each other intelligently to pursue individual objectives by means of individual calculations of self-interest in order to influence final strategic decision. The apparent contradiction between these two perspectives does not hold when we enter into the process dynamic. Consequently we highlight similarities and insist on the interest to consider together these two perspectives in our framework. We distinguish three similar dimensions: the openness of strategic decision-making process to external actors is thus composed of “purpose”, “character of relationships”, and “process characteristics”. This thesis has been realized through ten cases studies to empirically confirm our theoretical building and to explain managers’ functioning modes with external actors. A typology of seven practices is developed, thanks to our analysis, to better understand how each form of openness happens and when managers use it to interact with external actors. Exposition of these practices has permitted to explore the passing of one form of openness to the other. Three notions contribute to explain it. An attention varying according to the rationality looked for managers, a will of conserving resources and power, and an imperative to translate for managers are central elements to precise these changes. To conclude, we put in evidence structuring actions and propose a conceptualization of strategic decision-making process and openness to external actors by leaning on the work of Mintzberg et al. (1976). We extend its research by explaining what led managers to interact with external actors and how they use it for their personal reflection or with others internal managers to build the strategic decision

Doutoramento em Sociologia Económica e das Organizações
A preocupação com os efeitos nefastos da corrupção tem estimulado a realização de estudos e pesquisas sobre o tema, visando uma melhor compreensão do fenômeno. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central a identificação dos elementos de continuidades e mudanças da corrupção política ocorrida nos últimos 50 anos no Brasil, quadra que foi dividida em três períodos, de modo a permitir uma análise comparativa adequada às particularidades dos mesmos. O primeiro período (1964-1985) retrata o autoritarismo do regime militar; o segundo (1985-2002) cobre a primeira etapa da redemocratização; e o terceiro (2003-2014), o que chamamos de segunda etapa da redemocratização. Sustenta ainda a hipótese de que a corrupção no terceiro período assumiu características distintas das praticadas nos períodos anteriores, particularmente devido a certas concepções políticas que culminaram por alçar os partidos políticos à condição de atores principais das ilicitudes. Além das principais abordagens teóricas sobre o assunto, procedemos a um levantamento de 90 casos de corrupção ocorridos durante essa trajetória de meio século, através de fontes documentais que possibilitaram a identificação de variáveis associadas às organizações, instituições e atores políticos, as quais permitiram o estabelecimento das diferenças e semelhanças que marcaram os casos de corrupção no marco histórico estabelecido.
The concern regarding the evil effects of corruption has led to the performance of studies and researches on the topic, aiming at a better undestandin of the phenomenum. This work has as its main objective to identify elements of continuity and change related to corruption within the last 50 years in Brazil. Such time interval was divided into three periods in order to allow a comparative analysis, in accordance with the peculiarities of each period. The first period (1964-1985) portrays authoritarianism of the military regime; the second one (1985-2002) covers the first stage of the redemocratization process;and the third one (2003-2014), what we call its second stage. It states the hypothesis that the corruption in the third period presents diferente characteristics from the ones in the previous periods, especially due to certain political concepts which turned political parties into leading actors within the corruption arena. Besides the most important theoretical approaches on the topic, this work displays 90 cases of corruption that took place within that half century, through documental sources which allowed the identification of variables associated to the organizations, institutions and political actors. Such variables enabled us to establish differences and similarities among the corruption cases studied.

