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1

Migani, Guia. "La politica di cooperazione allo sviluppo della CEE: dall'associazione alla partnership (1957-1975)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 30 (July 2009): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030003.

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- This article analyses the EEC development policy between 1957, year of the signature of the Rome's Treaties, and 1975, signature of the Lomé Convention. In the first part, we examine the origins of the development policy, also called "Association policy" because the African colonies were associated to the EEC. In the second part, we analyse the two Yaoundé Conventions of Association (1963 and 1969) signed by the European and the African states. During this period the Six concentrated their discussions on the reform of the Convention after the independence of the African countries and the creation of UNCTAD. In the last part, the article focuses on the Seventies and on the Lomé Convention which renewed the instruments of the European Development policy and the relationship between the Nine and the Developing states. The negotiations of the three Conventions (Yaoundé I, Yaoundé II and Lomé) represent good opportunities to study the motivations and the role of the most important actors. Also, the evolution of the European development policy is analysed in relation with the changes of the international context.Parole chiave: Politica di associazione, Cooperazione allo sviluppo, Convenzione di Yaoundé, Convenzione di Lomé, Paesi ACP, Relazioni esterne della CEE EEC Association Policies, EEC Development Policies, Yaoundé Convention, Lomé Convention, ACP Countries, EEC External Relations
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2

BOSSCHE, Olivier VAN DEN. "Lomé et la coopération industrielle CEE-ACP en 1975: entre Nouvel ordre économique international et poursuite des intérêts industriels européens." Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 2 (2019): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-243.

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In 1975, the Lomé Convention, which manages relations between the EEC and the countries of the ACP (Africa Caribbean Pacific) group, introduces a chapter on "industrial cooperation". This new policy aims to develop production sectors (industry, agriculture, mining and tourism) in the ACP countries, and embodies the egalitarian partnership discourse specific to the New International Economic Order. Using unpublished archives from the European Commission, the ACP Secretariat, the Centre for Industrial Development and interviews with the administrators in charge in the 1970s, we study the complexity of the networks of internal and external actors at DG- VIII responsible for setting up EEC-ACP industrial cooperation in Brussels. In doing so, we show that industrial cooperation is created out of the political will to rethink relations between European countries and previous African colonies in the framework of the NIEO; we also show the persistence of interests from private European economic circles, which remain close to the European Commission.
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3

Drieghe, Lotte. "The first Lomé Convention between the EEC and ACP group revisited: bringing geopolitics back in." Journal of European Integration 42, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 783–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2019.1682566.

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4

Crawford, Gordon. "Whither Lomé? The Mid-Term Review and the Decline of Partnership." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 503–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055579.

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The signing in Mauritius on 4 November 1995 of the amended fourth Lomé Convention, the aid and trade co-operation agreement between the European Union (EU) and the ACP Group of 70 African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries, brought the Mid-Term Review to its formal completion after protracted negotiations. Established in 1975, Lomé has long been the centre-piece of EU development assistance. In quantitative terms, the European Development Fund, the financial instrument of Lomé, has comprised the largest single portion of EU aid, averaging almost 45 per cent of all disbursements in recent years.1 Qualitatively, Lomé has been regarded as a model of North—South cooperation, mainly due to three special features: it was founded on the principles of equality, mutual respect, and interdependence; it is a legally binding contract negotiated between two sets of countries; and it involves ongoing dialogue through three joint institutions, the ACP—EU Council of Ministers, the Committee of Ambassadors, and the ‘parliamentary’ Joint Assembly.
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5

Montana, Ismael Musah. "The Lomé Convention from Inception to the Dynamics of the Post-Cold War, 1957-1990s." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (2003): 63–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903763835670.

