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1

CHIN, ANGELINA Y. "Diasporic Memories and Conceptual Geography in Post-colonial Hong Kong." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 6 (2014): 1566–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000577.

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AbstractThis paper explores how the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has been trying to incorporate post-1997 Hong Kong into the framework of a Greater China. The construction of two ‘narratives’ are examined: the grand narrative of Chinese history in secondary school textbooks in Hong Kong; and the development of a new regional framework of the Pearl River Delta. The first narrative, which focuses on the past, signals the PRC government's desire to inculcate through education a deeper sense of collective identity as patriotic citizens of China amongst residents of Hong Kong.
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Lincey, QI, and Tai Wei LIM. "The Rise of Localist Young Activists in Hong Kong." East Asian Policy 09, no. 02 (2017): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000204.

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Six pro-independence/pro-autonomy individuals who ran for the Hong Kong elections were successfully elected to Hong Kong’s legislature in 2016, reflecting some public sentiments about the current state of affairs between Beijing and Hong Kong. As they are still young, they may stay on in power until the ‘one country, two systems’ ends. Since the Occupy Central movement, a series of social movements and standoffs such as the “Fishball Revolution” and other political events had taken place.
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Lo, Sonny. "Hong Kong in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.34.

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Due to Beijing’s deep concern about its national security being undermined in Hong Kong, where the anti-extradition protests from June to December 2019 not only challenged the legitimacy of both the central and Hong Kong governments but also constituted an attempt at initiating a “color revolution,” a national security law was enacted in late June 2020. The new law aims at demonstrating its immediate deterrent effects on protestors and dissidents by empowering the Hong Kong authorities to pursue suspected offenders. The results were the escape, arrest, and imprisonment of some local political
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Tremlett, Paul-François. "Affective Dissent in the Heart of the Capitalist Utopia: Occupy Hong Kong and the Sacred." Sociology 50, no. 6 (2016): 1156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038515591943.

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Hong Kong has been represented as a politically indifferent, capitalist utopia. This representation was first deployed by British colonial elites and has since been embroidered by Hong Kong’s new political masters in Beijing. Yet, on 15 October 2011, anti-capitalist activists identifying with the global Occupy movement assembled in Hong Kong Central and occupied a space under the HSBC bank. Occupy Hong Kong proved to be the longest occupation of all that was initiated by the global Occupy movement. Situated in a space notable for previously having been the haunt of Filipina domestic workers, t
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Chan, Steve Kwok-Leung. "Prostrating Walk in the Campaign against Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway: Collective Identity of Native Social Movement." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 1 (2017): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v9i1.4986.

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Occupation, blockage and storming are not rare in social movements a decade after China resuming sovereignty in Hong Kong. The organizers and participants usually involve locally born young people. Some of them are secondary school students in their teens. They are known as the fourth generation or post-1980s born Hongkongers. The paper examines the cultural context of social movements involving these youth activists. It mainly studied the campaign against the Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway development project. The project called for the demolition of the Tsoi Yuen Village, a small rural villa
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Ortmann, Stephan. "Contentious politics and democratization in Hong Kong." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 4 (2019): 547–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-03-2018-0064.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain why many activists in Hong Kong have shifted from demanding democracy to independence while, at least for a short time, there have been more aggressive tactics which culminated in the Fishball Revolution of 2016. Design/methodology/approach Based on event analysis, participant observation in recent protests, as well as interviews with participants and non-participants in various pro-democracy protests, this paper traces the changes of the democracy movement from 1997 until 2018. Findings The paper demonstrates that the inability of the democracy
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Canning, Craig N. "Hong Kong: “One Country, Two Systems” in Troubled Waters." Current History 103, no. 674 (2004): 290–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.674.290.

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Chinese central government officials are reluctant to allow political reform in Hong Kong to proceed too rapidly or to be driven primarily by public demonstrations and aggressive pro-democracy activists.
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Kong, Sui Ting, Stevi Jackson, and Petula Sik Ying Ho. "Seeking Love and Justice Amid Hong Kong’s Contentious Politics." Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics 7, no. 2 (2023): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20897/femenc/13547.

