Journal articles on the topic 'Activists'
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1
Putri, Nadia Dwi, Edwin Rizal, and Nuning Kurniasih. "Konstruksi makna pegiat Kelompok Dongeng Bengkimut." Jurnal Kajian Informasi & Perpustakaan 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jkip.v8i1.26637.
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Every activist’s introduce stories to children through storytelling. This study discusses the construction of meanings, motives, and experiences of ‘Kelompok Dongeng Bengkimut’ (Bengkimut Fairytale Group) activists. This research purpose was to discover the meaning, motives, and experiences of storytellers as activists. The research method was qualitative with a phenomenological approach, used were observation, interview, and literature study. Informants were seven active members in the ‘Kelompok Dongeng Bengkimut’, who had at least four years' experience in joining the group. Study results found that three meanings and two motives could be obtained from the ‘Kelompok Dongeng Bengkimut’ activists. The meaning possessed is a bearer of happiness, something pleasant, and a messenger. The 'Kelompok Dongeng Bengkimut' owned two motives, namely the motive of reason and purpose. The activist's first motive was a motive for a reason because (s)he was often told tales when (s)he was small, was also comfortable, and was not burdened. Whereas the motive for the purpose was to become an activist, bring up the culture of storytelling, challenge oneself, and introduce books to children. The activist's experience was storytelling in the Children's Ward at Hasan Sadikin Hospital, telling about his work, and storytelling to young and adult listeners. The constraints ever experienced were listeners who did not pay attention to fairy tales, storytelling in groups, and nervousness when storytelling. The conclusion the research that storytelling is meaningful for activist a bearer of happiness, something pleasant, and a messenger, the motive of reason and purpose.
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King, Debra. "Operationalizing Melucci: Metamorphosis and Passion in the Negotiation of Activists' Multiple Identities." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.v813801745136863.
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Activists need to construct and manage multiple identities as activists, as well as negotiate their activist identities in relation to identity positions in other social realms such as paid work or parenting. This research is an empirical application of Melucci's concept of metamorphosis to the processes through which committed activists manage identity work. Metamorphosis facilitates an understanding of how activists maintain a sense of continuity through changes in identity. From life-history interviews with twenty long-term Australian activists this research operationalizes the four concepts associated with metamorphosis: being present or "in the moment," taking responsibility for action, being reflexive, and having a rhythm for managing the identity process. The analysis of these concepts demonstrates the need to extend understandings of identity to incorporate non-instrumental aspects of cognition, such as emotion, the body, and passion. These facilitate an activist's capacity to metamorphose, and therefore manage various aspects of identity construction. Activism is therefore sustained when activists can maintain their passionate participation in creating social change, regardless of circumstances, rather than simply enhancing their commitment to a particular organization.
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Benton, Richard A., and Jihae You. "Governance monitors or market rebels? Heterogeneity in shareholder activism." Strategic Organization 17, no. 3 (June 2018): 281–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476127018776482.
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Agency theory is the dominant theory of shareholder activism and argues that activist investors function as external governance monitors. Agency theory predicts that activist investors will tend to target firms who exhibit governance and performance problems. However, given limited resources and time, activist investors must often decide between selecting targets with particularly strong agency and performance problems and those where their activism efforts are most likely to succeed. Social movement scholars point out that, in social movement contexts, the corporate opportunity structure affects when and where activism is likely to arise. We draw on insights from social movement scholarship and agency theory to advance a theory of heterogeneity in shareholder activism. We argue that an activist’s access to power and resources shapes its target selection, particularly the activist’s preference for targeting firms with greater agency problems or where contextual factors favor chances of success. Whereas more powerful activists are able to wield their power as effective governance monitors against firms with substantial agency problems, less powerful activists must strategically select targets of opportunity by choosing firms where contextual factors improve their odds of success. We test these propositions using an innovative relational approach that can simultaneously incorporate firm traits, activist identities, and endogenous dynamics.
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Naert, Jan. "Burgemeesters en activisme tijdens en na Wereldoorlog I (1914-1921)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 74, no. 3 (September 29, 2015): 220–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v74i3.12091.
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Zowel de activistische samenwerking met de Duitse bezetter tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog als de bestraffing ervan na de oorlog, kunnen op veel interesse rekenen van de Belgische historici. De historiografie hieromtrent blijft dan ook stelselmatig aangroeien. Zo benadrukte Lode Wils recentelijk nog, verwijzend naar de vele lokale studies, dat de activisten zich ook meester probeerden te maken van het gemeentelijke niveau.Dit artikel toont aan dat de pogingen van activisten om burgemeesters uit hun rangen te laten benoemen om verschillende redenen mislukten. Hoewel de activisten niet per definitie kansloos waren, had de Duitse bezetter steevast het laatste woord. Die opteerde zo goed als altijd voor de verkozen Belgische burgemeesters en werkte met hen samen om de openbare orde en rust in het bezette land te bewaren. Na de oorlog organiseerde het Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken tussen 1918 en 1921 een zuivering van het burgermeesterkorps. Het ministerie opende een onderzoek naar activistische burgemeesters en zij die van activistische sympathiën verdacht werden. Een analyse van die onderzoeken toont enerzijds aan dat het aantal burgemeesters dat beschuldigd werd van activisme zeer klein was. Anderzijds wordt duidelijk dat de studie naar de houding van burgemeesters ten aanzien van de Duitse bezetter weinig gebaat is bij een dichotoom denkkader van collaboratie en verzet.________Mayors and activism during and after World War I (1914-1921)Both the activist collaboration with the German occupiers during the First World War as well as its punishment after the war are of great interest to Belgian historians. Therefore the historiography on this subject continues to increase systematically. Lode Wils for instance recently emphasised in reference to the many local studies that the activists also tried to gain control at the municipal level.This article demonstrates that the attempts by activists to have mayors nominated from within their ranks failed for a number of reasons. Although the activists were not necessarily non-starters, the German occupiers invariably had the last word. The latter almost always opted for the elected Belgian mayors and cooperated with them in order to maintain public order and security in the occupied territory. After the war the Ministry of Home Affairs organised a purge of the body of mayors between 1918 and 1921. The ministry opened an investigation into activists mayors and those suspected of activist sympathies. An analysis of those investigations demonstrates on the one hand that the number of mayors that was accused of activism was very small. On the other hand it becomes clear that the study into the attitude of mayors towards the German occupiers does not benefit from a dichotomous conceptual framework of collaboration and resistance.
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Granovetter, Sara. "Activist as Symptom: Healing Trauma within a Ruptured Collective." Society & Animals 29, no. 7 (December 23, 2021): 659–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-bja10051.