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AbstractFrom the early 1960s through the late 1980s, Lomé Convention, the chief achievement of Euro-African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries' entente, has been an interdependent form of partnership that has offered ACP states a privileged position in the European Economic Commission's Market. Although considered a cornerstone and model for Europe's North-South economic cooperation, changes that occurred in the aftermath of the Cold War had drastic effects on the nature of this historic partnership. In the period between 1989 and 1995, profound changes occurred in international relations following the end of the Cold War, followed by the subsequent liberalization of East European states' economies, the creation of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership, and the restructuring of Europe's internal as well as external policies, in part, affected the ACP's privileged position in the European Union. The concept of Cold War context used in this article will be narrower (economic implications) rather than that commonly employed in the study of superpower rivalry. The framework employed throughout the paper is a conceptual and critical survey of the Lomé Convention's history, from its inception to the changing dynamics of the post Cold-War world. The paper critically examines the divergence of interpretations of the relevance and obsolescence of the Convention in the post-Cold War context. "The World is changing. It has changed for the ACP States; it will change for the Community; it is changing all around us."
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6

Cubel, Pablo. "Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes in International Law: The Special Case of the Mediterranean Area." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 12, no. 4 (1997): 447–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180897x00329.

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AbstractSince the early 1980s different organisations have tried to enact international instruments to control international waste trade. The Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and Their Disposal was adopted in 1989 under the auspices of UNEP in order to protect human health and the environment against the adverse effects which may result from the management of waste involved in transboundary movements of hazardous waste and its disposal. The Basel Convention has evolved significantly in eight years-whereas only 35 states and the EC signed the Convention at the time of its adoption, more than 113 states have ratified it as to August 1997. Several other instruments have been developed under the Basel Convention influence. Among those treaties that have been adopted, two deserve special attention. First, the Bamako Convention on the Ban of the Import into Africa and the Control of Transboundary Movement and Management of Hazardous Wastes within Africa adopted in 1991 under the auspices of OAU. Second, the Fourth Lomé Convention adopted by the EC and its member states and 69 African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states. The first part of this article is devoted to a comparative analysis of those three Conventions. The second part of this article gives an objective analysis of the substantive regulation of the Izmir Protocol while criticising diverse aspects and proposing alternatives in view of the conventions treated in the preceding part.
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7

Bach, Daniel. "L'Afrique du Sud, l'Union européenne et la Convention de Lomé : du bilatéralisme au néo-régionalisme ? (Note)." Études internationales 27, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 733–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703661ar.

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Economic and financial relations between the European Union and « new » South Africa were characterized by a rapid process 0} normalization following the general elections of27 April 1994. Much more problematic has been the process of negotiating a long term relationship which should result in the implementation of a Eu-South Africa free trade area over a ten year transition period, and a qualified membership of South Africa in the Lome Convention. The analysis 0} current negotiations reveals how the parties' mutual concern for the World Trade Organisation principles is constantly tempered by their equally strong commitment to Systems of regional preferences. At a time when the future of the Lome Convention has become a matter of official discussion by the EU and the ACP states, the revival of regional integration programmes in Southern Africa confers to the negotiations between the EU and South Africa a special value. Indeed, they prefigure as a test on the capacity to integrate the realities of new trade regionalism in euro-African relations.
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8

Schütze, Robert. "EU Development Policy: Constitutional and Legislative Foundation(s)." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 15 (2013): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888713809813530.

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AbstractThe Union’s constitutional regime for development policy has traditionally progressed alongside two parallel tracks. In addition to a general regime for all developing countries, there exists a special regime for African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP countries). The Union’s general development policy originated as a flanking policy within the Common Commercial Policy. This trade-centricity was only relativised by the insertion of an express development aid competence in 1992. The Union’s development cooperation competence can today be found in Article 209 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and allows the Union to adopt legislative acts or conclude international agreements to reduce poverty within developing countries. By contrast, the Union’s special development regime has had a very different constitutional source. It stemmed from the ‘colonial’ association to the Union (qua its Member States) of certain dependent ‘oversees countries and territories’ for which the 1957 Treaty of Rome had provided a limited development competence. Once these countries gained independence in the 1960s, however, the Union had to transfer this special regime to its contractual association competence under Article 217 TFEU. The association regime for ACP countries has itself undergone a number of significant changes with the transition from the Lomé Convention(s) to the Cotonou Agreement.
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9

Schütze, Robert. "EU Development Policy: Constitutional and Legislative Foundation(s)." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 15 (2013): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003219.

