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Journal articles on the topic 'Absolute democracy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Serra Cristóbal, Rosario. "De falsedades, mentiras y otras técnicas que faltan a la verdad para influir en la opinión pública." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 47 (April 29, 2021): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.47.2021.30712.

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En el mundo de la superinformación propio de la era de internet es donde determinados mensajes pueden acabar calando en la opinión pública frente a otros, cosa que puede suceder de manera fortuita o, en la mayor parte de las ocasiones, de una forma pretendida. Es ahí donde las falsedades o las mentiras (fakes) pueden encontrar un terreno abonado para crear opiniones que tienen un demostrado potencial para desestabilizar gobiernos, influir en unas elecciones o poner en riesgo valores importantes del Estado (la igualdad, la dignidad, el pluralismo, la salud…). Aunque no existe una verdad absolut

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Khoeruman, Ade Aam. "Dialog Asal dan Lokal dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Islam." Jurnal Iman dan Spiritualitas 1, no. 4 (2021): 557–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jis.v1i4.15045.

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Some of the government systems that we know include theocracy, autocracy, monarchy, and democracy. Considering the principles of Islamic teachings above, the most appropriate is a democratic system, although not all follow Islamic instructions. Democracy holds absolute power in the people, while in Islam this is not the case. The Indonesian people have a democracy that is different from western democracies. This is because Indonesia adheres to a democracy that believes in the one and only God, i.e., Pancasila.

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Hrubec, Marek. "A Comparison of Models of Economic Democracy: Towards the World of Shared Sovereignty." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (2016): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341380.

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The article focuses on a comparison of three models of economic democracy: participative democracy, enterprise (co-operative) economic democracy, and autonomous economic democracy. It analyzes the main characteristics of the models, and their advantages and disadvantages. It also stresses that, at the age of global interactions, we cannot develop economic democracy in a meaningful way only within a framework of nation states because they are too small to manage big macro-regional and global problems. That is why we have to face an issue of recognition of state sovereignty, specifically absolut

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Perry, Glenn E. "Popular Sovereignty, Islam, and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (2003): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.527.

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This article examines the idea that Islam’s rejection of popular sovereignty makes it incompatible with democracy. I show instead that sovereignty (“absolute despotic power,” popular or otherwise) is a sterile, pedantic, abstruse, formalistic, and legalistic concept, and that democracy should be seen as involving “popular control” rather than “popular sovereignty.” Divine sovereignty would be inconsistent with democracy only if that meant – unlike in Islam – rule by persons claiming to be God or His infallible representatives. A body of divine law that humans cannot change would be incompatibl

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Barber, Benjamin. "Participation and Swiss Democracy." Government and Opposition 23, no. 1 (1988): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00016997.

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AS THE GREAT HISTORIAN LOUIS HARTZ TAUGHT US IN HIS remarkable study The Liberal Tradition in America, anyone wishing to focus on the special character of a regime would do well to begin by taking the measure of what is absent rather than what is present. Like America, Switzerland has long been regarded as an exception to many of the conventional rules of historical and democratic development — Sonderfall Schweiz is how the Swiss portray and perhaps boast a little about their national exceptionalism. Switzerland possesses a unique form of democratic government the hallmarks of which are partic

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Bock, Wolfgang. "Kelsen und seine Demokratieschrift im Exil." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 138, no. 1 (2021): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2021-0013.

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Abstract Kelsen and his Book “Essence and Value of Democracy” in Exile. Two recently found letters and an unpublished small introduction into a planned translation of his book on democracy shed some light on Kelsen’s conception of cultural and political foundations of democracy. His description of the democratic citizen as antagonistic to absolute values rises philosophical as well as political doubts. The status of values under philosophical, moral and legal perspectives calls for a thorough discussion.

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Bennington, Geoffrey. "The Democricy to Come." Oxford Literary Review 39, no. 1 (2017): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/olr.2017.0213.

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A recurrent typographical slip makes a democrat of Democritus, Demokratos of Demokritos, in an exemplary instance of the atomists' persistent analogy of atoms and letters. This essay argues that the rhythmic resonances between ancient materialism and democracy can be read in terms of a fundamental scatter that tends to deconstruct the teleologism endemic in the philosophical tradition's thinking about politics (and indeed matter). The curious resistance that scatter opposes to any kind of telos (including that of any absolute scatter) might itself make deconstruction interestingly resonate wit

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신철희. "Spinoza and Democracy : ‘Absolute Rule’, the Rule of Law, and Multitude." Korean Political Science Review 50, no. 5 (2016): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2016.50.5.004.