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Abstract Animal activists serve as symptom-bearers for trans-species collective trauma within Western-industrial society. Findings from literature on traumatology and nonhuman animal activism, contemporary discourse, and the voices of ten activists currently in the field suggest that many animal activists suffer some form of trauma. Activist trauma arises through overlapping, complex relational processes of intersubjective attunement with nonhuman animals and embeddedness within a human social context that disavows nonhuman suffering. In understanding activist trauma as a symptom of a dysfunctional system, I depathologize activist suffering and view activists as integral members of a whole society that seeks healing.
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Jensen, Rosa Engelbert, Albert Emil Mølgaard Thayssen, and Signe Uldbjerg. "Activist Participation in Academic Systems Three autoethnographic case studies of academic-activist positions in knowledge-work." Conjunctions 10, no. 1 (October 1, 2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tjcp-2023-0005.
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Abstract Based on three autoethnographic cases, this article reflects on activist participation in academic systems. The three authors are activists with different attachments to and experiences of academic knowledge-work. Our experiences as activists in academia help us form the argument that many activist contributions to academic systems remain unacknowledged. We are using these overlooked cases to expand existing participatory and activist/action research that often assumes a preliminary distinction between activists and researchers. Instead, we pose critiques of participation that are neither internal (in the sense criticised by Cooke and Kothari) nor external, but formulated from positions in between as activist-academics. Our critiques of academic participation concern exploitation of student work in academic teaching, lack of acknowledgement of activist knowledge in research processes, and tendencies to dismiss activists as professional disseminators of academic knowledge.
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Alcalde Villacampa, Javier, and Martín Portos García. "Stop Mare Mortum y el movimiento de solidaridad con las personas refugiadas en Barcelona." Empiria. Revista de metodología de ciencias sociales, no. 52 (September 1, 2021): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/empiria.52.2021.31368.
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Durante el largo verano migratorio de 2015 aumentaba de un modo dramático el nivel de conciencia ciudadana y activismo en Barcelona. En la primavera de 2016, cada día tenían lugar eventos de protesta en solidaridad con las personas refugiadas , promovidos por un amplio espectro de grupos locales, asociaciones y redes. En tanto, un cambio en el gobierno local erigía a una otrora activista social como alcaldesa, asumiendo el tema de las personas refugiadas como una prioridad política. Basado en una serie de entrevistas en profundidad con activistas clave, este artículo presenta, mapea y estudia la evolución de las redes activistas locales. Buscando arrojar luz sobre las dinámicas de meso-movilización, analizamos la plataforma Stop Mare Mortum (SMM). Con un alto nivel de politización y centrándose en las personas refugiadas en tránsito, esta iniciativa nacida de una pequeña red de círculos activistas creció hasta convertirse en una plataforma paraguas con gran capacidad para coordinar iniciativas de la sociedad civil. Junto con una combinación única de emociones y marcos de movilización, la habilidad de SMM para adaptar sus estrategias, repertorios de acción y estructuras organizativas a un contexto cambiante explican su capacidad de movilización y el carácter transversal de sus bases. The 2015 long summer of migration has increased dramatically the level of citizen awareness and activism in Barcelona. In Spring 2016 a number of protest events in solidarity with refugees were taking place on a daily basis, promoted by a broad range of local groups, associations and networks. In the meantime, a change of government brought a social activist as the new mayor of the city, with the refugees' issue as a top political priority. Based on a number of in-depth interviews with key activists, this article presents, maps and studies the evolution of the local networks. Aiming at shedding light on meso-level mobilization dynamics, we zoom into Stop Mare Mortum. With a high level of politicization and focusing on refugees in transit, this initiative borne out of a small network of activists has gradually become an umbrella platform aiming to coordinate civil society initiatives within this field. Together with a unique combination emotions and frames for mobilization, SMM’s ability to adapt its strategies, repertoires of action and organizational structures to a changing environment explains its mobilization capacity and the cross-cut nature of its constituency.
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Taha, Diane, Sally O. Hastings, and Elizabeth M. Minei. "Shaping Student Activists: Discursive Sensemaking of Activism and Participation Research." Journal of the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning 15, no. 6 (December 27, 2015): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/josotl.v15i6.13820.
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As social media becomes a more potent force in society, particularly for younger generations, the role in activism has been contested. This qualitative study examines 35 interviews with students regarding their perceptions of the use of social media in social change, their perceptions of activists, and their level of self-identification as an activist. Data suggest that students use media to engage in offline participation in activist causes, because offline presents a “safe” place to begin their involvement. Findings also point to the unified pejorative connotations of the term “activist”, yet also demonstrate ways that students transform the negative stereotype of activists in a way that creates a more positive image of activists. Most participants in the study were able to see sufficient positive characteristics in behaviors they associated with activism to prompt the students to identify themselves as “activists” or “aspiring activists”. We offer 3 practical recommendations for teachers who seek to increase service learning vis a vis activism in their classrooms.
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Young, Glen M. "Under the spotlight: How media coverage impacts shareholder activism campaigns." Corporate Ownership and Control 21, no. 2 (2024): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv21i2art6.
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This study provides novel evidence on the strategic role of media coverage in influencing shareholder activism campaigns. Analyzing a comprehensive dataset of activist interventions from 2000–2014, we find activists strategically target firms with high levels of recent business press coverage, especially negative coverage. These findings support theoretical predictions that activists prefer transparent, poorly performing firms. We also find a positive association between pre intervention press coverage and the likelihood an activism campaign receives coverage. This “sticky” media coverage effect suggests activists target visible firms to increase campaign exposure. Finally, using propensity score matching and regression analysis, we show activist campaigns receiving press coverage have significantly higher announcement returns, underscoring a key benefit of media coverage for activists. Overall, our results highlight the important interplay between media coverage, shareholder activists, and capital markets. The findings should interest managers seeking to assess activism risk and activists aiming to maximize campaign impact.
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Tiidenberg, Katrin, and Airi-Alina Allaste. "LGBT activism in Estonia: Identities, enactment and perceptions of LGBT people." Sexualities 23, no. 3 (November 20, 2018): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460718797262.
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This article explores how Estonian LGBT activists make sense of their own activism. We analyze the activists’ perceptions of their activism, their identities and how those identities are deployed for action. All of these are, in turn, situated in how activists understand the broader Estonian LGBT community, and Estonian society’s historico-politically complex relationship with activism as such. The article is theoretically grounded within the new social movement theories and theories of emergent LGBT and activist identities. The analyzed material consists of interviews, observations, documents and meeting notes gathered via ethnographic fieldwork with Estonian LGBT activists in 2012–2013. Pragmatic and iterative qualitative analysis revealed that the activists studied resist the activist identity, and perceive there to be a weak collective identity among the broader Estonian LGBT population. However, the lobbying for the Registered Partnership Law (passed in 2014) brought a shift in LGBT activists’ ways of enacting their identities and their perception of the possibility of LGBT activism in Estonia.