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Hong Kong women activists’ understanding of love and justice has shaped, and been shaped, by their political engagement under changing circumstances through two phases of mass protest: in 2014 and 2019. This article is focused on the sentiments of love and justice and how they evolved over time, from the peaceful protest of the Umbrella Movement in 2014 to the violent confrontations of 2019 in the context of the rise of ethno-nationalism. This shift reflects a changed understanding of justice – revenge against China – and a specific version of passionate love for Hong Kong and protective love
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Chao, Long. "Hong Kong as Alternative Sinophone Articulation: Translation and Literary Cartography in Dung Kai-Cheung’S Atlas: The Archaeology of an Imaginary City." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (2018): 771–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0069.

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Abstract Following the 2014 Umbrella Movement, Hong Kong society has witnessed a series of fights between social (youth) activists and its Special Administrative Government (SAR). What was at stake really boils down to the issue of Hong Kong’s self-positioning vis-a-vis the rising economic and political strength of Mainland China. This issue is certainly nothing new, given that most cultural discourses in the 1990s, both within and outside Hong Kong, have focused on the city’s postcolonial status after the handover. This article therefore proposes to approach such an issue from the perspective
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Rahmasari, Shafira. "TRANSITIVITY ANALYSIS REPRESENTING HONG KONG PROTEST 2019 IN THE GUARDIAN NEWS ARTICLE." Journal of Language and Literature 8, no. 2 (2020): 196–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.35760/jll.2020.v8i2.3096.

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News is one of a medium to give new and recent information regarding particular event including the person that is involved that is published by news publishers. One of the leading publishers in The United Kingdom is The Guardian. The Guardian reported an international news which was the activists and pro-democracy figures arrested on Hong Kong protest 2019 that was published in August, 30 2019. The paper attempts to find out the transitivity process to see how the protest is represented. It applied transitivity as the theoretical framework and discourse analysis as the approach. Based on the
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LIN, Yu-Hsin. "When Activists Meet Controlling Shareholders in the Shadow of the Law: A Case Study of Hong Kong." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 14, no. 1 (2019): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2019.12.

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AbstractShareholder activism has changed corporate governance around the world in the past decade. Conventional wisdom holds that shareholder activism is only effective in firms with dispersed ownership; there has been much less discussion on whether and how activism would work in firms with controlling shareholders. This article fills this gap by investigating whether and how legal mechanisms influence strategy planning and activism outcomes based on hand-collected data regarding activists’ initiatives against firms with concentrated ownership in Hong Kong from 2003 to 2017. This article find
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Husa, Jaakko. "Constitutional Biography of Hong Kong and Ambiguities of One Country, Two Systems Policy." Chinese Journal of Comparative Law 9, no. 2 (2021): 268–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjcl/cxab014.

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Abstract This essay reviews Albert Chen’s ‘The Changing Legal Orders in Hong Kong and Mainland China: Essays on One Country, Two Systems' (2021). The aim is to address the most significant points raised by the author of the book and provide a readable and critical synthesis of Chen’s key arguments. The focus is on the background of the tension points between China and Hong Kong that are generated by the One Country, Two Systems policy. The article ends with discussion on the book’s contribution and the possible future of Hong Kong’s common law heritage as a part of China.
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Wong, Wai Kwok Benson. "The ties that bind: mutuality of political destiny between Hong Kong and Taiwan." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (2019): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2018-0117.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain how post-1997 Hong Kong has been perceived in Taiwan and to critically evaluate the demonstration effects of Hong Kong under the “One Country, Two Systems” policy on cross-strait relations. Design/methodology/approach “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” has become a dominant discourse in cross-strait relations in recent years. The paper has adopted discourse analysis of selected texts during and after the 2014 Sunflower Movement to elucidate the disapproval of the developments of post-handover Hong Kong and the construction of the Movement’s s
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Loo, Jeff Hai-chi. "The Myth of “Hong Kong Nationalism”." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 4 (2020): 535–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-10-2018-0161.

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PurposeThe persistent growth of ‘nativists’ in Hong Kong not only highlighted people's consideration over mainlandization, it also stimulates Beijing's nerve on national security. This paper adopts a critical perspective to explore the development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ that emerged in 2015. It will show the development of ‘Hong Kong nationalism’ is a phenomenon compounded by the creation of critical academics, government exaggeration, and pro-Beijing media labeling. In fact, this phenomenon leads to the suppression of political space for critical opposition.Design/methodology/approachThe
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Lam-Knott, Sonia. "Contesting brandscapes in Hong Kong: Exploring youth activist experiences of the contemporary consumerist landscape." Urban Studies 57, no. 5 (2019): 1087–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098019829413.