As the world's population increase, measures against the climate crisis have not been sufficient to reduce global emissions. Contributing to minimizing climate change is our duty to the earth. As half of our world's population lives in cities, building construction and the process play an important role in urbanization and our society. Therefore, recycling will be a significant contribution, both in the current situation but also for the future. This bachelor thesis explores sustainability within the field of built environment through analysing the recycling process from the perspective of various parties in the construction industry. The aim is to create a deeper understanding for recycling and to gain an insight into its potential for development in the industry. The study uses a qualitative research methods where the data was collected from ten interviews as well as relevant literature searches and reviews. The work provides insight into economic models and concepts such as resilience and theories that discuss raw material shortages and virgin material. Furthermore, the work has highlighted difficulties, development opportunities and developed a theorem for local recycling as a proposal to make recycling easily accessible and aid involved parties in the construction process. It turned out that there was some variation in the view of recycling and that the actors are at different stages of incorporating recycling in their work. The study showed that recycling is in a phase of continuous development where interaction is required from relevant involved parties as well as from the public sector such as municipalities. Recycling is an important part of moving in a positive sustainable direction as it allows us to redistribute our resources rather than extract new material from the earth.
I takt med att världens befolkning ökar har åtgärderna mot klimatkrisen inte varit tillräckliga för att minska de globala utsläppen. Att bidra till att minimera klimatförändringarna är vår skyldighet till jorden. Då hälften av jordens befolkning bor i städer har byggandet och byggprocessen en viktig roll i urbaniseringen och samhället. Där kommer återbruk att vara en betydande insats, både i nuläget men också för vår framtid. Denna kandidatuppsats tar sin utgångspunkt i återbruksprocessen från diverse aktörers perspektiv i byggbranschen och föreslår ett digitalt verktyg för återbruksprocesser. Syftet är att skapa en djupare förståelse för att få en inblick om återbruk och dess utvecklingsmöjligheter i branschen. Studien använder sig av en kvalitativa forskningsmetoder där materialet samlats in från ett tiotal intervjuer samt relevant litteratur och forskningsartiklar. Arbetet ger inblick i ekonomiska modeller, begrepp som resiliens och teorier som diskuterar råvarubrist och jungfruligt material. Vidare har arbetet belyst svårigheter och utvecklingsmöjligheter samt tagit fram ett digitalt verktyg som ett förslag för att lättillgängliggöra återbruk i byggprocessen. Det visade sig att det finns en viss variation på synen av återbruk och att aktörerna är i olika skeden med återbruk i deras arbete. Studien visar att återbruk är i en utveckling där ett samspel krävs från aktörer men också från den offentliga sektorn som kommuner. Att återbruka är en viktig del för att ställa om mot en positiv hållbar riktning eftersom det tillåter att omfördela våra resurser snarare än att utvinna nytt material från jorden.

