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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Accession of Croatia to the EU'

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Published: 11 March 2023

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1

Rudelyte, Kotryna, and Maja Bertilsson. "The Impact of EU Accession on Trade : The case of Poland, Romania and Croatia." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Jönköping University, IHH, Nationalekonomi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49042.

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One of the main reasons to why a membership in the European Union (EU) is so attractive for prospect countries are the free trade agreements the membership entails. The free trade agreements mean that the whole EU opens up as one big market, where tariffs and tolls are no longer an obstacle to trade for its members. Therefore, this thesis analyses whether EU membership actually yields a positive effect on member’s trade. The time series analysis is based on a three-country sample consisting of Poland, Romania, and Croatia during the time period from 2001 to 2018. By applying multiple and Chow’s breakpoint tests, and country-wise and a pooled cross-section analysis model, we examine if the accession to EU impacts each country’s trade volumes. The results indicate that becoming a member of the European Union does not necessarily have a significant effect on Poland’s, Romania’s, or Croatia’s trade even if it is positive.

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2

Kacarska, Simonida. "National minority policies in the EU accession process : the cases of Croatia and Macedonia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6300/.

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This thesis examines the role of EU in shaping national minority policies in Macedonia and Croatia since the launching of the first forms of EU conditionality in relation to the Western Balkans in the late 1990s. Research on EU conditionality has developed foremost in the context of the Eastern enlargement, largely neglecting the former Yugoslav countries. This dissertation contributes to filling this gap by studying the dynamic interactions between the EU and the national level in relation to national minority policies. The thesis utilizes primary document analysis and open-ended interviews in a combination of comparative case study method and process tracing. It tracks and explains the construction, application and implementation of EU conditionality in relation to minority policies between 1997 and 2012. The study employs before and after approach in relation to 2004/2005 when Croatia and Macedonia applied and became official candidates for EU accession. As national minority policies are not part of the EU acquis, the research studies how the EU institutions, especially the EU commission have used international instruments (such as the Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities) and national legislative provisions as elements of EU conditionality. In addition, the research examines in depth the policy of employment of minorities in the administration as a novel segment of EU conditionality in the two case studies. The analysis demonstrates the lack of consistency of this mechanism, its development and change over time as well as its potential for polarisation. Primarily, the thesis fills an existing gap in literature concerning the study of the role of conditionality in national minority policies in Croatia and Macedonia. On a conceptual level, this research sheds light on dynamic relationship between Europeanisation by conditionality and democratic consolidation in the conditions of post-communism.

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3

Zambelli, Natasa. "East of Eden : a poststructuralist analysis of Croatia's identity in the context of EU accession." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6419.

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Since the early 1990s Croatia has defined membership of the European Union as one of its primary goals. However, the immediate post-war period and the difficult transition to democracy left Croatia in relative isolation from Western European states and its aim of joining the European Union seemed unattainable and distant. Croatia’s involvement in the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and President Tuđman’s politics proved to be great obstacles to its further democratisation and development. The parliamentary and presidential elections in the year 2000 and the defeat of Tuđman’s party offered a unique opportunity to change the direction of Croatian politics and to move closer to achieving the goal of EU membership. This thesis addresses changes in Croatia’s identity and it does so through the analysis of discourses surrounding Croatia’s cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and its changing attitudes towards the protection of minority rights during the year 2000. Both cases fall under the Copenhagen Criteria of Accession whose implementation was crucial for Croatia’s moving closer towards EU membership. They are also closely linked to Croatia’s identity and are rooted in the civilisational discourse that juxtaposes ‘the West’/ EU and ‘the East’/ the Balkans as both geographical and civilisational spaces. The two case studies are both concerned with questions of sovereignty, justice, victims of the Homeland War and the role of Serbia in Croatia’s recent past and in its future. Serbia features as Croatia’s radical other and is discursively constructed as an embodiment of the Balkans civilisation. The study of cooperation with the ICTY and of discourses surrounding minority protection analyses the links between different civilisational spaces that Croatia navigates and their implications to the reconstruction of discourses central to Croatian identity. Despite different subject material both case studies reveal the centrality of the Serbian other for the Croatian identity and the need to redefine that relationship without undermining Croatia’s identity as a Western country and attempts to differentiate itself from the Balkans.

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4

Lošťák, Jan. "Proces přistoupení Chorvatska k EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165374.

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The presented master thesis focuses on the topical issue of Croatian Accession to the European Union that took a place on July 1, 2013. Croatia became the twenty-eighth member in the time of adverse economic situation in the old continent, especially in the monetary union -- Eurozone, which problems spread all over the Union. The aim of this thesis is to describe the course of the process and evaluate and analyze possible impacts and benefits for both parties. The thesis is divided into three main chapters. The first chapter informs about political background of the state and economical development. The second chapter describes the process itself and its aspects, whereas in the third chapter the author evaluates possible impacts and benefits of the accession.

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5

Vítová, Jana. "Analýza ekonomicko-politické situace Chorvatska v souvislosti se vstupem do EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193374.