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Brown, David S., and Wendy Hunter. "Democracy and Human Capital Formation." Comparative Political Studies 37, no. 7 (2004): 842–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004266870.

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This article examines the relationship between democratic representation and spending on education in Latin America. The authors assess the impact that democracy has on the distribution of resources between different levels of schooling and on total spending on education. Specifically, they test whether democratic governments allocate a greater share of resources to primary education, the level that benefits the largest segment of the electorate and that is most critical for human capital formation in developing countries. Using time-series cross-sectional analysis, the authors find that democ

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Azzarà, Stefano G. "Settling Accounts with Liberalism: On the Work of Domenico Losurdo." Historical Materialism 19, no. 2 (2011): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920611x573815.

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AbstractLiberalism is currently the hegemonic world-view, capable of dictating its terms even to the very movements that antagonise it. But does the history of liberalism really coincide with that of modern democracy? In two of his recent works, Liberalism: A Counter-History and The Language of Empire, Domenico Losurdo demonstrates that this is not the case. At its origin, liberalism was not a universalistic defence of the individual’s freedom. On the contrary, it represented a demand for wresting complete self-government of civil society from the monarch. However, given that each society is t

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Roy, Debasish. "Formulation of Governance and Democracy Index (GDI) and Governance, Democracy, and Emancipation Index (GDEI): A Cross-country Empirical Study (1998 – 2017)." Open Political Science 4, no. 1 (2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2021-0002.

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AbstractThis research paper is aimed at formulation of a composite Governance and Democracy Index (GDI) based on the six indicators of good governance by Kaufmann et al. (2003, 2007) to assess and evaluate the relative performances of 10 major democracies of the world for the time period of 20 years (1998 – 2017) (Base Year = 1996). In order to do so, three distinct methodologies are adopted based on the absolute values and relative changes in the observations of independent variables. The extended part of this research involves formulation of Governance, Democracy, and Emancipation Index (GDE

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SELIMI, BEHAR. "MINORITY VETO RIGHTS IN KOSOVO’S DEMOCRACY." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 12 (June 13, 2019): 148–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.n12.8.

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The political system of Kosovo belongs to the power sharing democracies. Indeed, it has all the characteristics of Consociational Democracy. In addition to that, minority veto rights are absolute and go above the aims of this type of democracy. As it is designed in current Constitutional arrangements, even a single word of Constitution can’t be changed without minorities’ vote. This is different from other Consociational Democracies, where minorities are entitled with selected veto power only regarding their vital interests, but they cannot block constitutional decision-making. Since Kosovo is

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Werlin, Herbert H. "Is Lord Acton Right? Rethinking Corruption, Democracy, and Political Power." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 1 (September 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.1.1.

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This article examines Lord Acton’s famous assertion, “power tends to corrupt and absolute power, to corrupt absolutely,” including the suggestion that democratization reduces corruption. This assertion requires us to look at the meaning of political power, corruption, and democracy. By making a distinction between primary and secondary corruption (essentially, controllable and uncontrollable corruption) and between liberal democracy (emphasizing competitive politics) and classical democracy (emphasizing consensus-building politics), together with introducing Political Elasticity (PE) theory, a

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Ritonga, Muhammad Soleh. "Demokrasi dan Penegakan Hukum dalam Wawasan Al-Qur’an." alashriyyah 7, no. 02 (2021): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.53038/alashriyyah.v7i02.131.

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Islam is a religion that regulates people's lives. This includes democracy and law enforcement. In democracy there are several views of Muslim experts, some accept but on the condition that the power is not absolute in the hands of the people, and there are also those who reject it altogether. In the ulama democracy accepted in Islam is deliberation and consensus in matters that are in accordance with religious rules. In Islamic democracy, it is very radicalism. This can be seen from the views of some scholars of Tafsir regarding Surah Al-Baqarah verse 143 that Islam is not exceeding the limit

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Fajar, Fajar. "Convergence of Islam and Democracy." Al-Bayyinah 5, no. 2 (2021): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35673/al-bayyinah.v5i2.1721.