This doctoral thesis explores under what circumstances executive actors, political parties and interest groups gain visibility in EU (European Union) related debates in the Spanish media for the period 2005-2015. The case of Spain allows exploring aspects so far subjected to little empirical investigations. For example, the motivations of Europhile parties’ to pay attention to the EU, to what extent parties use an EU frame to achieve political goals in a multilevel system of government, or the changing patterns of politicization of EU issues in one of the countries more seriously hit by the euro crisis. The analysis relies on the content analysis of 40.000 stories and 354.000 claims of political actors published in El País and El Mundo from 2005 to 2015. The first chapter, devoted to the analysis of executive actors and political parties, corroborates that political actors react to top-down pressures. Executive actors, those with more media visibility, mainly react to the approval of new EU normative and events, such as European Council meetings, while the visibility of political parties is more associated to European parliament elections. Yet, the thesis shows that political actors do not react only to EU processes and events. Even if European integration is not a politicized issue in Spain, the analysis of public debates on EU affairs show that parties use Europe strategically, as part of their competition to each other in the domestic political arena. Results also illustrate that the euro crisis did not redistribute significantly political actors’ visibility in the media. Even if challenger parties were very critical of most decisions adopted to overcome the crisis, their visibility on EU related public debates did not significantly increase during this critical juncture. Finally, even if European integration is not a politicized issue, as far as the EU is associated with domestic political debates, patterns of media political parallelism emerge. For example, the visibility of secessionist Catalan parties in EU related debates only increases parallel to increasing support for independence in El Mundo. The second chapter, devoted to the analysis of interest groups, corroborates that in this case top-down processes do not play an important role in explaining their visibility in EU related debates. Interest groups do not obtain more media coverage when new normative is discussed at the EU level, not even on those policy areas where the EU has more competences. Yet, stories where new EU regulation in the fields of energy, environment, labor and social issues is discussed, show higher diversity of interest groups than policy domains of economic nature, which are monopolized by few groups. The analysis also shows that debates related to the European parliament and the European Commission are generally associated with a more pluralistic patterns, involving interest groups of different types, than those where the European Council participate. The visibility of interest groups does not increase neither during the approval of new EU normative, nor when their implementation is discussed at domestic level. Interest groups with a role in the implementation process have no visibility in public debates on European affairs, not even on highly politicized issues. Regarding the impact of the euro crisis, it did raise attention to previously excluded groups in EU related debates, such as labor unions or citizens groups. Yet, important differences exist between El Mundo and El País. The analysis of interest groups further corroborates that the media are not passive actors but may be actively involved in the process of giving some actors more attention in public debates to support their political allies.
Aquesta tesi doctoral explora les circumstàncies en les que actors de l'executiu, partits polítics i grups d'interès obtenen visibilitat en els debats relacionats amb la UE (Unió Europea), publicats pels mitjans de comunicació espanyols durant el període 2005-2015. El cas d'Espanya permet explorar aspectes poc investigats des d’un punt de vista empíric fins ara. Per exemple, les motivacions per les quals els partits euròfils presten atenció a la UE, fins a quin punt utilitzen un emmarcat europeu per a aconseguir objectius polítics en un sistema de govern multinivell, o els canvis en els patrons de politització dels assumptes europeus en un dels països més afectats per l'Euro crisi. L'estudi es basa en l'anàlisi del contingut de 40.000 notícies i 354.000 afirmacions d'actors polítics, publicats en El País i El Mundo entre 2005 i 2015. El primer capítol, enfocat en l'anàlisi dels actors de l'executiu i els partits polítics, corrobora que els actors polítics reaccionen a pressions top-down. Els actors de l'executiu, aquells amb més visibilitat mediàtica, reaccionen principalment a l'aprovació de nova normativa i esdeveniments europeus, com, per exemple, reunions del Consell Europeu, mentre que la visibilitat dels partits polítics està més associada amb les eleccions al Parlament Europeu. No obstant això, aquesta tesi mostra que els actors polítics no només reaccionen a processos i esdeveniments europeus. Fins i tot si la integració europea no és un assumpte polititzat a Espanya, l'anàlisi dels debats públics sobre assumptes europeus mostra que els partits utilitzen Europa de manera estratègica, com a part de la competició partidista en l’arena política domèstica. Els resultats il·lustren que l'Euro crisi no va implicar una redistribució significativa de la cobertura mediàtica dels actors polítics. Malgrat els partits challenger van ser molt crítics amb la majoria de les decisions adoptades per a superar la crisi, la seva visibilitat en els debats públics relacionats amb la UE no va augmentar significativament durant aquesta conjuntura crítica. Finalment, la tesi mostra que tot i que la integració europea no és un assumpte polititzat, en la mesura en que la UE s'associa amb debats polítics domèstics, emergeixen patrons de paral·lelisme polític en la cobertura mediàtica. Per exemple, la visibilitat dels partits catalans secessionistes en debats on es fa referència a la UE només augmenta paral·lelament a l'increment del suport a la independència a El Mundo. El segon capítol, centrat en l'anàlisi dels grups d'interès, demostra que els processos top-down no juguen un paper important a l’hora d’explicar la seva visibilitat en els debats relacionats amb la UE. Els grups d'interès no obtenen major cobertura mediàtica quan es debat nova normativa europea, ni tan sols en aquells àmbits en els que la UE té més competències. No obstant això, notícies sobre l'aprovació de nova regulació europea en àmbits com l'energia, el medi ambient, el treball o els assumptes socials mostren una major diversitat de grups d'interès que aquelles sobre assumpres econòmics, monopolitzades per pocs grups. L'anàlisi també mostra que els debats relacionats amb el Parlament Europeu i la Comissió Europea, generalment es troben associats amb patrons més plurals, involucrant diferents grups d'interès, que aquells en els quals participa el Consell Europeu. La visibilitat dels grups d'interès no és elevada durant la discussió de normativa a nivell europeu ni tampoc durant el procés d’implementació a nivell domèstic. Els grups d'interès amb un rol en el procés d'implementació no obtenen visibilitat en els debats públics sobre els assumptes europeus, ni tant sols en assumptes molt polititzats. Respecte a l'impacte de l'Euro crisi, aquesta va augmentar l'atenció a grups prèviament exclosos dels debats sobre la UE, com, per exemple, sindicats i grups de ciutadans. No obstant, existeixen diferències importants entre El País i El Mundo. L'anàlisi sobre els grups d'interès corrobora que els mitjans de comunicació no són actors passius, sinó que participen activament en el procés, donant més cobertura mediàtica a determinats actors amb l’objectiu de donar suport als seus aliats polítics.
Esta tesis doctoral explora las circunstancias en las que actores del ejecutivo, partidos políticos y grupos de interés obtienen visibilidad en los debates relacionados con la UE (Unión Europea), publicados por los medios de comunicación españoles durante el periodo 2005-2015. El caso de España permite explorar aspectos poco investigados desde un punto de vista empírico hasta el momento. Por ejemplo, las motivaciones por las que los partidos eurófilos prestan atención a la UE, hasta qué punto usan un enmarcado europeo para lograr sus objetivos políticos en un sistema de gobierno multinivel, o los cambios en los patrones de politización de los asuntos europeos en uno de los países más afectados por la Euro crisis. El estudio se basa en el análisis del contenido de 40.000 noticias y 354.000 afirmaciones de actores políticos, publicadas en El País y El Mundo entre 2005 y 2015. El primer capítulo, centrado en el análisis de los actores del ejecutivo y los partidos políticos, corrobora que los actores políticos reacciones a presiones top- down. Los actores del ejecutivo, aquellos con más visibilidad mediática, reaccionan principalmente a la aprobación de nueva normativa y eventos europeos, como, por ejemplo, reuniones del Consejo Europeo, mientras que la visibilidad de los partidos políticos está más asociada con las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo. Sin embargo, esta tesis muestra que los actores políticos no sólo reaccionan a estos procesos y eventos europeos. Incluso si la integración europea no es un asunto politizado en España, el análisis de los debates públicos sobre asuntos europeos muestra que los partidos usan Europa de forma estratégica, como parte de la competición partidista en la arena política doméstica. Los resultados también ilustran que la Euro crisis no implicó una redistribución significativa de la cobertura mediática de los actores políticos. A pesar de que los partidos challenger fueron muy críticos con la mayoría de las decisiones adoptadas para superar la crisis, su visibilidad en los debates públicos relacionados con la UE no aumentó significativamente durante esta coyuntura crítica. Finalmente, la tesis muestra que a pesar de que la integración europea no es un asunto politizado, en la medida en que la UE se asocia con debates políticos domésticos, emergen patrones de paralelismo político en la cobertura mediática. Por ejemplo, la visibilidad de los partidos catalanes secesionistas en debates en los que se hace referencia a Europa solo aumenta paralelamente al incremento del apoyo a la independencia en El Mundo. El segundo capítulo, centrado en el análisis de los grupos de interés, demuestra que los procesos top-down no juegan un papel importante para explicar su visibilidad en los debates relacionados con la UE. Los grupos de interés no obtienen mayor cobertura mediática cuando se debate nueva normativa europea, ni siquiera en aquellos ámbitos en los que la UE tiene más competencias. No obstante, noticias sobre la aprobación de nueva regulación europea en ámbitos como la energía, el medio ambiente, el trabajo o los asuntos sociales muestran una mayor diversidad de grupos de interés que aquellas sobre asuntos económicos, monopolizadas por pocos grupos. El análisis también muestra que los debates relacionados con el Parlamento Europeo y la Comisión Europea, generalmente se encuentran asociados con patrones más plurales, involucrando diferentes grupos de interés, que aquellos en los que participa el Consejo Europeo. La visibilidad de los grupos de interés no es elevada durante la discusión de normativa a nivel europeo ni tampoco durante el proceso de implementación a nivel doméstico. Los grupos de interés con un rol en el proceso de implementación no obtienen visibilidad en los debates públicos sobre los asuntos europeos, ni siquiera en asuntos muy politizados. Con respecto al impacto de la Euro crisis, ésta aumentó la atención a grupos previamente excluidos de los debates sobre la UE, como, por ejemplo, sindicatos y grupos de ciudadanos. No obstante, existen diferencias importantes entre El País y El Mundo. El análisis sobre los grupos de interés corrobora que los medios de comunicación no son actores pasivos, sino que participan activamente en el proceso, dando más cobertura mediática a determinados actores con el objetivo de apoyar a sus aliados políticos.