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This diploma thesis deals with Croatia, the newest member of the European Union. Within the theoretical foundations it focuses on the European integration, describes the development of the European Union and introduces the entry conditions for the candidate countries, it also characterizes the basic macroeconomic concepts, which are being used further in the work. The second part of this work presents the long journey of Croatia towards European membership, with a focus on problem areas of the accession negotiations. The main part of the work is an analysis of the economic and political situation, firstly in the period before and then after the country's accession to the EU. After that the changes which this event represents for Croatia and the European Union are evaluated. Finally, an evaluation of the country's preparedness for potential entry into the euro area is submitted along with the arguments for and against the adoption of the single currency.

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6

De, Raeve Paul. "To what extent does EU accession provide an opportunity for the nursing leadership in Croatia and Romania to advance a professional agenda? : a comparative case study using an ethnographic approach." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/to-what-extent-eu-accession-provide-an-opportunity-for-the-nursing-leadership-in-croatia-and-romania-to-advance-a-professional-agenda(e87467d9-5562-449a-af60-4aaeb909ffb6).html.

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The thesis considers the views and experiences of nurse leaders and policy-makers on the use of EU accession as a policy window to advance a professional agenda in Romania and Croatia. The research question and objectives are designed to identify the policy context prior EU accession, the processes and mechanisms employed to achieve compliance with Directive 2005/36/EC, the nursing policy agendas and achieved legislative and professional outcomes. They are analytically located within the process of Europeanisation, EU accession policy, leadership, engagement and advocacy literature. The comparative findings are interpreted within this theoretical framework. The study adopted a qualitative approach using an ethnographic multi-method design involving interviews and documentary analysis of key EU accession primary source reports. My own positional was written into the account in a reflexive manner. The findings indicate that the nursing leadership used EU accession as a policy window to advance a professional agenda but the extent to which this opportunity was exploited differed in the case studies. Findings indicate the importance of regime specific conditions creating a set of constraints which differed in both cases. The Croatian case shows what could have been achieved through the use of TAIEX capacity building engaging stakeholders in agenda-setting. The Romanian nurse leadership failed to take advantage of the policy window prior to EU accession but the continued advocacy hold the Romanian government post-EU accession to account for its policy decisions. Although the new generation of nurses in Romania and Croatia comply with Directive 2005/36/EC, the nursing workforce which graduated prior to EU accession does not benefit from mutual recognition. It is concluded that the EU mechanisms to process compliance – peer review and capacity building – are not robust enough to strengthen free movement based on mutual recognition. The research findings contribute towards our understanding of the role of nursing in policy-making and the dynamics that drive policies outcomes. The research adds new knowledge to our understanding of the researched area and helps to position nursing within a broader context of EU enlargement.

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7

Malkovský, Michael. "Komparace vybraných balkánských zemí (Slovinsko, Chorvatsko, Srbsko)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85387.

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Content of this thesis is comparison of Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia from following points of view - development after disintegration of common state, their transformation processes and accession negotiations with the European Union. It explains the reasons for current different positions of compared states and brings forecasts for their future development.

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8

Kerr, Guillemette. "EU accession and decentralisation in the Czech Republic." St. Gallen, 2005. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/04603817001/$FILE/04603817001.pdf.

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9

Ghaffar, Uzma. "Estimation of Trade Effects of Sweden´s EU Accession." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Örebro universitet, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-20036.

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10

Dudek, Carolyn Marie. "EU accession and Spanish regional development : winners and losers /." Bruxelles [u.a.] : Lang, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/378644718.pdf.

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11

Sjöberg, Anna. "EU som Demokratifrämjare i Kroatien." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-10326.

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The aim of this essay was to study the European Union’s (EU) role as a democracy promoter and its impact on Croatia’s democratization process. Croatia is a candidate country for membership in the EU which creates a possibility for impact and democracy promotion. The aim is met by studying the following questions: In what way has the EU promoted democracy in Croatia? How did Croatia respond? To what extent has the EU contributed to Croatia’s democratization process? Croatia is treated as a case study of the EU’s democracy promotion and the method used was qualitative text-analysis. The result of the study shows that the EU has considerably contributed to the consolidation of democracy in Croatia. However the EU’s democracy promotion is characterized by conditionality and Croatia’s interest in becoming a part of the EU has been essential for influence. Finally a discussion of to what extent the EU has contributed to the democratization of Croatia is provided.

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12

Glusman, Justyna. "When is EU conditionality effective? : the terms of Poland's accession." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2999/.

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The aim of my thesis is to investigate the reasons behind the mixed effectiveness of the EU pre-accession conditionality applied to the Central Eastern European candidates for membership. The process of enlargement to the East, concluded in 2004 with the accession of ten new countries, involved an unprecedented scope of EU conditionality applied to the prospective members. However, as the findings of this research demonstrate, the results of the grand European project of policy transfer to its new members have been mixed. Using a one-country cross-policy framework, I try to answer some open questions arising from the empirical analysis that the literature on conditionality has not thus far answered. The study draws on Putnam's two-level game model (Putnam 1988), analyzing international negotiations in their dual, domestic and international context. In theoretical terms, the interest of the research is in the entanglement between domestic and international policy processes. The key claim is that external pressures must be matched with the specific domestic context since none of these variables alone can explain the dynamics of adaptation. The effectiveness of EU conditionality is contingent on the type of acquis communautaire and the presence or absence of opposition to the reforms. The project aims to identify which properties of this framework or their combinations facilitate adaptation and which, to the contrary, impede prompt adjustments. The findings from the case studies challenge the conventional static approach to conditionality and demonstrate how instrumentalization of the international (EU) level of the bargain at the national level may lead to endogenous changes of the latter, namely mobilization of the social interests. This effect could explain why conditionality has not been as effective as the asymmetric bargaining power and the material advantages of compliance would lead one to expect.