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Since the 2000s, Hong Kong has become inundated with retail centres, such that the territory is now known as ‘Mall City’, a condition now problematised by youth activists in the city. This article is interested in why these youths take issue with this form of urban development. By tracing the emergence of the contemporary consumerist landscape from the colonial era to the present, it is shown that the current manifestation and characteristics of Hong Kong’s brandscapes are the product of unequal power dynamics between the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government, estate devel
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Stern, Rachel. "Unpacking Adaptation: The Female Inheritance Movement in Hong Kong." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 3 (2005): 421–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.q67572r37257vx66.

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In 1994, after a year of intense activism by indigenous women and their urban supporters, indigenous women in the New Territories of Hong Kong were legally allowed to inherit land for the first time. In pushing for legislative change, the female inheritance movement adopted key ideas—gender equality, human rights and a critique of patriarchy—from a global vocabulary of feminism and human rights. This article examines this rights frame to understand how, if at all, activists modified international conceptions of discrimination and rights to fit Hong Kong. Overall, the ideology was not fundament
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Hung, Ho-fung, and Iam-chong Ip. "Hong Kong's Democratic Movement and the Making of China's Offshore Civil Society." Asian Survey 52, no. 3 (2012): 504–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.3.504.

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Abstract Hong Kong's civil society has remained vibrant since the sovereignty handover in 1997, thanks to an active defense by the democratic movement against Beijing's attempts to control civil liberties. Hong Kong is becoming mainland China's offshore civil society, serving as a free platform for information circulation and organizing among mainland activists and intellectuals.
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Dedman, Adam K., and Autumn Lai. "Digitally Dismantling Asian Authoritarianism." Contention 9, no. 1 (2021): 97–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090105.

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In April 2020, a Twitter war erupted under the hashtag #MilkTeaAlliance. It united users from Thailand, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in a fight against Chinese techno-nationalists’ attempts to shame public figures into supporting the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s framing of geopolitics. In the months that followed, Thai, Taiwanese, and Hong Kong activists continued to lend support to each other through their use of this and other hashtags. Why does the #MilkTeaAlliance hashtag resonate with so many? What political contexts preceded the consolidation of the #MilkTeaAlliance, and how may this allianc
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Varese, Federico, and Rebecca WY Wong. "Resurgent Triads? Democratic mobilization and organized crime in Hong Kong." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 51, no. 1 (2017): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865817698191.

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On 3 October 2014, peaceful pro-democracy protestors were attacked by thugs in Mong Kok, a working-class neighbourhood of Hong Kong. Using this event, we explore whether the attackers came from the same neighbourhood and mobilized to protect their illegal business activities, and whether the attackers were affiliated to the Triads. We conclude that the attackers were low-level Triads affiliates from outside Mong Kok and were paid to attack the protesters. While several scholars have suggested that Triads are in inexorable decline in post-1997 Hong Kong, we suggest that they might have found a
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Castro Campos, Bente, Kuei-Hsien Liao, and Edward Chung Yim Yiu. "The Displacement Risks and Impacts of Hong Kong’s Nonindigenous Villagers: A Grounded Theory Analysis." Urban Affairs Review 55, no. 6 (2018): 1646–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087418766607.