Die Meinungen über die Chancen einer Demokratisierung im Nahen und Mittleren Osten sind geteilt. Diese Arbeit versucht für Ägypten eine Einschätzung zu geben. Als bevölkerungsreichstes und eines der politisch bedeutsamsten Länder der Region könnte es eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen. Die Dissertation untersucht an einem Fallbeispiel, den Ausschreitungen zwischen Muslimen und Christen in einem oberägyptischen Dorf 1999/ 2000, in welcher Form und in welchem Ausmaß sich staatliche Akteure, religiöse Institutionen und die Bürger zum heiklen Thema der Gefährdung der Rechte von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Diskurs zu Wort melden und dabei das Kriterium des Pluralismus, im Sinne von Toleranz und Ablehnung von Gewalt, erfüllen. Pessimistische Stimmen versagen dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten insbesondere wegen der dort vorherrschenden Religion eine Reformierbarkeit der politischen Kultur und stigmatisieren den Islam als Demokratisierungshindernis. Diese Arbeit beobachtet jedoch, dass es empirisch bereits einige Merkmale gibt, die auf eine Zunahme von Pluralismus in der ägyptischen Gesellschaft hindeuten. Sie zeigt die Anzeichen für die Herausbildung einer freien Öffentlichkeit und einer Zivilgesellschaft auf, die langfristig auf die Konsolidierung von Demokratie und nicht auf deren Zerstörung hinarbeitet. Gleichzeitig ist diese Arbeit eine Art in Szene gesetztes, lebendiges „Who is who?“ der gegenwärtigen Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsbewegung in Ägypten. 1
The current status of democratization and civil society development in Egypt through the example of the discourse on the indigenous Christian minority of the Copts. Opinions regarding the chances of democratization in the Middle East are divided. The thesis attempts to give an evaluation in the case of Egypt. As the most populous and one of the politically most influencing countries of that region Egypt could take the function of a role model. The dissertation investigates, on the basis of a case study – the clashes between Muslims and Christians in an Upper Egyptian village in 1999/ 2000 - in what form and to what extent state actors, religious institutions and citizens take a stand in public discourse on the sensitive issue of endangering the rights of minorities and thereby meet the criteria of pluralism in the sense of tolerance and rejection of violence. Pessimistic voices deny the Middle East a reformability of its political culture particularly with regard to the predominating religion there and stigmatize Islam as an obstacle to democratization. This study however, shows empirically that there are already some indications that point towards an increase of pluralism in Egyptian society and towards the development of a free public sphere and a civil society that in the long term can lead to the consolidation of democracy and not to its destruction. At the same time this study is a kind of status report and “Who’s who?” of the current minority – and human rights movement in Egypt.