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This studyattempts to analysethe relationship between Islam and democracy objectively with logical rational arguments. It aims to clarify the differences between Islam and democracy in terms of values and concepts, in addition to explaining the reasons for the rejection of some Muslims against democracy and the arguments underlying their rejection. Then, itattempts to draw a theoretical relationship between Islam and democracy by asking critical questions, logical assumptions, and arguments that rely on the empirical practice of implementing democracy in Indonesia. Islam and democracy were bor

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Vasilev, George. "The Uneasy Alliance between Consensus and Democracy." Review of Politics 77, no. 1 (2015): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670514000849.

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AbstractConsensus both serves and threatens democratic inclusion. On the one hand it provides the means for individuals to will in common. On the other hand, it can impose assimilatory pressures that marginalize perspectives at odds with the prevailing point of view. Agonists have responded to this tension with a call to abandon consensus-oriented politics, contending an adversarial democracy more credibly advances inclusionary and egalitarian goals. I argue this wholesale rejection of consensus is unsustainable from the very pluralist perspective agonists wish to promote. In place of the view

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Bardakoglu, Ali. "The International Symposium on Islam and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 3 (1999): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i3.2113.

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The Foundation for Research in Islamic Sciences, (known as ISAV inTurkish) has organized over tf.llrty academic, national, and intemationalconferences on the issues facing the Muslim world today and has publishedthe proceedings of these conferences. ISAV organized the last internationalconference in this series on November 27-29, 1998, on “Islam andDemocracy.”At the outset of the symposium, Ali Ozek, the current president of ISAV,and Ali Bardakoglu, the coordinator of the symposium, made openingspeeches. The representatives of some political parties and institutionsmade protocol speeches on be

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Ferrara, Federico. "The legend of King Prajadhipok: Tall tales and stubborn facts on the seventh reign in Siam." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (2012): 4–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463411000646.

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The figure of King Prajadhipok (r. 1925–35), Siam's last absolute monarch, remains of great significance to Thailand's contemporary political discourse. King Prajadhipok's historical role as the ‘founding father’ of Thai democracy, in particular, lies at the heart of the Chakri dynasty's claim to democratic legitimacy — a claim that is now widely questioned, both at home and abroad. This article re-examines King Prajadhipok's conduct in the early days of constitutional government in Siam. While the King's status as the father of Thai democracy is exposed as a myth, his actual historical legacy

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Wartoyo, Franciscus Xaverius, and Benyamin Tungga. "THE CONSEPT AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION OF INDONESIAN LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS BASED ON THE PANCASILA DEMOCRACY PERSPECTIVE." Yustisia Jurnal Hukum 8, no. 1 (2019): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/yustisia.v0ixx.13226.

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<p>Indonesia’s democracy system was built on the basis and the strength of Pancasila, which did not favor the excessive desires of individual negotiations (liberalism) neither absolute state domination, non-liberalism, namely direct and indirect democracy that was once practiced. Those forms have their own weaknesses, but this paper will only highlight the positive side of the open democratic system, sincerely the democratic system of this nation is Pancasila democracy which refers to those two major forces of democracy. The implementation of Pancasila’s democracy in the Legislative Elec

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Zulkarnain, Fisher, Aminu Yahaya Muhammad, Babayo Sule, and Asep Abdul Sahid. "When the East Meets the West: Analysing Rached Ghannouci’s Synthesis of Democracy in Islam." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 2 (2022): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.10.

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Democracy is being pushed aggressively on a global scale as the best and final form of government without even an alternative offered to the opposing views by the champions of the system in the 21st century. The main arguments presented by the apologies of democracy is its feasibility of providing and guaranteeing freedom of speech, liberty of choosing a leadership, accountability and transparency. However, this view is being perceived with cynicism in other parts of the world particularly the Islamic world where the absolute sovereignty and laws are referred to from a divine source. Most of t

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Dubrovin, Vladimir, Yulia Solovarova, Aigul Zaripova, and Aidar Zakirov. "Heuristic Potential of Sammy Smooha Ethnic Democracy Concept." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 68 (2021): 243–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3968.15.