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13

Antonopoulos, Eleftherios. "The effects of EU CARDS/IPA on administrative capacity in Croatia." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2013. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20612.

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The main purpose of this study was to establish whether and how EU pre-accession assistance in the form of Community Assistance for Reconstruction, Development and Stabilisation (CARDS) and Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance (IPA) acts as an instigator of institutional change (Europeanisation) via its influence on administrative capacity. The three major objectives were: to contribute to the growing literature on institution-building (Europeanisation) in the Western Balkans; to define and operationalise the term 'administrative capacity' in the context of Enlargement and pre-accession; and to conduct in-depth case study research on how CARDS and IPA affect administrative capacity in Croatia and how they interact with other factors influencing administrative capacity. The method of achieving this is to disaggregate information on administrative capacity into the component elements of institutional structures, financial and human resources, and administrative systems and procedur es. The dissertation argues that EU pre-accession assistance exerts a positive role on learning processes but its effects on administrative capacity tend to be temporary or particular to 'islands of excellence' in the public sector and rarely become commonplace. With regard to structures, especially relating to management and partnership, mainly positive effects of assistance were identified, whereas there was only a slightly positive influence on human and financial resources. However, the number of positive effects of interventions on systems and tools was balanced by instances where no effects had been produced. Constraints identified comprised the late start of the programmes, the legacy of socialism, as well as war and the ensuing international isolation. Other obstacles included the lack of political will for reform, lack of coordination, non-existent human resources strategies, non-transparent procedures and poor implementation results. Further setbacks were the tokenistic level of funding, and the weak coordination of EU interventions with the enlargement strategy and the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP). There is also a risk of regression in the capacities of the public sector after EU accession.

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14

Kosekahyaoglu, Levent. "An analysis of the structure and determinants of Turkey-EU trade." Thesis, University of Kent, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322838.

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15

Sonmez, Yontem. "Turkey on the way to EU accession : Migration and trade issues." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500184.

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16

Wunsch, N. L. "Unpacking differential empowerment : civil society mobilisation in the EU accession process." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1516147/.

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Can civil society actors use the EU accession process to empower themselves at the domestic level? Comparing civil society mobilisation in the rule of law across Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia, this thesis demonstrates that the strategic usage of EU-related shifts in the political opportunity structure have allowed civil society actors to strengthen their position in two regards. First, they were able to enhance their formal involvement in domestic policy-making by pushing collectively for improved consultation procedures and devising innovative extra-institutional mobilisation formats to feed into the ongoing reform process. Second, and to a more limited extent, they succeeded in shaping a number of substantial policy outcomes thanks to effective framing and the uploading of demands into the EU’s conditionality. The empirical analysis builds on extensive fieldwork combining semi-directive interviews, participant observation and documentary analysis. Combining social movement theory and Europeanisation research, the thesis puts forward a theoretical framework that integrates both structural shifts induced by the Europeanisation process and the role of domestic agency in recognizing new opportunities and transforming them into domestic impact. In contrast to earlier critical studies, it suggests that professionalisation was crucial in enabling civil society actors to build the capacities and expertise necessary to feed into domestic policy-making processes. At the same time, the empirical findings show how an overreliance upon EU leverage may be effective in the short run, but lacks sustainability for long-term empowerment once EU pressures subside in the post-accession phase. Finally, the comparative analysis of mobilisation strategies across three country case studies highlights the importance of transnational learning, whereby the disappointing experience of Croatian civil society actors decisively informed the approach adopted by their counterparts in Montenegro and Serbia, leading to their earlier and more promising involvement from the early stages of the accession negotiations.

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17

Obruča, Tomáš. "Chorvatsko - nová kandidátská země EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18105.

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This text deals with croatian admission process to the EU. The objective is to find out whether Croatia meets political part of the Copenhagen criteria. First part is concerned with croatian political developement since the break-up of Yugoslavia. Second part deals with EU approach to the region of Western Balkan concerning process of enlargement and association. Last part describes admission negotiations between Croatia and EU including assessment of meeting political part of Copenhagen criteria.

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18

Demir, Sirma. "Pre-accession Aid Of European Union The Prospects Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/1082114/index.pdf.

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This thesis calculates the amount of pre-accession aid which will be given Turkey when Turkey starts accession negotiations with EU. By using Poland&
#8217
s receipts from pre-accession financial transfers of EU during its accession negotiations, the study makes expectation about Turkey&
#8217
s pre-accession aid. This thesis also attempts to ask the reality of this calculated value by looking at the budgetary situation of EU during Turkey&
#8217
s pre-accession period.

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19

Tocci, Nathalie. "EU accession dynamics and conflict resolution : the case of Cyprus, 1988-2002." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1719/.