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Land resumption in Hong Kong, which involves involuntary displacement in contemporary development projects, deliberately targets nonindigenous villages, where many residents are landless farmers. In this article, we examine the risks and impacts associated with such displacement of the nonindigenous villagers through a grounded theory approach. Interviews were conducted with nonindigenous villagers who were either in a pre- or in a post-relocation state as well as with activists who condemn the current development projects in Hong Kong. Our major findings are that displacement risks and impact
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Lam, Jermain T. M. "Hong Kong District Council elections 2015." Asian Education and Development Studies 6, no. 4 (2017): 354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2015-0066.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the results of Hong Kong’s 2015 District Council elections in order to test the repercussions of the Occupy Central Movement. The paper attempts to identify the political implications of the Movement as reflected by the 2015 election results. Design/methodology/approach The methodology used for the paper was to collect election data and conduct data analysis to generalize the political implications of the Occupy Central Movement. Findings The paper found that, first, Hong Kong is still polarized, as most voters were divided into those who support
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Chan, Kelly Ka-lai, Jaz Hee-jeong Choi, and Daniel Harris. "Urban Pedagogies of Resistance in Apocalyptic Hong Kong." Journal of Public Pedagogies, no. 6 (February 8, 2022): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15209/jpp.1248.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified existing inequalities and highlighted multiple apocalyptic conditions affecting many different people and other-than-humans. At the same time, the pandemic has made it difficult to mobilise and make visible collective action in public, which has required artist-activists to devise new and diverse strategies to identify, occupy, and refuse spaces of publicness. Hong Kong’s unique urban and socio-political conditions continue to coevolve rapidly with the pandemic and intensifying political oppression. Following the Umbrella Movement (2014) and the ‘Be Water’ M
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Yam, Shui-yin Sharon. "Cultivating Transnational Coalitional Subjectivity." Rhetoric, Politics & Culture 2, no. 1 (2022): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/rpc.2.1.0001.

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Abstract In this article, I perform what Wendy Hesford calls “intercontextual reading” to trace how the coalitional potential between the Hong Kong anti-authoritarian movement and the U.S. Black Lives Matter protests is eclipsed by appropriation, disinformation, and misalignment, fueled specifically by Beijing and apologists for authoritarian non-Western regimes, that pitch grassroots movements, activists, and potential allies against each other. I then examine the rhetorical strategies deployed by Hong Kong public intellectuals to harness the “coalitional moments” between the two movements as
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Kennedy, Kerry J., Lijuan Joanna Li, and Hoi Yu Ng. "The development of Hong Kong students’ civic attitudes under Chinese sovereignty." Asian Education and Development Studies 7, no. 4 (2018): 382–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-04-2017-0035.

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Purpose The recent mobilization of many Hong Kong youth to engage in what are regarded as radical political activities is not a new area of investigation. Much has been discussed about this growing political activism and localism often giving an impression that Hong Kong youth are radical and disengaged from China as a nation. Yet little is known about the possible antecedents of such disengagement. The purpose of this paper is to identify whether there is empirical evidence of growth or decline in civic trust and national attitudes amongst Hong Kong young adolescents over the ten-year period
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Wong, Andrew D. "The trouble with tongzhi." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 18, no. 2 (2008): 277–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.18.2.05won.

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A general address term in Communist China, tongzhi ‘comrade’ was appropriated by gay rights activists in Hong Kong to refer to members of sexual minorities. Examining its level of acceptance among non-activist gay and lesbian Hongkongers, this article argues that non-activists’ ideology about sexuality accounts for their rejection of tongzhi and their preference for strategies that leave same-sex desire unspecified. This study demonstrates how the discursive history of a label can both enable and impede its political efficacy. It also sheds light on the internal resistance that representatives
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Ma, Miranda L. Y. "Affective Framing and Dramaturgical Actions in Social Movements." Journal of Communication Inquiry 41, no. 1 (2016): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859916667457.

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With the increasing use of innovative and expressive dramaturgical actions in contemporary social movements, activists appeal to the public’s emotional and moral convictions so as to elicit action. This study aims to investigate how the affective framing process, composed of sensual–emotional dramaturgical actions, can unleash the mobilizing and consolidating forces in social movements. I seek to elaborate upon the cognitively confined framing perspective by expanding the theoretical discussion to include the affective dimension of framing. I explore these issues through the investigation of a
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Serrano Moreno, Juan Enrique. "Ordinary citizens and political crises: The Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Movement (2019-2020)." Estudios Internacionales 55, no. 205 (2023): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71195.

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This study focuses on the actions and perceptions of individuals who participated in the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong initiated in April 2019 and interrupted by the covid 19 pandemic and the adoption of the National Security Law in June 2020. Based on semi-struc­tured interviews, the article explains how ordinary citizens and first-time activists helped shape a political crisis and how it changed their political perceptions. The study adopts a theoretical perspective inspired by studies of collective action in contexts of political crises, placing the i
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Ho, Petula Sik Ying, Stevi Jackson, and Shirley Sui-Ting Kong. "Speaking against Silence: Finding a Voice in Hong Kong Chinese Families through the Umbrella Movement." Sociology 52, no. 5 (2017): 966–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038517726644.