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The article next to the hermeneutic methodology examines the key aspects of a special model of political regime: the "ethnic democracy" of S. Smooha, which is based on the idea of the development of an ethnic nation in a state. According to this author's point of view, the main idea of this form of stability is the absolute control of the ethnic majority over the minority. It examines the reasons for the emergence of "ethnic democracy", the characteristics of its implementation in practice and the conditions of stability. When this model is implemented in practice, the State pursues the object

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Pandor, Pius. "Transformasi Tiga Pilar Demokrasi Modern dalam Populisme Menurut Nadia Urbinati." Studia Philosophica et Theologica 19, no. 2 (2020): 238–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35312/spet.v19i2.191.

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Populism is an old phenomenon but a new phenomenon that was brought up in power politics. Because it is something new, understanding the phenomenon of populism is also diverse. Some see it as a political movement that threatens constitutional democracy, but there are also those who see it as a movement to rejuvenate democracy. Urbinati, author of the book Me The People. How Populism Transforms Democracy, sees populism as a movement for power. According to her, populism changed the three pillars of modern democracy, namely the people (rakyat), the principle of majority (prinsip mayoritas), and

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Fradkin, Hillel G. "The “Separation” of Religion and Polities: The Paradoxes of Spinoza." Review of Politics 50, no. 4 (1988): 603–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500041978.

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Benedict Spinoza is the first philosophical proponent of liberal democracy. In his Theologico-Political Tractate he calls for the liberation of philosophy from theology and for the subordination of religion to politics. Though Spinoza may have not influenced the American Founding Fathers directly, both the clarity and the paradoxes of his arguments are perhaps the best guide to understanding better the present-day conflicts over religion and politics in the United States. Spinoza's insistence on the prerogative of the political sovereign to exercise absolute authority in the sphere of moral ac

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Haberkorn, Tyrell. "Under and beyond the Law: Monarchy, Violence, and History in Thailand." Politics & Society 49, no. 3 (2021): 311–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211033073.

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Since the end of the absolute monarchy in Thailand on June 24, 1932, the rulers and the ruled have been locked into struggle, often violent, over what form the polity and the people’s participation in it should take. This essay examines this struggle, the imagination of justice, and the inability to consolidate democracy, or even a stable government, through the lens of the monarchy, which has remained beyond accountability. Violence committed to preserve the monarchy forecloses democracy and fosters a form of what can be called modern absolutist monarchy, when some lives are visibly placed be

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Kwak, Joonghyun, Irina Tomescu-Dubrow, Kazimierz M. Slomczynski, and Joshua K. Dubrow. "Youth, Institutional Trust, and Democratic Backsliding." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 9 (2020): 1366–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220941222.

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In recent decades, many countries ranging from quasidemocratic regimes to well-established democracies have faced democratic backsliding. In this study, we draw on Foa and Mounk and other related literature to examine the effects of regime delegitimation on democratic backsliding, focusing on youth’s trust in political institutions—parliament, legal systems, and political parties—relative to trust of the older population. We use an unbalanced panel data set that combines a country-year indicator of liberal democracy from the Varieties of Democracy project with aggregate survey-based measures o

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SUBRAHMANYAN, ARJUN. "Education, Propaganda, and the People: Democratic paternalism in 1930s Siam." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (2015): 1122–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000523.

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AbstractOn the morning of 24 June 1932 the ‘People's Party’, a small group of civil and military bureaucrats, toppled the Thai absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy. This article discusses the establishment of democracy as an endeavour in ‘democratic paternalism,’ by which is meant the Party's attempt to establish a new moral and intellectual leadership that had as its main goal the creation of a depoliticized democratic citizenry. To implement their programme for democracy, the Party embarked on an ambitious plan to modernize education and explain popular sovereignty throu

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Riley, Jonathan. "On the Possibility of Liberal Democracy." American Political Science Review 79, no. 4 (1985): 1135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956252.

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A complex liberal version of utilitarianism is introduced which bears similarities to John Stuart Mill's moral and political philosophy and offers a promising approach to liberal democratic theory. Formally, liberal utilitarianism is represented as a type of generalized social welfare functional which maps any given set of individual vector-valued utility functions into a social ordering. The generalized social welfare functional in question relies on the experienced members of society to classify ond compare the different kinds of utilities found in individual vectors; to grant and protect li

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Chacón, Mario, James A. Robinson, and Ragnar Torvik. "When is Democracy an Equilibrium? Theory and Evidence from Colombia’s La Violencia." Journal of Conflict Resolution 55, no. 3 (2011): 366–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711401871.