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Abstract The Union’s constitutional regime for development policy has traditionally progressed alongside two parallel tracks. In addition to a general regime for all developing countries, there exists a special regime for African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP countries). The Union’s general development policy originated as a flanking policy within the Common Commercial Policy. This trade-centricity was only relativised by the insertion of an express development aid competence in 1992. The Union’s development cooperation competence can today be found in Article 209 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and allows the Union to adopt legislative acts or conclude international agreements to reduce poverty within developing countries. By contrast, the Union’s special development regime has had a very different constitutional source. It stemmed from the ‘colonial’ association to the Union (qua its Member States) of certain dependent ‘oversees countries and territories’ for which the 1957 Treaty of Rome had provided a limited development competence. Once these countries gained independence in the 1960s, however, the Union had to transfer this special regime to its contractual association competence under Article 217 TFEU. The association regime for ACP countries has itself undergone a number of significant changes with the transition from the Lomé Convention(s) to the Cotonou Agreement.
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10

Voiculescu∗, Aurora. "UNORTHODOX HUMAN RIGHTS INSTRUMENTS: THE ACP‐EU DEVELOPMENT CO‐OPERATION FROM THE LOMÉ CONVENTIONS TO THE COTONOU AGREEMENT." Journal of Commonwealth Law and Legal Education 4, no. 1 (April 2006): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050710600800145.

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11

André, Sylvie. "L'Union Europeenne et la Zeon du Pacifique." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 28, no. 3 (June 1, 1998): 595. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v28i3.6069.

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L'Union européenne est présente, sous des formes diverses, dans la région Pacifique. Au-delà du cadre de sa politique commerciale extérieure, elle a des accords d'association avec un certain nombre de territoires insulaires. Ainsi, parmi les 20 pays et territoires d'outre-mer (PTOM) énumérés dans l'annexe I de la décision 91/482/CEE du Conseil du 25 juillet 1991, relative à l'association des pays et territoires d'outre-mer à la Communauté économique européenne , cinq sont situés dans la zone Pacifique : quatre territoires français, Polynésie française, Nouvelle Calédonie et ses dépendances, îles Wallis et Futuna, terres australes et antarctiques françaises et une colonie britannique, Pitcairn. Huit pays ACP ("Afrique, Caraïbes, Pacifique") appartiennent à la même zone géographique: Fidji, Kiribati, Papouasie Nouvelle Guinée, îles Salomon, Samoa occidentales, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu. Ces pays ont donc noué des relations d'association avec l'Union européenne dans le cadre des conventions de Lomé.
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12

Manyeruke, Charity, and Lawrence Mhandara. "Reflecting on Namibia’s Position in the European Union (EU)-Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) Negotiations and the Lessons for Africa." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, no. 4 (November 20, 2012): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i4.2731.

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Negotiations for Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between European Union (EU) and the African Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP) have been on the spotlight since 2002. The negotiations seek to replace the Lome Conventions which provided for a one way non-reciprocal trading regime between the EU and the ACP countries. The paper examines the position of Namibia in relation to EPAs and the lessons that Africa can derive from Namibia’s stance. Namibia which is negotiating under the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has declined to sign the Interim Partnership Agreements, besides initialing them in 2007, arguing that EPAs are not consistent with the objective of advancing African economies into competitive outfits in the global economy. Some of the sticking issues that need to be addressed concern EU’s demand for trade liberalization and a near elimination of import duty on all EU products to ACP zone. The paper argues that the major lessons for Africa are that EPA negotiations are much a political activity in as much as they involve the advancement of collective national interest by the EU. The paper therefore implores African countries to safeguard both political and economic interest in the process in the same manner as their EU counterparts are doing. Again, the paper exhorts Africa to negotiate from a position of strength and refuse to give in to unfair trade terms given the evident competition that is looming between the West and the East to partner Africa in development matters.
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13

Hurt, Stephen R. "Co-operation and coercion? The Cotonou Agreement between the European Union and acp states and the end of the Lome´ Convention." Third World Quarterly 24, no. 1 (February 2003): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713701373.