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Vanner, Catherine, and Anuradha Dugal. "Personal, Powerful, Political." Girlhood Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): vii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2020.130202.
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“Today I met my role model,” tweeted climate change activist Greta Thunberg on 25 February 2020, captioning a picture of herself with girls’ education activist Malala Yousafzai, who also tweeted the picture, proclaiming that Greta was “the only friend I would skip school for.” The proclamations of mutual admiration illustrate a form of solidarity between the two most famous girl activists, who are often pointed to as examples of the power of the individual girl activist in spite of their intentionally collective approaches that connect young activists and civil society organizations around the world. These girl activists have garnered worldwide attention for their causes but have also been subject to problematic media representations that elevate voices of privilege and/or focus on girl activists as exceptional individuals (Gordon and Taft 2010; Hesford 2014), often obscuring the movements behind them. For this reason, this special issue explores activism networks by, for, and with girls and young women, examining and emphasizing girls’ activism in collective and collaborative spaces.
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Walgrave, Stefaan, W. Bennett, Jeroen Van Laer, and Christian Breunig. "Multiple Engagements and Network Bridging in Contentious Politics: Digital Media Use of Protest Participants." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 325–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.3.b0780274322458wk.
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Based on three series of protest surveys across nations, issues, and time, this study examines to what extent the use of digital media permits activists to sustain multiple engagements in different protest events and different movement organizations. We find that digital media use stimulates multiple activisms. Through information and communication technologies (ICTs), activists can maintain multiple engagements and manage weak ties with diverse protest and movement communities. The data also suggest that these multiple engagements and overlapping activisms effectively provide linkages to and integration within social movement networks. Core activists who are closely linked to protest organizations rely more on ICTs to manage their multiple commitments. Even activists less closely tied to core protest organizations can link to more diverse communities through Internet use. These basic patterns systematically hold across nations, across issues, and across time.
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McIver, Karen. "Engaging Youth to Explore Activism: An Educational Framework for Supporting an Ecological Justice-Oriented Citizenry." Canadian Journal of Action Research 21, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 102–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33524/cjar.v21i1.521.
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The range of social and ecological justice issues our world is currently experiencing is vast. Youth are speaking out and are identifying as activists. Education, and more specifically environmental education, has a role to play in developing justice-oriented citizens committed to taking action on issues. The present study used action research with participation from youth to investigate the role place has played in maintaining the identities of activists committed to social and ecological justice. The secondary focus of the research was to examine whether youth involvement in a participatory, critical learning experience of creating live radio shows with activists as their guests helped the youth to develop and maintain their own activist identity and community. In addressing these questions of activist identity in relation to place, the study is presented in two sections. Part 1 involved research participants producing two live radio shows focused on the role of place in maintaining activism. Part 2 addresses how the youth participants perceived the process of interviewing activists on a radio show as having contributed to their own activist identities. Profiles of each youth participant are presented to explore their perceptions of creating radio shows with older generations of activists. The article concludes with a living theory of education for social and ecological justice.
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Sager, Tore. "Planning by intentional communities: An understudied form of activist planning." Planning Theory 17, no. 4 (August 17, 2017): 449–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095217723381.
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The article is about intentional communities choosing a lifestyle outside the mainstream. It is explained why their planning is a sort of activist planning and often a case of radical planning. Planning by intentional communities differs from most activist neighbourhood planning by closer relation to a deviating worldview or ideology. The permanent insistence on non-conformity makes planning processes involving both government and intentional community cases of agonist planning. Activist planning theory has not studied how the thousands of dedicated activists living in intentional communities plan the development of their area. The article starts such an investigation by studying Svartlamon in Trondheim, Norway. It is an urban intentional community for social change, housing some 240 individuals. The activists have used planning strategically to mobilize and build external support, to frame the cooperation with the municipality and to establish a legal underpinning of the intentional community. The following questions are answered: Are the goals of the activists clearly reflected in the plans? How are the activists involved in the planning? Are the planning ideas of the intentional community well received by the municipality?
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Farinha, Catarina, and Miriam Rosa. "Just Chill! An Experimental Approach to Stereotypical Attributions Regarding Young Activists." Social Sciences 11, no. 10 (September 20, 2022): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11100427.
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Climate change is a crucial issue, which is mobilized by activists. However, activists are targeted with negative stereotypes, hindering their influence. Young activists are environmentally conscious, but the stereotypical attributions assigned to them are unknown, with competing predictions in the literature (for being activist vs being young). In two studies, we aimed at experimentally examining the stereotypical dimensions that are ascribed to activists (youth vs adult) based on the Stereotype Content Model (SCM), as well as a morality/trustworthiness dimension. Considering that activists are generally considered as high-competent, but low-warm, while youth are considered the opposite (low-competence and high-warmth), we hypothesized the impacts on morality/trustworthiness. Greta Thunberg and Jane Fonda were the personalities used in Study 1 (N = 276), randomly assigned to participants while keeping the same discourse excerpt. Thunberg was penalized in all stereotypical dimensions. In Study 2 (N = 228), fictional characters (teenager or adult) were used instead. As hypothesized, no differences were found in the warmth or competence dimensions, only in the morality/trustworthiness dimension, penalizing the young activist. These results highlight the importance of studying environmental activists considering different social categories in stereotypical appraisals. They also contribute to a better understanding of general resistance towards activists, as well as the factors that are detrimental to their social influence.
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Conde, Marta. "From activism to science and from science to activism in environmental-health justice conflicts." Journal of Science Communication 14, no. 02 (June 11, 2015): C04. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.14020304.
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Knowledge is not static or unique. It can be exchanged between activists, academia and policy circles: from science to activism and from activism to science. Existing scientific knowledge is being used by activists to expose wrongdoings or improve practices and knowledge in environmental and health conflicts. Activists can either adopt scientific knowledge and data in their own argumentations or produce new scientific knowledge either by becoming scientists themselves or in co-operation with experts. Local and scientific knowledge is being combined to challenge government policies and the knowledge produced by corporate actors. Also explored is the figure of the expert-activist; with scientists becoming activists and vice versa, the boundaries between activists and scientists are increasingly blurry.
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De Ridder, Matthijs. ""Ook een politieke invloed moet van onze Alma Mater uitgaan". Staatkunde en activisme bij Robert Van Genechten." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 70, no. 2 (July 4, 2011): 172–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v70i2.12320.