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Social movement researchers have investigated how personal relationships and emotional attachments are implicated in activism, but less attention has been given to the ways in which activism affects personal lives. This article addresses this issue, drawing on interviews and focus groups with Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement’s active participants, bystanders and opponents to explore its consequences for family life. While those who were not involved in the movement articulated an acceptance of hierarchical family structures and their imposed silences, movement activists saw their experience of th
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Mackillop, A. "GILLIAN BICKLEY, The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836-1889) Hong Kong, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997, pp.xi + 308, Pbk. £13.50." Scottish Economic & Social History 20, no. 1 (2000): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.2000.20.1.144.

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Mackillop, A. "GILLIAN BICKLEY,The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836-1889)Hong Kong, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997, pp.xi + 308, Pbk. £13.50." Scottish Economic & Social History 20, PART_1 (2000): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.2000.20.part_1.144.

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Pérez-Milans, Miguel, and Carlos Soto. "Reflexive language and ethnic minority activism in Hong Kong." AILA Review 29 (December 31, 2016): 48–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aila.29.03per.

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This article engages with Archer’s call to further research on reflexivity and social change under conditions of late modernity (2007, 2010, 2012) from the perspective of existing work on reflexive discourse in the language disciplines (Silverstein 1976, Lucy 1993). Drawing from a linguistic ethnography of the networked trajectories of a group of working-class South Asian youth in Hong Kong (Pérez-Milans & Soto 2014), we analyze the trajectory of Sita, a Hong Kong-born young female with Nepali background. In her trajectory, performative acts of ethnic minority-based activism emerge as key
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Wong, Shiau Ching, and Scott Wright. "Hybrid mediation opportunity structure? A case study of Hong Kong’s Anti-National Education Movement." New Media & Society 22, no. 10 (2019): 1741–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819879509.

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This article assesses how social movements make use of media, and how their media practices influence movement outcomes using a case study of the Anti-National Education Movement in Hong Kong. It contributes to the literature on this important protest event and to ongoing debates about changes in the relationship between media and protesters. It is argued that activists adapted to what we call a “hybrid mediation opportunity structure.” The concept of a hybrid mediation opportunity structure is built on a critical engagement with Cammaerts’ mediation opportunity structure and is informed by Ch
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Lai, Yan-ho, and Ming Sing. "Solidarity and Implications of a Leaderless Movement in Hong Kong." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 4 (2020): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.41.

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In 2019, what began in Hong Kong as a series of rallies against a proposal to permit extraditions to mainland China grew into a raft of anti-authoritarian protests and challenges to Beijing’s grip on the city. Given the gravest political crisis confronting Hong Kong in decades, this research investigates why the protests have lacked centralized leaders and why the solidarity among the peaceful and militant protesters has been immense. This article also examines the strengths and limitations of this leaderless movement with different case studies. The authors argue that serious threats to the c
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Aldrich, Brian C. "Habitat Defense in Southeast Asian Cities." Asian Journal of Social Science 13, no. 1 (1985): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/080382485x00110.

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AbstractUsing interviews with public officials and activists as well as research reports available in Southeast Asia, this research compares the level of organization, mobilization and collective action among neolocal urban groups threatened with removal and relocation for large infrastructure projects. The results show that habitat defense is extensive in Bangkok, Jakarta and Manila, but minor or non-existent in Singapore, Hong Kong and Kuala Lumpur. A model of collective action is nested in an ecological model to explain differences in level of habitat defense among the six Southeast Asian c
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Hilde, Rosalie K., and Albert Mills. "Making sense from the in-between state." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 36, no. 2 (2017): 150–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-09-2016-0070.

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Purpose This paper sets out to understand how immigrants to Canada (specifically Hong Kong immigrants) deal with competing senses of their situation in deciding how or whether to adjust to their new environment. In particular, the purpose of this paper is to focus on the “in-between state” of mind where individuals try to manage competing senses of their experiences in Canada. Design/methodology/approach The authors draw on critical sensemaking (CSM) in the study of the micro-processes of identity work at play among a group of 19 Hong Kong Chinese skilled immigrants to Canada. Findings The stu
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Duckett, Bob. "Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography2012241Edited by Mary Holdsworth and Christopher Munn. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press 2012. xiv+525 pp., ISBN: 978 988 8083 66 4 £66.50 Available in the UK, Europe, the Middle East and Africa from Eurospan." Reference Reviews 26, no. 5 (2012): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504121211240800.