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Since 1993, the European Commission, the EU member states and the Republic of Cyprus raised the expectation that the prospect of Cyprus' EU membership would act as a catalyst for a settlement of the island's conflict. Yet throughout the 1990s the divisions between the positions of the principal parties widened. In addition, the 1990s witnessed an escalation of tensions in the Easter Mediterranean, between Greece and Turkey, as well as between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The 2002 negotiations failed to deliver an agreement, bringing closer the prospect of an unintended consolidation of the green line dividing the island. This study analyses the case of Cyprus and the EU with three objectives in mind. First, it explores the inter-relationship between the evolution of the conflict and the development of EU-Cyprus relations within the accession process. Why did the EU accession process fail to catalyse a settlement on the island, or at least a rapprochement between the conflicting parties. Second, it explains the factors driving the conduct of EU policies towards the conflict. Finally, this study seeks to show that the European Union framework could have added important incentives for a settlement and resolution of the conflict by providing an alternative context within which to address the basic needs of the principal parties. The case of Cyprus casts a different light on the problems involved in mobilising the EU's multi-level framework of governance in the field of external relations, particularly in situations of active or latent crisis, typical of ethno-political conflicts.

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20

Lendvai, NoeÌmi. "Critical dialogues : EU accession and the transformation of post-communist social policy." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424045.

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21

Marinković, Ivana. "Democratic consolidation and the impact of EU political conditionality : The Case of Croatia." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-14359.

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This thesis aims at assessing democratic consolidation in Croatia within the context of the EU accession negotiations in the past decade. It looks specifically at whether and to what extent the EU enlargement policies and political conditionality approach have been an effective tool in promoting democratic change and consolidation in Croatia, particularly in the following areas: cooperation with the ICTY, the fight against corruption, the consolidation of an independent judiciary, and fundamental rights, with special attention to freedom of expression. Thus, Croatia is referred to as an empirical case, but discussion can have wider appliance to other EU non-member states in Southeastern Europe and identify some of the advantages and shortcomings of the EU approach. Moreover, the country‟s specific features, such as the war of independence as well as Tudjman‟s personality and style of governance, have delayed taking up most of the democratic reforms and thus, have slowed down democratic change and consolidation for entire decade. In addition, the governments‟ hesitation to introduce necessary democratic reforms, due to domestic pressures of various interest groups has for a long time presented an important obstacle to any substantial changes and consolidation, as well as to Croatia‟s EU membership. Nevertheless, Croatia nowadays has achieved a stable and consolidated democracy, to which EU enlargement policies and its political conditionality have contributed significantly. Although there are still many problems to address, especially in terms of fight against corruption and war crimes issues, there is no direct threat from democratic breakdown or the erosion of democracy in the country.

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22

Vella, de Brincat Mireille. "Assessment of the impact of EU accession on the livestock industries of Malta." Thesis, University of Reading, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.409043.

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23

Öberg, Astrid Maria. "Knocking on the European Door? Normative Power Europe and the Turkish EU Accession." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21641.

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This thesis deals with the discussions on the ‘Normative Power Europe’ thesis, EU enlargement, conditionality and compliance, and the extent to which rational and ideational forces are mutually exclusive in this context. Through a qualitative case study of Turkey, it will investigate to what extent the EU can be seen as possessing and exercising normative power through its enlargement policy. The findings, based on fieldwork conducted in Istanbul during April 2013, suggest that rather than being mutually exclusive, rational and normative processes occur simultaneously and independently, sometimes even reinforcing each other.

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24

Merdita, Hana. "Entry Strategy for the European Union: Republic of Croatia." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-125133.

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More than twenty years after the independence declaration, Republic of Croatia is facing the second biggest step in its history- entry to the European Union. European Union, the world's trade leader, has recognized Croatia as a reliable partner in the future affairs. Croatia shall become a 28th member of the integration on July 1st, 2013. Croatia has experienced many obstacles on the path to the European Union, trying to align its system with the EU's comprehensive legislation. The aim of this thesis is therefore to provide an extensive analysis of the Croatian path to the European Union and to apply the solutions on the further development not only of Croatia but also the remaining candidate countries of the European Union.

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25

Elsuwege, Peter van. "From Soviet republics to EU member states : a legal and political assessment of the Baltic states' accession to the EU /." Leiden : M. Nijhoff, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9789004169456.

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26

Gungor, Ozge. "Ethnic Russians And Minority Rights In The Baltic States During Their Eu Accession Process." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609195/index.pdf.

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This thesis examines the impact of the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania&rsquo
s European accession process on the Russian oriented citizenship policies and laws of these states from a comparative perspective. The thesis also explores the impact of communist heritage and the construction of the post-communist state order within the context of minority rights
in addition to the consistency of the citizenship laws in the Baltic states with the European Union norms, which require the respect for and protection of minorities. The main argument of this thesis is that notwithstanding the fact that the European accession process has promoted minority rights in the three Baltic states significantly, the ethnic Russians in the Baltic states have been partially accommodated during the Baltic states&rsquo
accession into the EU. The ethnic Russians have not been entirely accommodated due to Baltic states&rsquo
fear from potential influence of the Russian Federation over the ethnic Russians in these Baltic states.

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27

Talks, Peter. "Agriculture in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland : from the transition towards EU accession." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392217.

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28

Pluta, Anna M. "Legitimising accession : transformation politics and elite consensus on EU membership in Poland, 1989-2003." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2400/.