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Hoewel er geen twijfel over mogelijk is dat het activisme een weinig democratische beweging was, laat een analyse van de ‘Staatkundige kroniek’ van Robert Van Genechten zien dat het staatkundige denken van de activisten veel complexer is dan tot nut toe werd aangenomen. Opportunisme is maar een van de vele facetten van het activistische denken. Voor een beter begrip van de collaboratie tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog kan een onderzoek naar het discours van het activisme – in nationaal én internationaal verband – dan ook voor veel nuancerende inzichten zorgen.________“Our Alma Mater should also exert a political influence”. Political science and activism by Robert Van GenechtenAlthough we cannot doubt that activism was hardly a democratic movement, an analysis of the ‘Political chronicle’ by Robert Van Genechten demonstrates that the political thinking of the activists is far more complex than had so far been assumed. Opportunism is only one of the many facets of activist thinking. To gain a better understanding of the collaboration during the First World War, an investigation of the discourse of activism – both in the national and in the international context – could therefore provide much more differentiated insights.
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Borodina, Svetlana. "Strategies of Disability Activism in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia." Current History 120, no. 828 (October 1, 2021): 274–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.828.274.
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Despite Russia’s history of state surveillance of activists and civil society, both in the Soviet era and after, people with disabilities have found ways to challenge their living conditions and push for change. Through a variety of grassroots tactics, they have historically been active participants in society. Disability rights activists have developed an expansive repertoire of activist engagements (including online) that transcend the boundaries of familiar models of overt protest, dissent, and confrontation typical of disabled activists in Western democratic countries.
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Imhoff, Débora, Cecilia Gariglio, Valeria Ponce, Bruno Díaz, and Angelina Pilatti. "Environmental Activism: relationship with psycho-social and psycho-political variables among activists and non-activists from Argentina / Activismo ambiental: relación con variables psicosociales y psicopolíticas en activistas y no activistas de Argentina." Psyecology 5, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2014): 350–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21711976.2014.957541.
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Owen, Cam Nguyen. "“IT'S A RAT RACE”: THE IMPACT OF IDEOLOGICAL IMPRINTING ON MICROLEVEL EXPERIENCES OF MOVEMENT PROFESSIONALIZATION*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-24-1-59.
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Movement professionalization has mainly been conceptualized as a mesolevel process, with past research stressing differences between groups. Few studies have accounted for why activists in the same organization might have drastically dissimilar experiences. Using interviews with thirty left-wing former and current movement professionals, the article integrates recent scholarship on activist pathways to explain intragroup variations. Findings show that activists who saw professionalization as a dilemma were influenced by the ideological imprinting, i.e., exposure to ideals of “grassroots” mobilization they encountered during the formative years of their activist careers, rather than their current organizational characteristics. Also, while the professionalization literature focuses on tactical moderation, activists emphasized a different problem. They saw external patronage as “tainted” money and an impediment to one-on-one relationship building with constituents. This study highlights the importance of incorporating activist trajectories into the professionalization literature and understanding aspects of movement careers that hinder participation along with those facilitating it.
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Park, Gwi Ja, and Sangok Park. "A Study on the Human Agency of Ma-eul Education Community Activists." Korean Society for the Study of Lifelong Education 29, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 49–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52758/kjle.2023.29.4.49.
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This study was conducted to understand the proactive and active behaviors of Ma-eul education community activists not merely at a personal level, but within a dimension that includes social structures and cultural characteristics. To achieve this, in-depth interviews were conducted with seven research participants to capture and analyze the manifestation of activists' agency traits using the relational agency conceptual model. The results revealed that the practice of activist agency characteristics emerged in the formation of social intimacy, intentional value sharing, relationship building that supports empowerment, harmonizing practices with convictions, and problem-solving through relationships. These were further facilitated through personal and relational reflection and learning. Based on these findings, the activists' agency was defined as the power of solidarity for forming 'our' relationships. The study discussed and organized the practice of activist agency into relationship-centered practice, forms of agency practice, the cyclical nature of agency manifestation, the characteristics of learning that mediate the manifestation of agency, and the implications of agency practice. This research offers a new perspective for understanding the practice experiences of activists through the concept of agency and attempts to define the concept of activist agency, distinguishing it from previous studies. Additionally, it proposes strategies for the revitalization of village education communities and suggestions for future research.
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Auld, Graeme. "Transforming Markets? Activists’ Strategic Orientations and Engagement With Private Governance." Organization & Environment 33, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026618811299.
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Private governance regimes—instances where nonstate actors set rules that govern their behavior and/or the behavior of others—are increasingly common intermediaries between activists and corporations. Activists are often thought to drive corporations to participate in private governance. By participating, corporations hope to be shielded from activist pressures. Yet there are many instances where activists oppose particular private governance regimes, even ones that are seen as leaders in a sector. Why is this? This article contributes answers to this question by examining how activists’ different strategic orientations affect their perceptions of private governance. It unpacks three distinct ideal-type strategic orientations—prefiguration, targeting, and cooperation—activists may hold in their efforts to transform markets and the different forms of private governance each orientation will prefer. It then details how market entry conditions, sequencing and interactions, and feedbacks affect how activists are likely to engage the private governance regimes that develop in a given sector.
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Nuijten, Monique, and Pieter de Vries. "The antimonies of the PAH (Platform of Mortgage Victims) in Spain." focaal 2021, no. 91 (December 1, 2021): 70–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2021.910106.
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Abstract In the Platform of Mortgage Victims (PAH) the common view exists that all activists are equal, that there are no leaders, and that there is no division of labor between grassroots activists and activist-politicians. We show that the trope of horizontalism (the nonexistence of hierarchy within the platform) in effect hides the existence of an unacknowledged leadership structure and of electoral aspirations. We argue that the tensions between grassroots activists and emerging activist-politicians stand for a fundamental divide that renders possible a true change in the state of the situation. This article draws on the work of Alain Badiou and Jodi Dean to argue that the PAH contributed to the 15M movement as a truth event by staging performances of egalitarianism and cultivating solidarity in a disciplined way.
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Herbert, Lea, Laurie Campbell, Breahannah Hilaire, and Galaxina Wright. "Pilot Study of the Intersection of COVID 19 and Activist Mental Health." Journal for Social Action in Counseling & Psychology 15, no. 1 (August 31, 2023): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/jsacp.15.1.32-50.
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Recent tensions in society have led to protests and demonstrations to raise awareness and consciousness ultimately for change. These efforts can be draining. Domestic increases in youth activism has illustrated transformative community action as well as the need to determine themes related to activist sustainability and mental health. Therefore, a phenomenological study was conducted to explore Millennial and Generation Z activist mental health perceptions and engagement during times of protest including COVID-19. The voice of seven youth activists regarding their experience with concurrent activism and mental health maintenance were explored. Themes derived from interviews with these young adult activists about their mental health behaviors, included: wellness maintenance, mindset, and technology. Intentions of youth activists to participate in integrated care were discussed. Implications and suggestions for counselors and helping professions are provided.
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Hardnack, Chris. "More than an Activist: Identity Competition and Participation in a Revolutionary Socialist Organization." Qualitative Sociology Review 7, no. 2 (August 30, 2011): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.07.2.03.