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Coombs, Gretchen. "It’s (Red) Hot Outside! The Aesthetics of Climate Change Activists Extinction Rebellion." Journal of Public Space, Vol. 5 n. 4 (December 1, 2020): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32891/jps.v5i4.1407.

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From 2011’s Occupy movements to the Umbrella Movement Hong Kong to the recent Climate March in September 2019, typified by Extinction Rebellion’s performative acts of resistance, there’s been an exponential increase in protests around the world. People move together en masse to challenge economic inequality and political ineptitude; they demand racial justice and action against climate change and Indigenous land rights. Ideally, protests and forms of direct action generate new ideas where the use of bodies in space become conduits to spark debate, bring awareness, with the hope to change the d
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Th'ng, Bee Fu. "A Draft Chronological Biography of Seow Yeoh Thian (Part 1)." ERUDITE: Journal Of Chinese Studies And Education 1, no. 1 (2020): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.37134/erudite.vol1.1.5.2020.

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Chang Hsüeh-ch'eng, a scholar from Dynasty Qing said that “record the life and current events as well as his attitude, subsequently understand his word, this is the knowledge of knowing both the author and his time.” Nianpu or chronology speaks for itself, clearly proved the meaning of it’s existence. For instance, historian Chien Ta-hsin on his own published five chronology books, he put emphasis on the character’s date of birth and death, he published a book “The Questionable Date of Birth and Death”. Hu Shih named it as the “embroidery needle” style of academy training. On the Malaysian aca
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Chan, Chitat. "Young Activists and the Anti-Patriotic Education Movement in Post-Colonial Hong Kong: Some Insights from Twitter." Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 12, no. 3 (2013): 148–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/csee.2013.12.3.148.

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Ip, Iam-chong. "After mobilization." Dialogue and Ways of Relating 10, no. 1 (2020): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00060.ip.

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Abstract My research addresses how social actors “act upon” social change by generating self-interpretation and representation of social life on the one hand and control over values and cultural orientations against the authorities on the other. While the existing literature on social movements overemphasizes the moments of mobilization, this article examines the intersections of social activism, online curative practices, and their everyday life. For this article, I opted to depict three representative cases of Hong Kong young activists who joined the Umbrella Movement in 2014. I argue that d
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Yung, Danny, and Maciej Szatkowski. "Cultural Institution and Institutional Culture from the Transcultural Perspective: What Is the Culture behind the Stage, and What Is the Culture inside a Cage?" Pamiętnik Teatralny 72, no. 3 (2023): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/pt.1476.

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This article presents the profile of the East Asian theatre artist Danny Yung, director of the acclaimed Zuni Icosachedron theatre in Hong Kong. In the first part, Maciej Szatkowski offers a synthesis of his artistic biography, from his early years as a theatre maker in Hong Kong in the 1980s to the creation of a transnational Chinese theatre, which provides a space for artistic encounters of established and emerging artists from the Sinosphere and beyond. The article focuses on highlighting the main areas of Yung’s work and contextualizing them in terms of the realities of Chinese cultural li
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Orleck, Annelise. "“They're Formidable, They're Beautiful, They're Hiding”: Filipina Migrant Domestic Workers in London and Dreams of a Global Union." Labor 21, no. 2 (2024): 68–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-11018497.

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Abstract Throughout the twenty-first century the Philippines has sent more people abroad to work than almost any other country. Among them have been millions of women hired in New York, Los Angeles, London, Dubai, Hong Kong, Singapore, and other locales as domestic workers. Building on organizing experience and political knowledge they acquired as activists while still in the Philippines, overseas Filipina domestic workers have organized for better working conditions and fairer immigration policies in countries around the world. Among those are Waling Waling, a UK movement named after a Philip
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Yang, Shen. "In the Name of the Law: Legal Frames and the Ending of the Occupy Movement in Hong Kong." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 2 (2019): 468–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2018.15.