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The conventional wisdom is that for a democracy to be consolidated, all groups must have a chance to attain power. If they do not, then they will subvert democracy and choose to fight for power. In this article, the authors show that this wisdom is seriously incomplete because it considers absolute, not relative payoffs. Although the probability of winning an election increases with the size of a group, so does the probability of winning an armed conflict. Thus, in a situation in which all groups have a high chance of winning an election, they may also have a high chance of winning a fight. In

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MZ, H. ISMAIL. "EKSISTENSI DEMOKRASI DAN KORUPSI BIROKRASI PELAYANAN PUBLIK DI INDONSIA." GANEC SWARA 15, no. 2 (2021): 1211. http://dx.doi.org/10.35327/gara.v15i2.238.

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The purpose of this research is to study and analyze democracy is a system of government that is considered the best, not only because this system is the most historic discussion, but also the democratic system is considered the best system of governance in several countries in the world. Based on the opinions of experts and experts as well as the results of research on the choice of the democratic system in Indonesia, it is based on the desire for the existence of political parties as an extension of the people's hands as a channel for their aspirations. The existence of a political party is

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Brovkin, Vladimir V. "On the Role of Greek Philosophy in the Formation of Hellenistic Monarchies." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 460 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/460/7.

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The article deals with the question of the influence of Greek philosophy on the formation of Hellenistic monarchies. According to one point of view, theories of Greek philosophers on kingship played an important role in the formation of absolutism in the Hellenistic monarchies. It is believed that it is in the classical Greek philosophy that the ideas on absolute monarchy as the best state structure and on the legal rights of an outstanding person to royal power were developed. In the course of the study, the author infers that Greek philosophy did not have a significant impact on the formatio

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Shleifer, Andrei. "The Age of Milton Friedman." Journal of Economic Literature 47, no. 1 (2009): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.47.1.123.

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Between 1980 and 2005, as the world embraced free market policies, living standards rose sharply, while life expectancy, educational attainment, and democracy improved and absolute poverty declined. Is this a coincidence? A collection of essays edited by Balcerowicz and Fischer argues that indeed reliance on free market forces is key to economic growth. A book by Stiglitz and others disagrees. I review and compare the two arguments.

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Tilzey, Mark. "Food Democracy as ‘Radical’ Food Sovereignty: Agrarian Democracy and Counter-Hegemonic Resistance to the Neo-Imperial Food Regime." Politics and Governance 7, no. 4 (2019): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i4.2091.

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This article argues that a thoroughgoing and meaningful food democracy should entail something closely akin to ‘radical’ food sovereignty, a political programme which confronts the key social relational bases of capitalism. The latter comprise, in essence, ‘primitive accumulation,’ the alienability or commodification of land and other fundamental use values, and market dependence. A thoroughgoing food democracy of this kind thus challenges the structural separation of the ‘economic’ and ‘political’ spheres within capitalism and the modern state (the state-capital nexus), a separation which ena

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Chowdhury, Jashim Ali. "Constitutional Reform in Bangladesh: Exploring the Agenda." Northern University Journal of Law 1 (April 7, 2014): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/nujl.v1i0.18524.

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The Bangladeshi brand of democracy has caused some horrible nightmares in recent times. Though democracy in Bangladesh has got a certain degree of consolidation during the last eighteen years, she could not make significant progress in consolidating her democratic institutions.1 Over the years Bangladesh has gone through a phase of illiberal democracy with the politicians behaving autocratically, rewarding political supporters and punishing the opposition. Partisan, financial and personal interests curbed the bureaucracy, judiciary, police or even the legislature.2 Disorder became the orde

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Pearse, Harry. "Refurbishing Democracy: More Direct, More Deliberative, and Younger." Perspectives on Public Management and Governance 5, no. 1 (2021): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvab029.

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Abstract What would it mean to (better) integrate children into democratic life? This essay attempts to dispel some potential reservations and explore the grounds for including children in deliberative and/or electoral processes. Across the world, public satisfaction with democracy is at historic lows, with young people particularly dissatisfied, both in absolute terms and relative to older cohorts at the same age. The situation is not terminal; the overall number of democracies has declined slightly over the past two decades, but the world’s most established democracies have stayed largely in

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Moltmann, Jürgen. "Terrorismus und politische Theologie." Evangelische Theologie 75, no. 5 (2015): 358–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2015-0506.