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This thesis considers the evolution of Poland's party-political consensus on accession to the European Union, starting with the elections to the contract parliament in June 1989 and ending with the accession referendum in June 2003. The main finding is that the establishment of consensus in favour of accession among Poland's political elites proved much more challenging than the elites' declarations of support suggest. Although most parties declared support for accession, throughout the entire pre-accession period they also supported policy proposals that contradicted accession conditions. The EU's strict neoliberal economic requirements and the loss of national sovereignty accession entailed proved particularly challenging. Rather than reconcile their policy proposals with EU's conditions, or change their stance on accession, parties rhetorically re-presented the EU into different visions that aligned with their ideological offering. Declarations of support for 'Social Europe', 'Christian Europe' or the 'Europe of Nations' gave the appearance of consensus. But in fact no in-depth consensus was possible since the way in which political groupings presented the 'Europe' they claimed to support was so different as to remove a common denominator they could agree on. As a result, the single biggest change Polish society experienced since 1989 was never really addressed in political debate. The integration project was propelled forward not by in-depth political consensus but by a series of rhetorical compromises. At each stage of the accession process the parties' inability to negotiate more than a nominal consensus prevented meaningful public debate. During each electoral contest of the pre-accession period voters were presented with ambiguous rhetoric in place of alternative policy options that would have enabled the electorate to hold decision makers to account.

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29

Hristovska, Stephanie. "EU Influence and the Politics of Memory Postwar Croatia & Serbia in a Comparative Perspective." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8872.

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This thesis argues that the EU has indirectly influenced domestic perceptions of the past in postwar Croatia and Serbia through these states’ desire for EU membership. Informed by EU conditionality criteria, which include democratic policies, regional cooperation, and issuelinkage with the ICTY, political elites have tailored new discourses that confront past atrocities to improve EU trajectory. However, the depth of this process—called “the politics of memory,” has differed in both states primarily because Serbia was unable to extradite their war criminals at the pace of Croatia. This was the result of negative patterns that stemmed from the dynamics of regime transition, and the strength of old regime spoilers and nationalist parties who have perpetuated myths and discourses of victimisation in the new regime. In addition, desire for EU membership itself has fluctuated because of greater contest at the elite level between reformist and nationalist politicians

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30

Kochenov, Dimitry. "EU enlargement and the failure of conditionality : pre-accession conditionality in the fields of democracy and the rule of law /." Alphen aan den Riijn : Kluwer Law International, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/557991277.pdf.

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31

Charalambides, Ioannis Charalambou. "Evaluation of the Turkish accession to the European Union, the structural changes and EU cohesion." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2009. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/2696/.

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The main question that this research attempts to tackle is whether the Turkish accession to the EU will threaten or not the cohesion of the EU. This question is answered in the framework of: 1) The evaluation of the Turkish accession to the EU, especially through the relevant EU decisions and the Turkish political, economic, social, military and institutional reality. 2) The various theories of International Relations (Realism, Structural Realism, Functionalism, Neo-Functionalism). What I try to do is examine the structural changes which could occur as a result of the Turkish accession to the EU. Therefore, my aim is to analyse the EU -Turkey relations in the context of the EU Enlargement taking into consideration the policy of the US, which is the dominant actor of the international system in the current era. This study attempts to investigate and identify the factors influencing the policy of the EU on the Turkish accession to the European Union and vice versa. These factors constitute, in fact, variables upon which a model of EU cohesion can be based in order to find out whether the European system -as defined on legal, institutional, economic, military and social level- can be threatened or not by Turkey or even other new member states.

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32

Bednarczyk, Tomasz Piotr. "Mergers and acquisitions strategies in the EU accession countries : evidence from Central & Eastern Europe /." Lichtenberg (Odw.) : Harland Media, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2970683&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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33

Ketola, Markus. "Europeanisation and civil society : the early impact of EU pre-accession policies on Turkish NGOs." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/87/.

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Turkey’s European Union (EU) membership aspirations form a critical junction on the road to further European integration. During the past decade, the role of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as facilitators of the accession process has grown exponentially in relevance. In Turkey’s case, specific policies have emerged to support this element of the pre-accession process. By targeting NGOs, these policies aim to Europeanise and democratise Turkish civil society and in so doing prepare Turkey for eventual EU accession. This logic draws on the liberal democratic tradition that anticipates democratisation to be a key outcome of NGO support. The thesis questions the appropriateness of such assumptions, since Turkish NGOs respond to EU policy in a variety of locally meaningful ways that may circumvent the stated policy outcomes. The wider the gap between policy and reality, the more space there is for NGOs to exercise their agency, and more uncertain the Europeanisation processes become. The thesis starts out by juxtaposing the European and Turkish perspectives in turn. The EU approach suggests that NGOs behave similarly across different cultural contexts and can be called upon to perform a variety of roles deemed useful for the overall policy process. However, civil society in Turkey has developed along a different trajectory, fostering NGOs that are highly politicised in their activities and cultivating social debates that are essentialist rather than compromising in nature. The latter part of the thesis explores different aspects of this disconnect. The relationships NGOs construct with each other and with governmental bodies are politicised and lack the culture of cooperation expected by EU policy. NGOs exhibit different reactions to EU funding: some embrace it while others pursue it unsuccessfully and grow resentful, or even reject any external funding outright. These differences lead NGOs to generate a variety of survival strategies that minimise the impact of EU policy on changing NGO behaviour where the change is unwelcome by the NGO, or maximise the impact where NGO and EU interests are mutually advanced. The thesis examines how the Europeanisation of Turkish civil society unfolds through a policy process that both affects and is shaped by NGO actors, where the eventual outcomes of EU policy remain uncertain.