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The Hong Kong government made tactical use of legal instruments to end the Occupy Movement in 2014, yet there were divergent responses to the injunctions at the two main protest sites. Through a within-case comparison, this study argues that diverging legal frames explain the different reactions at the two sites. Law, as a constitutive symbol of certain collective action frames, constructs the boundaries of a movement and creates expectations among protesters regarding how to address legal instruments. The protesters in Admiralty tended to adhere to a law-abiding frame that required them to re
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Fu, Th'ng Bee. "A Draft Chronological Biography of Seow Yeoh Thian (Part 2)." ERUDITE: Journal Of Chinese Studies And Education 1, no. 2 (2020): 141–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37134/erudite.vol1.2.7.2020.

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This study depicts a crucial decade in Seow Yeoh Thian’s life that had been accompanied with tremendous changes. When Pacific war broke out, not only he was forced to face the fall of his country and deaths of his bosom friends, but also inevitable discontinuity of his studies and great emotional catastrophe. Although war had brought him partings, Seow was left with no option but to move on. Similar to how Seow’s poems emphasized heavily on personal affairs instead of the public’s, this chronology focuses on the details of daily life during war time, therefore may seem lacking in traits of typ
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Lau, Doretta, and Jim Wong-Chu. "Simon Johnston: Two Cultures, One Vision." Canadian Theatre Review 110 (March 2002): 31–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.110.008.

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“If you know two languages, then you have two truths because you have two ways of saying the same thing,” says Gateway Theatre’s Artistic Producer and General Manager Simon Johnston late in the interview. This astute point becomes more pertinent upon closer examination of Johnston’s personal experience and character. Johnston’s abridged biographical notes span a page; his career is long and storied. In addition to the theatre, where he has served as actor, director, playwright, producer and artistic director, he has taught at the University of Toronto, York University, Ryerson University, Sher
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Legrandjacques, Sara. "Go East! 1905 as a Turning Point for the Transnational History of Vietnamese Education." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 8, no. 2 (2020): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2020.13.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the year 1905 as an educational watershed in colonial Vietnam. It focuses on the development of student mobility that transcended colonial and imperial boundaries and gave new momentum to educational training on a transnational scale. In the mid-1900s, the anti-colonial mandarin Phan Bội Châu launched a new nationalist movement called Đông Du, meaning ‘Going East.’ It centred on sending young men to Japan via Hong Kong to train them as effective anti-French activists. These students came from Tonkin, Annam, and Cochinchina and enrolled in a variety of curricula. Al
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HOBBS, WILLIAM R., and MARGARET E. ROBERTS. "How Sudden Censorship Can Increase Access to Information." American Political Science Review 112, no. 3 (2018): 621–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000084.

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Conventional wisdom assumes that increased censorship will strictly decrease access to information. We delineate circumstances when increases in censorship expand access to information for a substantial subset of the population. When governments suddenly impose censorship on previously uncensored information, citizens accustomed to acquiring this information will be incentivized to learn methods of censorship evasion. These evasion tools provide continued access to the newly blocked information—and also extend users’ ability to access information that has long been censored. We illustrate this
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Sweeting, Anthony. "The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836–1889). By Gillian Bickley. [Hong Kong: David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997. £13.50. ISBN 962–8027–08–5.]." China Quarterly 158 (June 1999): 515–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000006081.

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Зусманович, Дмитрий Дмитриевич. "Хо Ши Мин. Побег из Гонконга". Причерноморье. История, политика, культура Серия В : «Международные отношения», № XXV (2019): 94–102. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2606324.

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<em>В статье рассматривается один из наиболее таинственных и малоизученных эпизодов биографии Хо Ши Мина. События, связанные с тюремным заключением и последующим освобождением из тюрьмы в Гонконге, являются предметом дискуссий и различных оценок маститых историков, любителей и даже конспирологов. На основе данных архива РГАСПИ и современных публикаций отечественной и зарубежной историографии, удалось существенно расширить и дополнить имеющиеся знания про данный исторический эпизод. Особое внимание автор уделил вопросу о возможной связи Хо Ши Мина с английской разведкой.&nbsp; </em> &nbsp; <em>
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MACKENZIE, JOHN M. "The Golden Needle: the Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836–1889). By Gillian Bickley. Pp. xi, 308. ISBN 9628027085. Hong Kong: David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University; UK & worldwide distributor outside Hong Kong, Aberdeen & NE Scotland Family History Society, 164 King Street, Aberdeen AB24 5BD. 1997. Pb. £13.50." Scottish Historical Review 78, no. 1 (1999): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.1999.78.1.136.

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