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Abstract Bakunin’s anarchism on the one hand and Carl Schmitt’s State-God on the other mirror each other. Either concept is about the non-accountable, »absolute« political decision. Both modern terrorism and the political reaction to it in the »security state« follow the alternative Bakunin-Schmitt. By contrast, the »open society« of democracy needs the Christian, intelligent love of enemies to deal with its enemies without self-destruction.

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Rahutomo, Faisal, Dimas Rossiawan Hendra Putra, M. Bisri Musthofa, and Ngat Mari. "Indonesia Democracy Index (IDI) Forecasting in 2019 using Moving Average and Correlation Between IDI's Aspect Using Pearson Correlation Coefficient." Journal of Electrical, Electronic, Information, and Communication Technology 2, no. 2 (2020): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/jeeict.2.2.41361.

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<p class="Abstract"><em>Abstract</em>—This experiment aims to analyze the forecasting of the Indonesian Democracy Index (IDI) in 2019, which uses each province data by the Moving Average method. The parameters used in this experiment refer to data obtained from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) in 2009-2018. The level of achievement of IDI is measured based on the development and implementation of 3 aspects, 11 variables, and 28 indicators. Experiment purposes to find the average percentage of absolute error MAPE (Mean Absolute Percentage Error) for each province and looks

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Basuki, Udiyo. "Parpol, Pemilu dan Demokrasi: Dinamika Partai Politik dalam Sistem Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia Perspektif Demokrasi." Kosmik Hukum 20, no. 2 (2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30595/kosmikhukum.v20i2.8321.

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In a democratic country the relationship between the state and the people must be a reflection of a mutualistic symbiosis. This means that these relationships must be mutually dependent and mutually beneficial. This relationship will be evident when the political system developed by a country provides sufficient space for political activities in the community. This space for political activity will give color to democratic life in a country. The principle of democracy and people's sovereignty requires people's participation in the life of the state administration. People or citizens are not on

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Gulyamov, Bohdan. "RIGHTS AND DIGNITY OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN THE SOCIAL TEACHING OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF CONSTANTINOPLE." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 30(1) (February 26, 2021): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.30(1)-8.

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The concept of human rights and the dignity of the individual, contained in the new social doctrine of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, proposes to recognize modern theories of human rights and their implementation in today's democracy as self-evident truths. These truths are quite legitimate in religious discourse, because the personal dignity of man as capable of mystical communion with God is absolute. The Orthodox Church presupposes that the dignity and freedom of the individual, his vocation and perfection are much higher than all the many values and norms offered by modern secular mor

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Damsholt, Tine. "Elementer i Grundtvigs politiske tænkning." Grundtvig-Studier 46, no. 1 (1995): 140–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v46i1.16186.

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Grundtvig’s Political TheoriesBy Tine DamsholtGrundtvig’s positive view of the Danish absolute monarchy has often been a problematic issue in today’s understanding of Grundtvig’s political ideas. It is a common view that in 1848 Grundtvig turned a political somersault, suddenly becoming a democrat after being a fervent adherent of absolutism. Quite a few have wanted either to see a break in Grundtvig’s political view or tried to explain away his apparently »undemocratic« attitude. However, if one examines Grundtvig’s basic political opinions, it is possible to establish a continuity in his pol

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Rousselière, Geneviève. "Fénelon, a conservative mind?" European Journal of Political Theory 20, no. 3 (2021): 593–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14748851211002031.

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In his excellent new book, Hanley presents an engaging interpretation of Fénelon’s political thought as modern and moderate. While I salute the revival of the work of this important and forgotten author, and I concur with Hanley to see him as a courageous opponent of absolute monarchy, tyranny, and political corruption, I argue that Fénelon’s worldview was conservative, in the sense that he endorsed social hierarchy, rejected democracy, and ultimately praised subjection to God rather than reason.

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Sulistyowati, Sulistyowati. "EMPIRIC DEMOCRACY AND THE REFERENCE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN SINGLE CANDIDATE ELECTIONS." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 8, no. 1 (2021): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v8i1.15432.