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How do activists manage life commitments and membership in a radical social movement organization? Starting with the assumption that activists are ‘more than activists’ who have personal lives that can affect their movement lives, I use identity theory to analyze how competition among identities influences participation in the organization to which they belong. I also assess how the collective identity of a revolutionary socialist organization affects the personal identities of activists. This movement identity is labeled ‘socialist identity’ which must then compete with other identities that the activist may possess. The methods used were modified life history interviews of former and current members, participant observations, and content analysis of the organization’s documents.
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Ditchfield, Jeff. "The war on some consumers of some drugs." Drugs and Alcohol Today 18, no. 2 (June 4, 2018): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dat-03-2018-0015.
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Purpose As a prominent Cannabis Activist in the UK, the purpose of this paper is to articulate some thoughts on where activists should go next, to challenge stigmatising drug laws. Design/methodology/approach A personal narrative is interweaved with a drug policy discussion and views on how activists can best promote reform. Findings Activists ought to fight moral injustice by breaking unjust laws if necessary. This paper demonstrates how activists can develop regulatory models from the bottom up via cannabis clubs and the importance of talking to and educating the media. Originality/value The author has been researching the benefits of medicinal cannabis since 2001 and assists terminal cancer sufferers around the world. The author is also an accomplished Public Speaker on cannabis and wishes to use this platform to share experience and thoughts with fellow activists.
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Lee, Chengpang, and Ling Han. "Mothers and Moral Activists." Nova Religio 19, no. 3 (February 1, 2016): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2016.19.3.54.
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In this article we identify two models of women’s social engagement in contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism: mother and moral activist. The model of mother is represented by the famous Tzu Chi founder Shih Cheng Yen (b. 1937)—a Buddhist nun who is viewed by her followers as the embodiment of the compassionate mother ideal. The model of moral activist in contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism has received far less attention from scholars than Cheng Yen and Tzu Chi. However, in comparison to the model of mother, Taiwanese women who are moral activists actively challenge existing social institutions based on their Buddhist consciousness. This article discusses the nun Shih Chao-hwei (b. 1957) as representative of women moral activists and highlights two events—the public abandonment of the Eight Special Rules for nuns in 2001 and support for a lesbian wedding in 2012—to illustrate how moral activists challenge the existing patriarchal status quo. We argue that these two models of women’s social engagement are equally important in contemporary Taiwanese Buddhism and are the two important sources of women’s social engagement that aims to alleviate suffering and improve society.
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National District (Sakha Republic), The Indigenous Women's Collectives, and Sardana Nikolaeva. "Plurality of Activisms." sibirica 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2023.220107.
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Abstract Indigenous women's activism occupies a specific niche within local and global Indigenous politics and plays a particularly important role in the socio-cultural and political development of Indigenous communities. In this regard, it is vital to explore not only activist strategies of grassroots Indigenous women's organizing but also their histories, contexts, and activist scopes. The women's collectives in the Olenek Evenki National District of the Sakha Republic (Russian Federation) have a long history of cultural and political activism. In this photo-essay, we aim to narrativize women's activism in Olenek as well as visually represent the activists themselves. Through the photos and the analytical narratives complimenting them, we also want to explore distinct (and diverse) articulations of Indigenous identities and of Indigenous activisms in the post-Soviet Indigenous Arctic.
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Pepin-Neff, Christopher, and Thomas Wynter. "The Costs of Pride: Survey Results from LGBTQI Activists in the United States, United Kingdom, South Africa, and Australia." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 498–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x19000205.
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AbstractA comparative analysis of emotional taxation was conducted to investigate the affective cost of entering the political process among 1,019 lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI) activists in the United States (n = 355), the United Kingdom (n = 230), South Africa (n = 228), and Australia (n = 206). Four consistent trends were identified across these four contexts, with important implications for the study of social movements, youth activism, gender, sexuality, and race. First, levels of emotional taxation resulting from LGBTQI activist work were consistently very high. Second, emotional burdens were systematically greater for young, nonwhite, and transgender activists. Third, emotional taxation was compounded for activists whose identities crossed multiple marginalized groups. This finding supports the validity and importance of intersectional approaches to LGBTQI issues. Fourth, the sources of emotional taxation varied greatly among activists, and transgender activists were particularly stressed by public engagements such as major events and marches. Transgender nonwhite activists also indicated relatively high levels of emotional stress related to online forms of engagement, such as posting on Twitter and Facebook. These findings could help identify the kinds of activists who participate, the kinds of issues advocated for, and why certain tactics are used.
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Monballyu, Jos. "Het uur van de vergelding. Vlaamse activisten voor de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier van het Leger (23 januari tot 30 juni 1919). Deel 2." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 70, no. 1 (March 24, 2011): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v70i1.12328.
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Indien men de geschiedenis van de strafrechtelijke repressie van het Vlaamse activisme na de Eerste Wereldoorlog ten gronde wil bestuderen, moet men niet alleen de parlementaire verklaringen, de gerechtelijke statistieken en de kranten omrent die repressie raadplegen, maar vooral de gerechtelijke archieven uitpluizen die deze repressie heeft nagelaten. In dit artikel wordt dit voor de eerste keer gedaan voor de Vlaamse activisten die door de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier van het Leger werden veroordeeld. Die krijgsraad te velde kreeg tussen 19 november 1918 en 13 mei 1919 het monopolie van de bestraffing van zowel burgeractivisten als militaire activisten en behield dit monopolie tussen 14 mei 1919 en 30 september 1919 voor de militaire activisten. Na deze laatste datum werden de Vlaamse burgeractivisten vervolgd voor de provinciale Assisenhoven en de militaire activisten voor de provinciale krijgsraden.Het krijgsauditoraat van het Groot Hoofdkwartier vervolgde uiteindelijk 689 gewone burgers en 105 militairen voor (Vlaams en Waals) activisme (inbreuk op artikel 104, 115, lid 5 en 118bis van het Belgische strafwetboek). Hiervan moesten er zich uiteindelijk slechts drieëndertig Vlamingen (26 burgers en 7 militairen) verantwoorden voor de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier. Vier van hen werden vrijgesproken en negenentwintig tot een straf veroordeeld. De hoogste straf was een doodstraf, die in hoger beroep werd omgezet in een buitengewone hechtenis van twintig jaar. De laagste straf bestond uit een gevangenisstraf van twee jaar. Onder de veroordeelde burgers waren er twee die deel hadden uitgemaakt van de tweede Raad van Vlaanderen en twee die de Duitsers hadden benoemd in de door hen opgerichte Vlaamse administratie. Alle andere waren plaatselijke propagandisten van het Vlaamse activisme. De zeven militairen waren allen verdacht van activisme in het bezette België tijdens de zes laatste maanden van de oorlog. Drie van hen waren vanuit het Frontgebied naar het bezette gebied overgelopen en drie andere genoten van een vervroegde terugkeer uit een krijgsgevangenenkamp in Duitsland waar ze zich ook al maanden voor de Vlaamse zaak hadden ingezet.________The day of reckoning. Flemish activists court-martialled at the Main Headquarters of the Army (23 January until 30 June 1919)In order to carry out a thorough study of the history of the criminal repression of Flemish activism after the First World War, you need to consult not only the parliamentary declarations, the legal statistics and the newspapers on the subject, but more in particular research the court records reporting on that repression. This article is the first to study the Flemish activists who were sentenced by the court-martial at the Main Headquarters of the Army. From 19 November 1918 until 13 May 1919 that field court-martial was given the monopoly of prosecuting both civilian and military activists and it retained this monopoly for the prosecution of military activists between 14 May 1919 and 30 September 1919. After the latter date the Flemish civilian activists were prosecuted by the provincial Assize Courts and the military activists by the provincial court-martials. Eventually the military tribunal of the Main Headquarters prosecuted 689 civilians and 105 military on the basis of (Flemish and Walloon) activism (infringement of article 104, 115 paragraph 5 and 118bis of the Belgian Criminal Code). Finally only 33 Flemish (26 civilians and 7 military) had to account for their actions in front of the court-martial of the Main Headquarters. Four of them were acquitted and twenty-nine were sentenced. The most severe penalty was a death sentence, which was converted on appeal to an exceptional imprisonment of twenty years. The most lenient penalty was two years imprisonment. Two of the convicted civilians had been part of the Second Council of Flanders and two of them had been appointed by the Germans to be part of the Flemish administration they had established. All the others had been local propagandists of Flemish activism. The seven military had all been suspected of activism in occupied Belgium during the last six months of the war. Three of them had deserted from the Frontline to the occupied territory and three others had been granted an early return from a prisoner of war camp in Germany where they also had dedicated themselves for months to the Flemish cause.