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Sunning, Gabriella. ""Låt den rätte komma in..." : - En studie om Kroatiens och Turkiets resa mot EU-medlemskap." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-19498.

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EU is an organization that has expanded really fast during the last years. When you read about different EU membership processes you notice that some processes have been much faster than others. Spontaneously you think that this depends om that some countries have not been fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria. However, during the last decennium some scientists have written articles about motives that have affected the membership processes. The basic problem in my essay is how we are supposed to understand a membership process? Since I was interested in if I could see the same inconsistent behavior pattern in other membership processes I chose to study Turkey and Croatia. The purpose with my essay is to see how the Copenhagen criteria is or has been used in Turkey's and Croatia's processes and which motives that have been emphasized by scientists. After I have been reading official documents and articles I can conclude that both countries fulfill the political and economic criteria, but it is only Croatia that fulfills the administrative criteria. However, both countries have received critique about their treatments of minorities during the whole processes. According to scientists, security and identity have been strong motives in both countries' processes. When I have analyzed my material from an institutional perspective I can also conclude that EU's enlargement policy has affected the both countries' behavior and development. On the other hand, EU's enlargement policy has been affected by the context both within and outside the organization. Besides the policy has not seem to change the memberstates' preferences, which has resulted in that single memberstates have been acting on their own benefits.

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Ozdemir, Burcu. "Enlarging The Eu Further Eastwards: The Prospective Eu Membership Of The Western Balkans." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607408/index.pdf.

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The main aim of this thesis is to analyze EU-Western Balkans relations with regard to the prospective EU membership of the Western Balkans, and to make an analysis of the EU&rsquo
s Western Balkans enlargement strategy and the scope of membership conditionality imposed on the Western Balkans from post Dayton period (1995) to present (2006). This thesis examines how the EU membership conditionality worked in the Western Balkans&rsquo
preparatory stages for pre-accession, and to what extent it is different from the CEE enlargement process. Lastly, considering the discussions on rediscovered absorption capacity and the commitment of EU for further eastward enlargements after the CEE enlargement of 2004, it is looked into whether there has been a shift in EU&rsquo
s Western Balkans strategy. This thesis argues that the dominant factor determining the dynamics of the EU-Western Balkans relations are preferences, priorities and internal dynamics of the EU. The comparison between the CEE&rsquo
s and Western Balkans&rsquo
EU integration process reveals that EU tailored a long term and flexible enlargement strategy with increasing conditionality within SAP framework for the Western Balkans. Hence as long as the EU does not feel a sense of urgency straining the stability and EU integration of the region, a motivation for presenting an immediate enlargement platform will not emerge. In this sense, after the CEE enlargement, EU rediscovered its absorption capacity as a main membership condition and further differentiated the regional countries in terms of their own merits in fulfilling EU&rsquo
s conditionality and standards.

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36

Dincer, Cansu. "The Limits Of Language As A Transporter/ Marker Of Identity: The Case Of Polish Eu Accession." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615163/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyses the relationship between identity and language by evaluating Poland&rsquo
s accession to the European Union. It suggests that at the national level, language is a constructer and transporter of identity, which is created and recreated as part of a political programme. Thus, it questions the role of language as an identity transporter/ marker at the EU level. Within this framework, arguing that the European identity is created by the European elites, establishment of the European identity in Poland will be discussed and the role of language in the European identity formation process in Poland will be examined. The thesis will also evaluate the results of the language policies and multilingualism that aim to establish the European identity in Poland, and will draw attention to the results such as the dominance of Anglo-Saxon culture and English. Finally, by making use of Poland&rsquo
s EU accession, the thesis will point out the limits of language as an identity transporter/ marker at the EU level.

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37

Haumesser-Savio, Valentin. "The Importance of Minority Rights for the European Union in the EU Accession Process of Kosovo." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-258813.

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38

Kalkan, Erol. "Europeanisation of change in foreign policy : transformation of Turkish foreign policy in the EU accession process." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/47464/.