La décentralisation implantée en 2004 au Niger, a pour objectif de promouvoir le développement « par le bas » et de diffuser les principes démocratiques dans les milieux locaux, afin d’améliorer les conditions de vie des populations. Les recherches sur le sujet font état d’un écart considérable entre les objectifs et les réalisations de la décentralisation. Les facteurs avancés pour expliquer cet écart sont entre autres, le faible appui technique et financier de l’État envers les collectivités territoriales ou encore la quasi-inexistence d’une fonction publique locale qualifiée et apte à prendre en charge les projets de décentralisation. Toutefois, ces observations s’avèrent insuffisantes pour rendre compte des difficultés rencontrées par les acteurs de la décentralisation au Niger. Nous affirmons que les partis politiques jouent un rôle fondamental dans le processus de décentralisations. Ceux-ci diffusent des stratégies d’influence politique et de patronage dans les arènes locales. Les stratégies des partis politiques entravent les initiatives des acteurs locaux, notamment leur capacité de mobilisation des ressources financières.
Decentralization began in 2004 in Niger, aims to promote development "from below" and spreading democratic principles in local communities, in order to improve the living conditions of populations. Research available shows a considerable gap between goals and achievements of decentralization. Factors presented by researchers to explain this difference are the weak technical and financial support of the State toward local authorities, or the quasi-absence of a qualified local civil service, able to support decentralization projects. However, these arguments are insufficient to explain the difficulties encountered by decentralization actors. Thus, I argue that political parties play a key role in the decentralization process. They disseminate political influence strategies and patronage practices in local arenas. Therefore, their strategies hinder local actors’ actions, especially their ability to mobilize financial resources.