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Gutman, Yifat. "Looking backward to the future: Counter-memory as oppositional knowledge-production in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." Current Sociology 65, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392115584644.
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This article examines a strategy of peace activism that gained visibility in the last decades: memory activism. Memory activists manifest a temporal shift in transnational politics: first the past, then the future. Affiliated with the globally-circulating paradigm of historical justice, memory activist groups assume that a new understanding of the past could lead to a new perception of present problems and project alternative solutions for the future. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and discourse analysis among memory activists of the 1948 war in Israel since 2001, the article examines the activist production of counter-memory during active conflict. Using Coy et al.’s typology of oppositional knowledge-production, the article shows how the largest group of memory activism in Israel produced ‘new’ information on the war, critically assessed the dominant historical narrative, offered an alternative shared narrative, and began to envision practical solutions for Palestinian refugees. However, the analysis raises additional concerns that reach beyond the scope of the typology, primarily regarding the unequal power relations that exist not only between the dominant and activist production of oppositional knowledge, but also among activists.
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Koo, Sejin. "PARTY ACTIVISTS IN SOUTH KOREA AND MONGOLIA: PROGRAMMATIC LINKAGES AND POLICY MOTIVATIONS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 3 (July 19, 2018): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.20.
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AbstractParty activists are important for building party–voter links. This study focuses on the motivations of these activists and the hypothesis that economic factors are associated with more programmatic and policy-driven platforms. I examine a novel comparative survey data set of party activists collected in multiple districts in South Korea and Mongolia to determine whether national economic development, the local economy, or individual income shapes activist motivations. The results challenge the economic account and, instead, shed light on the importance of party characteristics, such as size, ideology, and whether a party has its roots in authoritarianism.
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Browne, Kath, and Leela Bakshi. "Insider activists: The fraught possibilities of LGBT activisms from within." Geoforum 49 (October 2013): 253–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2012.10.013.
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Wielk, Emily, and Alecea Standlee. "Fighting for Their Future: An Exploratory Study of Online Community Building in the Youth Climate Change Movement." Qualitative Sociology Review 17, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.17.2.02.
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While offline iterations of the climate activism movement have spanned decades, today online involvement of youth through social media platforms has transformed the landscape of this social movement. Our research considers how youth climate activists utilize social media platforms to create and direct social movement communities towards greater collective action. Our project analyzes narrative framing and linguistic conventions to better understand how youth climate activists utilized Twitter to build community and mobilize followers around their movement. Our project identifies three emergent strategies, used by youth climate activists, that appear effective in engaging activist communities on Twitter. These strategies demonstrate the power of digital culture, and youth culture, in creating a collective identity within a diverse generation. This fusion of digital and physical resistance is an essential component of the youth climate activist strategy and may play a role in the future of emerging social movements.
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Briscoe, Forrest. "Under Activist Pressure: Understanding the Relationship between Activists and Firms." Academy of Management Proceedings 2015, no. 1 (January 2015): 12773. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2015.12773symposium.
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Ardiwansyah, Bayu. "STUDI KOMPARASI PRESTASI BELAJAR PAI ANTARA SISWA AKTIVIS DAN NON AKTIVIS ROHIS." At-Tajdid : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Pemikiran Islam 3, no. 01 (September 17, 2019): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/att.v3i01.975.
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This study aims to 1) find out the significance of the differences in PAI learning achievement between activist students and Spiritual non-visionary students in Accounting majors at SMKN 1 Metro 2) knowing the causes of differences in PAI learning achievement between activist students and non-religious Spiritual students in Accounting at SMKN 1 Metro. Rohis activist students referred to in this study are students who in addition to learning, they are also active in carrying out the activities of the Rohis organization. Whereas the non-religious Spiritual students referred to in this study were students who did not follow the Rohis organization. The results of the research at SMK Negeri 1 Metro, which researchers did to students Spiritual and Non-activist Rohis activists concluded that: 1) There are differences in learning achievement of Islamic Education between activist students and Non-Christian Spiritual Accounting Department at Metro 1 Vocational School. Where the learning achievements of Spiritual activist PAI students are better than the learning achievements of Rohan Nonaktivis students. The difference in learning achievement of Islamic Education between activist students and Spiritual Non-Service Students is significant, based on the results of t count = 4.630 consulted with t table (tt) at the significance level of 5% = 1.998 and at 1% significance level = 2.655. or 1,998 <4,630> 2,655. which means significant. 2) There are causes of differences in PAI learning achievements between activist students and non-religious Rohis students in the Accounting Department at SMK Negeri 1 Metro.Keywords: Activists, Non Activists, PAI Achievements, Comparative
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Makhfud, Makhfud, and A. Zaeini Misbaahuddin Asyuari. "PENGEMBANGAN KEILMUAN SANTRI MELALUI SELEKSI AKTIVIS BAHTSUL MASAIL DI MADRASAH HIDAYATUL MUBTADIIN LIRBOYO KEDIRI." Andragogi : Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Agama Islam 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33474/ja.v5i1.20488.