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The aim of this research is to investigate the influence of Turkey’s European Union (EU) candidature on its foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours, namely Iran and Syria. It argues that EU conditionality and adaptation pressure for the convergence and alignment of Turkey’s authoritarian political regime to the EU acquis communautaire have produced unintended outcomes in Turkey’s foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours, in addition to the intended outcomes in Turkey’s domestic politics. To investigate these phenomena, this study poses the following questions: how, to what extent and in what direction has Turkey’s foreign policy changed towards its non-EU neighbours during the country’s EU candidature, and how has Turkey’s EU candidature to the EU played a role in this? This study utilises Europeanization, and the rational choice and historical versions of the new institutionalist theory as its theoretical framework. Interview and case study methods were employed to answer this research question, and triangulation and the creation of counterfactual scenarios were used to substantiate the validity of the study’s findings and interpretation. The findings indicate that, first, Turkish foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours has undergone a deep transformation from being merely security-oriented disengagement to politically and economically-oriented engagement. Secondly, although 1) due to the nature of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), the literature on Europeanisation in the field of foreign policy primarily addresses socialisation and experimental learning related to the impact of the EU on member and/or non-member states’ foreign policies, and 2) due to the nature of EU-Turkey relations, the literature on the impact of the EU on Turkey’s foreign policy mostly focus on Turkey’s foreign policy towards Turkey’s EU neighbours and primarily addresses EU conditionality and adaptation pressure in the field of foreign policy as it is related to the impact of the EU on Turkey’s foreign policy, the findings of this research show that, in fact, EU conditionality and adaptation pressure in the fields of democracy and the rule of law, and in the economic realm, has unintentionally left a very visible influence on Turkish foreign policy towards Turkey’s non-EU neighbours by: (a) changing the institutions, institutional structures and institutional power relations, (b) empowering the governmentand civil society against the military–bureaucratic elites in political decision making, (c) accomplishing political and economic stability and growth, (d) increasing respect for and protection of religious and minority rights, and transferring domestic religious and minority issues into the realm of normal politics, and thus (e) changing the institutions, interests, preferences and demands that are involved in foreign policy-making towards Turkey’s non-EU neighbours.

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39

Wall, Elizabeth Anna. "NATO and EU Enlargement: Flawed Road to Membership." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104428.

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Thesis advisor: Jennifer Erickson
This thesis examines institutional enlargement for both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). Both organizations added new members to their ranks during the Cold War and in the post-Cold War era. During the Cold War, NATO and the European Community (EC) had informal membership criteria, but once the Cold War ended, the two institutions implemented explicit membership requirements. The research question centers on whether both institutions admitted new members that did not satisfy some of the membership criteria. I find that the two organizations both admitted new states that only partially complied with the criteria. In this thesis, I analyze why NATO and the EU added new member states even when these states' membership applications were incomplete
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: College Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science

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40

Ajeganov, Boris. "Post-accession Poland in the EU – connecting policy co-ordination features to long-term administrative capacity trends." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-136762.

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The purpose of this paper is to study and describe Poland’s policy co-ordination system, demonstrate the decline in Polish administrative capacity over time, and attempt to find and explain institutionality- driven links between the two. For this purpose, three policy co-ordination systems were deconstructed, a mechanism for analysing that data created, and information on Poland’s administrative performance was collected. The study finds that some structural features within Poland’s hierarchical, amalgamated co-ordination system can foster incentives to suppress the improvement of its own public administration.

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41

Fowler, Brigid. "Political parties and EU accession : towards a new research agenda, with particular reference to Hungary, 1998-2002." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442638.

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42

Grossman, Alyssa R. "Chorographies of Memory : Everyday Sites and Practices of Remembrance Work in Post-socialist, EU Accession-era Bucharest." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.520708.

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43

Czifra, Vanda. "The Competitiveness of the Hungarian Agri-Food Sector : From Transition to Accession." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7073.

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The Hungarian agricultural sector has undergone substantial changes between 1992 and 2003, which was a period of transformation from command economy to an EU-conform market economy. The question is whether the Hungarian agricultural sector was able to keep its competitiveness despite the extensive transformation. The aim of this paper is to measure the competitiveness of Hungarian agri-food product groups in relation to the ones of the EU-15 during the transformation period. Results indicate that the competitiveness, measured by revealed comparative advantage (RCA), of the studied agri-food product groups has not changed considerably. The strong position of the Hungarian agricultural sector could be maintained because its competitiveness is based on factor endowments, which are not affected by changes of economic policy. The observed moderate fluctuations of competitiveness can be derived to trade concession changes.

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44

Marin, Joseph. "Determining Impacts of Partnership and the Euro within the European Union:: With a Focus on Accession Countries." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104212.

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Thesis advisor: Robert Murphy
The primary goal of the European Union is to promote a high degree of competition between regions in an effort to allow for the creation of the single market. In the year 2004, the EU had allowed ten new member states to enter into the European Union. This paper looks at the potential positive or negative impact from entering into partnership with the EU. It looks at convergence between EU member states and a potential treatment effect in order to determine that this is indeed a localized phenomenon in the EU or is there a general convergence between all countries. The paper uses a fixed effects approach in order to determine the impact of partnership and use of the Euro within the EU. I find evidence of convergence and a positive benefit from partnership; however, using the Euro appears to have a negative impact on countries
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: Economics

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45

Wichmann, Nina. "Democratisation without societal participation? : the EU as an external actor in the democratisation processes of Serbia and Croatia /." Berlin ; Münster : LIT, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016241269&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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46

Safin, Mariusz Boguslaw. "Direct and indirect policy impacts on the Polish livestock sector and the perspective of the accession to the European Union." Thesis, Imperial College London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.481650.

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47

Kosekahya, Gamze. "Anti-corruption Policy In The European Union And Impact Of The Eu Accession Process On Turkey&#039." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12606834/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the anti-corruption policy in the European Union. Within this framework corruption as a global phenomenon and actions taken by other international organisations is studied as well. Furthermore, this thesis seeks to answer whether the accession process to the European Union has influenced the anti-corruption strategy in Turkey or not. Finally, it identifies shortcomings in the current reform process in Turkey and tries to develop recommendations accordingly.

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48

Pasukeviciute, Irma. "An economic analysis of the impact of EU accession upon crude oil and oil production policy in Lithuania." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1272.