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14

"African, Caribbean and Pacific States-European Economic Community: Final Act, Minutes, and Fourth ACP-EEC Convention of Lome." International Legal Materials 29, no. 4 (July 1990): 783–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020782900023615.

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15

Mbadinga, Moussounga Itsouhou. "The Non-Execution Clause in the Relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Carribean and Pacific States (ACP)." German Law Journal 3, no. 11 (November 2002). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015583.

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It has became common for some States, international or regional organizations to establish a link between good governance, respect of human rights and the democratization of States. This idea is now a condition for development aid. Paragraph 1 of Article 5 of the Lomé Convention between the European Community (EC) and African, Carribean and Pacific States (ACP) of 15 December 1989, revised at Maurice 4 November 1995, provides that the politics of development and cooperation are closely linked to the respect and the enjoyment of fundamental human rights, to the strengthening of the rule of law and good governance. In Paragraph 2, cooperation is established as an instrument for promoting the enjoyment of economic, social, politic and cultural rights. The democratic clause contained in Article 5 of the Lomé Convention, and for which the respect of human rights, democratic principles and rule of law are essential elements of this Convention, firstly favours the achievement of positive actions in this framework and dedicates these elements as topics of common interests and a matter of dialogue. The European Union has stressed its willingness to develop a positive approach to these essential elements, which are the bedrock of the EU-ACP relationship besides being fields of cooperation and Community support. For that purpose, the Cotonou Agreement signed on 23 June 2000 strengthens this approach in Paragraph 2 of Article 9. The EU clearly places these essential elements at the heart of its partnership and defines the shared values that underpin this kind of relationship. It is in the spirit of common commitment to the respect and promotion of universal values that this approach has been taken.
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16

Urff, Winfried von, P. Michael Schmitz, Konrad Hagedorn, and Jörg Eggers. "Agenda 2000 und zukünftige Entwicklungszusammenarbeit der Europäischen Union Öffentliches Interesse vs. private Eigentumsrechte - Wettbewerbsprobleme in der Gaswirtschaft." Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftspolitik 47, no. 2 (January 1, 1998). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfwp-1998-0204.

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AbstractThis economic policy forum is assigned to the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) with a view to the Agenda 2000. Thereby Winfried von Urff discusses the implications of the Agenda 2000 for developing countries. He argues that the implementation of the Agenda proposals would result at most in rather modest price increases on the markets for agricultural products. Therefore there will be no serious impact on developing countries. In the second part of his paper von Urff discusses the future relationship between the EU and the ACP countries. Thereby he analyses the Lomé Convention as a regional agreement that focuses on rural and agricultural development by allocating grants and loans to 70 ACP countries. He argues that the public should pay more attention to this issue.Michael Schmitz analyses the distributive and allocative effects of the reform of the CAP as outlined in the Agenda 2000. In general, he supports the Agenda 2000 initiative by the European Commission, because in his view it continues the 1992 CAP reform by reducing product related subsidies and encouraging farmers to use less intensive production methods. However, on some issues he also criticises the Agenda 2000. For instance, the Commission does not specify how to achieve a stronger efficiency control of its measures. Overall, the Commission fails to clearly commit itself to a market driven CAP. There remain too many interventionist elements.Konrad Hagedorn and Jörg Eggers analyse the environmental effects of the proposed CAP reform. Thereby they focus on the nitrogen problem. They show that the proposals of the Agenda 2000 will not result in a significant reduction of nitrogen as a main source of water pollution. Compensatory payments granted to farmers in order to offset the effects of price reductions might have the desired distributive effects. However, even if they are made conditioned upon fulfilling environmental criteria, they will not achieve the aim of a sustainable agriculture. Therefore they present an alternative model for agricultural production methods that is more likely to have a positive ecological impact.
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17

"Appendix II: Abstracts from the Fourth ACP-EEC Convention." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 8, no. 3 (September 1990): 326–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934419000800309.

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