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This article aims to discuss the scientific development of santri through the selection of Bahtsul Masail activists at Madrasah Hidayatul Mubtadiin Lirboyo Kediri. This research is qualitative research type. Data were collected through structured interviews and analyzed with descriptive analysis techniques. In this study, the results obtained are: The form of implementation of Bahtsul Masail activist selection in Hidayatul Mubtadiin Lirboyo Madrasah is through various deliberation forums and Bahtsul Masail. The results of the selection of Bahtsul Masail activists are carried out through several stages: First, recruiting Bahtsul Masail activists through special programs of Lajnah Bahtsul Masail such as the implementation of sorogan, takhasus and musyawaroh forums. Second, recruiting grade-level Bahtsul Masail activists through the kubro musyawaroh program (Muskub), combined musyawaroh (Musgab) for Tsanawiyah level students. Fathul Qorib and Al-Mahalli musyawaroh programs for Aliyah level students. Third, recruiting Bahtsul Masail activists through Bahtsul Masail at the cottage level. The implementation of the selection of Bahtsul Masail activists on the scientific development of students has a positive impact, including training public speaking, analyzing problems, utilizing self-potential from the works of previous scholars and training critical thinking intelligence.
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Lund, Darren, and Rae Ann Van Beers. "Unintentional Consequences: Facing the Risks of Being a Youth Activist." in education 26, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37119/ojs2020.v26i1.479.
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Students involved in social justice activist groups and activities encounter several potentially negative consequences in advocating for issues that are important to them. Through duoethnographic interviews with scholar-activists, former youth activists describe the barriers they experienced as socially engaged young people, including dealing with pushback from their cultural, school, and even activist communities. Without adult allies to help mentor them through these processes, the negative emotions associated with these encounters can lead youth to burn out and leave activism altogether. The findings of this study remind educators that they have an important role to play in providing meaningful activist training, apprenticeship opportunities, and supports for youth who are passionately engaged in progressive social and political action.
Keywords: social justice activism; youth; duoethnography; student movements
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Hansson, Niklas, and Kerstin Jacobsson. "Learning to Be Affected: Subjectivity, Sense, and Sensibility in Animal Rights Activism." Society & Animals 22, no. 3 (April 22, 2014): 262–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341327.
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Abstract Becoming an animal rights activist is not just a process of identity change and re-socialization but also implies, as this article suggests, a “re-engineering” of affective cognitive repertoires and processes of “sensibilization” in relation to nonhuman animals. Activists thereby develop their mental responsiveness and awareness and refine their embodied sensitivity and capacity for sensing. The article proposes a theoretical perspective for understanding these processes. Empirically, this article examines the development of affective dispositions informing activists’ subjectivity and embodied sensibilities. It looks at the ways in which visceral, bodily, or affective responses are cultivated to reinforce activist commitments. First, the analysis identifies “micro-shocks” and “re-shocking” experiences as mechanisms for sustaining commitment. Second, “emphatic identification” and “embodied simulation” are highlighted as mechanisms for nurturing empathy towards animals. Finally, it identifies the role of “affective meat encounters” and the cultivation of disgust as mechanisms for nurturing sensibilities. The analysis is based on a case study of animal rights activists in Sweden.
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Valocchi, Stephen. "The Importance of being "We": Collective Identity and the Mobilizing Work of Progressive Activists in Hartford, Connecticut." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 14, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.14.1.y534010633308j7m.
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This article examines the ways that collective identity influences the mobilizing work activists perform in a wide variety of progressive activities in Hartford, Connecticut, as reported in open-ended life history interviews. Using a collective identity typology based on ideology, organization, and biography, the analysis demonstrates the variety of ways in which these different "group allegiances" affect how activists raise consciousness, choose strategies and goals, pursue allies, and build coalitions. These myriad differences in mobilizing by activists with different collective identities within the same movement sector speak to the flexibility of social movement structures and to the importance of activist identity in maneuvering within those structures.
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Vromen, Ariadne. "Community–Based Activism and Change: The Cases of Sydney and Toronto." City & Community 2, no. 1 (March 2003): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6040.00038.
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How do community–based political activists justify the ongoing effectiveness of their chosen location for political activity? How do they describe the shifts in relationships between community–development activism and the state? This article presents findings from case studies undertaken with two community–development organizations based in Sydney, Australia, and Toronto, Canada. The focus of the analysis is 40 in–depth interviews conducted with activists in the late 1990s. The article details how the activists describe the present realities for community–development activism and what they conceptualize as the future for their field of political action. It is argued that by appreciating how activists substantiate the relevance of community–development activism in periods of economic, political, and social change we are able to build a notion of participation that is inclusive of, rather than critical of, everyday activist experiences.
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Fitria Elvi. "Pengaruh Kompensasi terhadap Kinerja Aktivis KSP Credit Union (CU) Keling Kumang di Branch Office Sekadau." Hunatech 1, no. 1 (August 15, 2022): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.59967/hunatech.v1i1.17.
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Compensation, definitely, affects the performance of the activists. The compensation, whether sufficient or not, will affect the performance of the activists. If the compensation given is sufficient, thus the activist will have good working performance. This study aims to argue the effect of the compensation variable on the performance of KSP CU Keling Kumang activists. Based on the previous research, enriched with supporting theories proposed by the experts using the SPSS program as a statistical data processing tool. The type of the research is descriptive and qualitative. In this study, the researcher used a questionnaire as a data collection tool and then processed it using a Simple Linear Regression analysis tool to prove that compensation indeed affect the performance of KSP CU Keling Kumang activists at Branch Office Sekadau and the results from the regression equation Y = 40,972 + 0.136 X.
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Pagis, Julie. "Behind their common struggle against GMOs." Focaal 2006, no. 48 (December 1, 2006): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012906780646316.
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This article presents a comparative investigation of anti-GMO activism in two regions in France. It shows how activists’ participation in acts of ‘civil disobedience’ was not necessarily motivated by the same reasons or directed toward the same goals. During my ethnographic fieldwork at two trials against activists who destroyed GMO test plots in France I found that although protagonists were in agreement on rejecting GMOs, their deeper motives differed significantly. I draw five socio-biographical portraits of anti-GMO activists and highlight their divergent opinions on their role in the court case, which illustrate how in their utilization of the court activists relate differently to the legal system and society at large. The anti-globalization organization Attac and the farmers’ trade union Con- fédération Paysanne clearly had different relations to politics but I also analyze why in Ariège these differences could be harmonized whereas in Droˆme differences between activists lead to serious divisions. I do so by considering how different local activist cultures are shaped within a competitive organizational arena.
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Hájek, Roman. "The Changing Landscape of Local Information Space in the Czech Republic: Consequences for Local Political Communication." Polish Political Science Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0001.