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This thesis presents a two-stage economic and policy analysis of the impact of European Union (EU) accession upon crude oil production and transportation policy in Lithuania. The first stage provides the theoretical framework for the research. The analysis begins with the overview of the Russian oil industry, as for over 50 years Lithuania was part of the Soviet Union and thus its oil industry was largely controlled by Russian interests. Although Lithuania became independent in 1991, the dependency on Russia in terms of energy remains until today. The following chapters introduce Lithuania's development since its independence, outline the relationship with the EU and present Lithuania's intentions to become a member of the European Union. More specific issues discussed include the interdependence between Russia and the European Union in terms of crude oil and natural gas supplies and the impact of this phenomenon upon the Lithuanian oil industry. Particular emphasis is placed upon the political significance of oil in Lithuania including the ramifications of the sale of the state-owned oil transit and refining interest to USA investors and the consequences in terms of reaction from Russian crude oil suppliers. The second stage centers upon two techniques - content analysis and a scaling approach. The former was used to derive a set of the important issues within the Lithuanian oil industry, whilst the latter employed these issues in order to construct a scale for assessing the opinion of the industry's leading experts. The results of the Likert scale questionnaire were analyzed using a number of techniques and this identified a series of policies relating to crude oil and oil production in Lithuania. These policies take into account the experts' opinion, the process of EU accession and the politico-economic context of the research period, which places particular emphasis on relations between Lithuania and Russia. The final part of this thesis concludes the analysis, presents the implications as well as provides a number of suggestions for further research possibilities in this field.

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Parau, Cristina Elena. "The interplay between domestic politics and Europe : how Romanian civil society and government contested Europe before EU accession." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2696/.

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The key research questions of this dissertation are: 'How do domestic actors construct Europe.' and 'How do they utilise it in seeking to empower themselves against other actors.' The questions of construction and utilisation of Europe are some of the most topical questions in Europeanization. The first question addresses constructivist/sociological concerns. The second addresses the issue of winners and losers (differential empowerment). Both are key issues in the literature of Europeanization and yet have been little addressed in the context of post-communist EU accession countries. This dissertation aims to bridge this gap by focusing on the post-communist country of Romania, a soon to be EU member-State. The actors under investigation are civil society, which emerged in Romania for the first time ever after 1989 and the central government Executive. The study covers the period during which the EU acquis negotiations were negotiated under the Social Democratic government led by Prime Minister Adrian Nastase (2000-2004). The data was gathered through in-depth case study and process-tracing, the methods found best able to disentangle a complex causal nexus. The Europeanization literature is contradictory with regard to which domestic actors are constrained and which empowered: some scholars theorise that it empowers civil society (Diffusion); others that it empowers the Executive (Executive Empowerment); still others that it promotes co-operation between them (Network Governance). The empirical evidence so far has been inconclusive. This dissertation shows that only a small elite made of civil society entrepreneurs and government Executives constructed and utilised Europe in the pre-membership phase, to empower themselves relative to other actors, particularly opponents. The empirical data support two of the classical Europeanization theses in the literature: the Diffusion and the Executive Empowerment Theses. The Diffusion Thesis better explains civil society empowerment near the beginning and at the peak of acquis negotiations, although some evidence also favours Executive Empowerment. This latter thesis better explains the powerlessness of civil society at the close of negotiations, although some evidence for Diffusion was also found. No evidence was found supporting Network Governance. Instead evidence was found in favour of its critics, namely support for the claim that the EU (or Europe) empowers an elite in both civil society and the State.

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50

Samaluk, Barbara. "Racialised 'price tag' : intersectional commodification of Central and Eastern European workers in the UK labour market." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/27207.

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This thesis explores the intersectional commodification of migrant labour from post-socialist EU Accession 8 (A8) countries and its effects on Polish and Slovenian migrant workers in the UK. Using historical and macro socio-economic contexts as its point of departure, the thesis aims to uncover how a postcolonial narrative surrounding A8 countries' transition to market economies and their accession to the EU has legitimised on-going colonial processes that construct A8 countries and their nationals as second class EU citizens and re-evaluate subjectivities in relation to the market. Further, it explores how this narrative has been appropriated by transnational employment agencies that colonise A8 countries and as such play an active role in commodifying A8 workers and supplying them to the UK. Moreover, the thesis sets out specifically to explore how this colonisation and its narrative affect workers' (self)value and emigration from Poland and Slovenia, as well as the value extraction possibilities and strategies of diverse actors involved in transnational labour relations between East and West. Through a transdisciplinary adoption of a Bourdieuian conceptual framework, this research offers an original theoretical and methodological toolkit for complex intersectional analyses that uncovers the multiple and misrecognised power relations associated with embodied categories, spatial and temporal dimensions and varying modalities of knowledge. As such, it uncovers on-going colonial processes that characterise a contemporary post-socialist world marked by changed transnationalised consumption and production processes and the marketization of cultural, diversity and identity politics. In this way, the research uncovers symbolic economy hidden under neoliberal (self)colonisation, which enables strategic utilisation of migrant labour and disciplines, segments and divides the global poor. By providing a broader comparative analysis of diverse actors and A8 groups, the thesis widens our understanding of A8 labour migration to the UK and also leads to insights into the remaking of class, race and gender politics on the local and global scales.

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