AbstractThe concept of hybridity sheds light on the complexity of conflict settings. It helps to analyse the participation of all parties and actors involved and entangled in a social network of normative and political power, while avoiding theoretical binaries that over-simplify the process of post-conflict peacebuilding. What lacks, however, is a practical application of hybridity in peacebuilding that actively engages with bottom/local or grassroots, top/national and international actors through mediation in the mid-space to create sustainable peace. Given this practical shortcoming of hybridity, this chapter examines mid-space actors as gatekeepers and their capacities to enable dialogue among opposing parties. The aim is to offer insights for the international community, as outside intervenors, in promoting the bridge-building potentialities of gatekeepers. Specifically, externally led efforts to engage with the specific skill sets of mid-space local actors are explored. It is argued in this chapter that such engagement provides a favourable environment for sustaining peace by overcoming power struggles in and around the mid-space.

Corporate actors, like parties and associations, are the organized expression of collective interests in a society. By integrating interests (aggregation) and mediating them (articulation), they figure as a key element of a living democracy. Corporate actors can be distinguished in terms of the territorial and functional dimensions of their representative function. As free societal associations, independent of the state, they operate ideally between citizens and the state. The development of a voluntarily organized intermediary zone between citizens and the state is of vital importance for democratic transformation and consolidation. However, the emergence of voluntarily organized collective actors as a requisite for ‘representative consolidation’ is highly contingent. Whether associations and interest groups form in a political system depends to a high degree on institutional structures. In transformation processes, clear governmental control and sanctioning capacities are conducive to the development of corporate actors.

The economic life implies the existence of the actors who have to satisfy their own needs, expectations, this presupposing the appearance of the choices that they must make from the multitude of products or services on the market. Since ancient times, the sale has been made for a better living, so Thales is the first wise, Solon the second founder of Athens and the mathematician Hippocrates, who were traders. Plato, the divine, sold oil, and Baruch Spinoza, philosopher, polished mirrors. Therefore, sales forces play an important role, which, through their strategies, can make a significant contribution to achieving the general and specific objectives. The art of selling tips the balance of success and failure, the relationship between the seller and the client, ending with win-win situation for both parties.

Abstract The Deepwater Horizon accident is one of the major environmental disasters in the history of the United States. This accident occurred in 2010, when the Deepwater Horizon mobile offshore drilling unit exploded, while the rig's crew was conducting the drilling work of the exploratory well Macondo deep under the waters of the Gulf of Mexico. Environmental damages included more than four million barrels of oil spilled into the Gulf of Mexico, and economic losses total tens of billions of dollars. The accident brought into question the effectiveness of the regulatory regime for preventing accidents, and protecting the marine environment from oil and gas operations, and prompted regulatory reforms. Ten years after the Deepwater Horizon accident, this article analyzes the implementation of Safety and Environmental Management Systems (SEMS) as one of the main regulatory reforms introduced in the United States after the accident. The analysis uses the theory of regulation which takes into account both state and non-state actors involved in regulation, and therefore, the shift from regulation to governance. The study includes regulations issued after the Deepwater Horizon accident, particularly, SEMS rules I and II, and reports conducted by the National Academy of Sciences, the National Commission on the BP Oil Spill, the Center for Offshore Safety, the Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board, and the Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement (BSEE). The article reveals that though offshore oil and gas operators in the U.S. federal waters have adopted SEMS, as a mechanism of self-regulation, there is not clarity on how SEMS have been implemented in practice towards achieving its goal of reducing risks. The BSEE, as the public regulator has the task of providing a complete analysis on the results of the three audits to SEMS conducted by the operators and third parties from 2013 to 2019. This article argues that the assessment of SEMS audits should be complemented with leading and lagging indicators in the industry in order to identify how SEMS have influenced safety behavior beyond regulatory compliance. BSEE has the challenge of providing this assessment and making transparency a cornerstone of SEMS regulations. In this way, the lessons of the DHW accident may be internalized by all actors in the offshore oil and gas industry.

The Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant (INPP) is located in Lithuania, 130 km north of Vilnius, and consists of two 1500 MWe RBMK type units, commissioned respectively in December 1983 and August 1987. On the 1st of May 2004, the Republic of Lithuania became a member of the European Union. With the protocol on the Ignalina Nuclear Power in Lithuania which is annexed to the Accession Treaty, the Contracting Parties have agreed: - On Lithuanian side, to commit closure of unit 1 of INPP before 2005 and of Unit 2 by 31 December 2009; - On European Union side, to provide adequate additional Community assistance to the efforts of Lithuania to decommission INPP. The paper is divided in two parts. The first part describes how, starting from this agreement, the project was launched and organized, what is its present status and which activities are planned to reach the final ambitious objective of a green field. To give a global picture, the content of the different projects that were defined and the licensing process will also be presented. In the second part, the paper will focus on the lessons learnt. It will explain the difficulties encountered to define the decommissioning strategy, considering both immediate or differed dismantling options and why the first option was finally selected. The paper will mention other challenges and problems that the different actors of the project faced and how they were managed and solved. The paper will be written by representatives of the Ignalina NPP and of the Project Management Unit.

Formal planning instruments and procedures have often been unpopular and ineffective for solving complex spatial issues, such as urban sprawl or transport congestion. As a result, such conflicts turn into complex planning tasks that usually exceed the provisioned time and funding, especially when faced with adversarial interests of actors from different organisations, sectors or social groups. Hence, informal planning, as a non-binding supplement to official planning instruments, is often considered highly effective. In its broadest sense, informal planning includes the principles of collaborative dialogue, diverse networks, trustful relationships and tailor-made processes among interested parties. Consequently, informal planning processes foster sound decision-making delivering a spectrum of problem-oriented solutions and increasing public consensus, while enacting experimentation, learning, change, and the creation of shared meanings among stakeholders. However, informal planning cannot be taken for granted – it is strongly interwoven with the planning culture influenced by the historical and political background, and the current socio-economic conditions. This paper revolves around several pillars. After an introductory section, a brief historical overview firstly identifies the place of informal planning in various planning models that have appeared since the 1960s. More specifically, informal planning is analysed against the theoretical concept of collaborative rationality. Finally, the paper focuses on a specific informal planning procedure called the ‘test planning method’, being analysed against the previously elaborated theoretical background. As this instrument links both formal and informal planning, its comparison and interrelation with the theoretical background of collaborative rationality contributes to elucidating the following attributes of adaptive (collaborative) urban governance: 1) flexible and agile institutional arrangements supportive to various kinds of urban planning mechanisms (not only official tools), 2) proactive and imaginative planners ready to accept solutions created outside the technical domain of instrumental rationality, and 3) inclusion of numerous stakeholders to exchange various information and different types of knowledge, i.e. expert and experiential knowledge. Observed through the example of the test planning method, the article finally highlights the successful aspects of informal planning, however, pointing also to its shortcomings, which could be expected in the societies with a lack of key democratic elements

This Helpdesk Report is part mapping of the mediation and peacebuilding actors in Tunisia and part review of the available literature. There are a host of governmental and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that are involved in the mediation of conflicts and peacebuilding, both in formal and informal ways. There is overlap in the principles and goals of peacebuilding and mediation; many organisations conduct both practices, intermingling them. Local, regional, national and international actors have applied mediation and peacebuilding to many different types of conflict in the past decade in Tunisia, involving varied parties. The case studies included in this rapid review cover conflicts relating to labour and the economy, the environment, basic services, constitutional/political disputes, and women’s rights. They involve local communities, the unemployed national and regional trade unions, civil society organisations (CSOs), national utility and mineral companies, and political parties.

The rise of deepfakes could enhance the effectiveness of disinformation efforts by states, political parties and adversarial actors. How rapidly is this technology advancing, and who in reality might adopt it for malicious ends? This report offers a comprehensive deepfake threat assessment grounded in the latest machine learning research on generative models.