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Abstract Due to the emergence of Internet-based media channels the character of local information spaces in the Czech Republic has undergone a remarkable change. Traditionally, dominant information sources: daily newspapers and municipally-owned media have become challenged by a variety of online sources run by groups of active citizens. Based on a systemic analysis of the local media sector and interviews conducted with representatives of local activist groups this paper discusses the consequences of these processes for local political communication. From the activists’ perspective, the new communication environment has significantly influenced the character of the mutual relationship between different participants in local political communication. Trust between journalists and activists: the basis for their cooperative relationship, faces decline, whereas the self-confidence of activists in negotiations with politicians has increased. Online media also allow the activists to break the existing information monopoly and engage citizens in public affairs. These changes have resulted in the professionalisation of communication skills for the activists, who are thus able to become more important participants in political communication.
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Sealey-Huggins, Leon Ayo. "Depoliticised activism? Ambivalence and pragmatism at the COP16." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2016): 695–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2015-0143.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to interrogate the forms of activist organisation at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change COP16 in Cancún and reveals their attempts to create alternatives to a seemingly “depoliticised” response to climate change. The paper argues that existing attempts to challenge depoliticisation face problems in the form of governmental opposition, limitations on forms of organising, and internal conflicts between activists. Design/methodology/approach This paper utilises “scholar-activist” engagement with actors at alternative “popular” spaces established outside the COP16 in Cancún, Mexico. It draws upon extensive participant observation and in-depth interviews with 20 English-speaking activists. Findings Common among activists was a concern to try and model alternative forms of social relations, to the depoliticised and hierarchical forms found in the formal Conference of Parties, via forms of anarchist-influenced “prefigurative” practice. In spite, or perhaps because, of perceived challenges to attempts to organise their political praxis along non-hierarchical lines, many people were ambivalent about the scope of their action, revealing highly reflexive accounts of the limitations of these whilst simultaneously remaining pragmatic in trying to make the most of their involvement. Originality/value The paper helps us to better understand the potential to politicise climate change. Understanding the challenges faced by activists is important for trying to organise more effective political responses to climate injustice. It is suggested that we must understand activists’ responses to these challenges and limitations in terms of the pragmatism in response that allows them to continue to invest in activism in the face of unsuccessful actions.
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Beta, Annisa R. "The Muslimah Intimate Public: Re-Considering Contemporary Daʾwa Activists in Indonesia." Asiascape: Digital Asia 7, no. 1-2 (May 22, 2020): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-bja10002.
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Abstract This article reconsiders contemporary digital activism in an increasingly pious Indonesia and responds to Eva F. Nisa’s 2018 paper on young Muslim women as daʾwa (proselytization) activists published in this journal. This paper asks: How have today’s socially mediated publics in Indonesia influenced the figure of the daʾwa activist? How are these daʾwa activists different from those in the past? I argue that the daʾwa activists are the products of a Muslimah intimate public, part of a networked public within which young women discuss, engage with, and express how they ‘feel’ about issues that interest them, and celebrate self-improvement and self-enterprise, combined with religious self-cultivation. Within this public daʾwa activists have two key characteristics. First, market logics and commercial interests are fundamental to their daʾwa. Second, the daʾwa accounts frame controversial and political issues through specific visual ethics that engender a sense of intimacy with their followers.
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Collitt, Samuel, and Benjamin Highton. "The Policy Polarization of Party Activists in the United States." American Politics Research 49, no. 4 (April 4, 2021): 386–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211004442.
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This article investigates how a key stratum of the partisan elite—party activists—have been positioned across time and policy issues. We examine the extent to which activists have polarized symmetrically or asymmetrically and find that only on the issue of abortion has one party’s activists (Republicans) polarized notably more than the other’s. The article also analyzes party activist proximity to the mass public’s policy preferences and finds that Democrats are consistently closer to the public on economic issues, and Republicans are consistently closer on a subset of non-economic issues. Our findings suggest the need for more nuanced theories of party activism and polarization along with providing a useful lens through which to view party electoral competition.
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Appel, Ian R., Todd A. Gormley, and Donald B. Keim. "Standing on the Shoulders of Giants: The Effect of Passive Investors on Activism." Review of Financial Studies 32, no. 7 (September 22, 2018): 2720–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rfs/hhy106.
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Abstract We analyze whether the growing importance of passive investors has influenced the campaigns, tactics, and successes of activists. We find activists are more likely to seek board representation when a larger share of the target company’s stock is held by passively managed mutual funds. Furthermore, higher passive ownership is associated with increased use of proxy fights, settlements, and a higher likelihood the activist achieves board representation or the sale of the targeted company. Our findings suggest that the recent growth of passive institutional investors mitigates free-rider problems and facilitates activists’ ability to engage in costly, value-enhancing forms of monitoring. Received September 28, 2016; editorial decision August 18, 2018 by Editor Andrew Karolyi.
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Barnes, Ash, and Rob White. "Mapping Emotions: Exploring the Impact of the Aussie Farms Map." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 36, no. 3 (March 6, 2020): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986220910306.
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Counter-mapping refers to the public dissemination by activist groups of maps that visually document particular harms and offenders or sites of justice and prior ownership. Drawing upon green criminology, this article analyses the consequences of using counter-mapping as an activist tool. It examines how media framing of the Aussie Farms map is constructed around particularly polarizing narratives. This interactive map demonstrates the location and proliferation of animal agriculture and animal exploitation industries within Australia. Media framing has generated heated debate among Australian farmers and activists alike by inciting deeply emotional responses to the issues. We explore these common media narratives and their consequences for activists and tools such as counter-maps.
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Wardi, Moh, Munhari Munhari, Ismail Ismail, and Ali Makki. "Kontribusi Sarjana dan Aktivis dalam Pembangunan serta Pemberdayaan Desa di Kabupaten Pamekasan Madura." Jurnal Darussalam: Jurnal Pendidikan, Komunikasi dan Pemikiran Hukum Islam 10, no. 2 (April 19, 2019): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.30739/darussalam.v10i2.375.
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This study discusses the contribution of scholars and activists or former campus activists take an active role in building their respective regions. Since the Village Law was passed, many roles can be carried out in accelerating and equitable development between villages and cities. This research uses qualitative methods, namely research procedures that produce descriptive data in the form of written or oral words from people and observed behavior. The source of data in this study rests on human and non-human data sources. The research subject extra Campus activist students, HMI, PMII, GMNI, KAMMI and NGO in Pamekasan Regency. The results showed that Activist Strategy and Contribution to Build Villages in Pamekasan District served and returned to the village through the synergy of young people who had experience and insights on village development and welfare such as Karang Taruna, the establishment of BUMDes, the distribution of local tourism, the establishment of Small Micro Enterprises and Medium (UMKM), etc. The paradigm that needs to be built is actually activists creating opportunities and opportunities for employment, not looking for work.