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The dynamic changes in the Law on Election for Governors, Regents, and Mayors prove that there are dynamics and progressiveness in the implementation of Pilkada. The process of the birth of laws, including the process of the birth of amendments to the Law, is a legal political process. The legal political process is under the authority of the legislator. The approach method used is normative juridical method. The power of legislators in the political and legal process is not absolute, because the government also has a domain of authority, although not as big as the authority of legislators. Th

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Rosenberg, Dennis, Rita Mano, and Gustavo S. Mesch. "Absolute monopoly, areas of control or democracy? Examining gender differences in health participation on social media." Computers in Human Behavior 102 (January 2020): 166–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2019.08.016.

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Mules, Warwick. "Democracy and Critique: Recovering Freedom in Nancy and Derrida." Derrida Today 3, no. 1 (2010): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drt.2010.0007.

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In this paper, I argue that we need to re-address the issue of freedom as it relates to democracy and critical practice. My argument is drawn out of Derrida's deconstructive reading of Jean-Luc Nancy's The Experience of Freedom which proposes freedom in ontological terms as an experience of indeterminate openness that must be thought prior to any freedom of the self. I show how Derrida's reading of Nancy's text is itself a re-enactment of the freedom that Derrida finds wanting in Nancy's text, but which, by that very fact, affirms the power of critique in its capacity to think freely. The urge

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Southall, Roger. "Democracy at Risk? Politics and Governance under the ANC." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 652, no. 1 (2014): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213508068.

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The negotiated settlement of 1994 established South Africa as a constitutional democracy. Under Nelson Mandela, the new democracy basked in a glow of national reconciliation, early growth, and optimism. Subsequently, however, the national sense of collective well-being has declined. Racial inequality has narrowed, but the fundamental features of the apartheid economy remain, including a significant section of the population living in absolute poverty, despite the efforts of the government to combine economic growth with redistribution. Given the continued entrenchment of white economic power,

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Hari Murti, Ghanesya, and Degita Danur Suharsono. "DISSENSUS: UPAYA UNTUK MENGHADIRKAN PRAKTIK SASTRA DAN BUDAYA YANG LEBIH DEMOKRATIS." PARAFRASE : Jurnal Kajian Kebahasaan & Kesastraan 22, no. 1 (2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/parafrase.v22i1.5808.

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Ranciere is a political thinker who wants to give a spirit of optimism in citizenship equality. This spirit sparks in his view of democracy which he emphasizes not in consensus but dissensus. This means that democracy focuces more on disagreement rather than agreement of the winner in electoral vote because for him democracy should instead focus on votes that were not won. This is an ethical question why those who are marginalized are not accomodated. Only by dissensus, appropriateness and distribution of socio-cultural roles always be transformative and dynamic. In literary works, marginalize

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Muabezi, Zahermann Armandz. "NEGARA BERDASARKAN HUKUM (RECHTSSTAATS) BUKAN KEKUASAAN (MACHTSSTAAT)." Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan 6, no. 3 (2017): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/jhp.6.3.2017.421-446.

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The vision of the rule of law was first forwarded by Plato and then confirmed by Aristotle. Plato’s concept stated that a good state administration is based on a good (law) arrangement, this term called nomoi. In further development Rudolf von Gneist name this term with rechtsstaat where earlier Albert Venn Dicey named it the rule of law. In principle rechtsstaat or rule of law aims to limit the rulers (government in a broad sense) attitudes and acts based on laws and regulations that apply at a certain place and time on the people. The doctrine of rechtsstaats or rule of law can only grow in

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Cooper, Alice. "Difficult Decisions: The GAL and “Schwarz-Grün” in Hamburg." German Politics and Society 32, no. 4 (2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320401.

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In 2008 the first state-level CDU-Green coalition was formed in Hamburg. Drawing on the literature on party goals (vote-, office-, policy, internal cohesion- and democracy-seeking), this article examines the GAL's decisions to join and to end the coalition. It examines the trade-offs between party goals as they evolved in different phases of “schwarz-grün,” with particular reference to the Greens' education reform agenda. While policy- and vote-seeking complemented each other during the election campaign, vote-, office- and party unity-seeking conflicted with each other in the Greens' decision

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Jabłońska, Elżbieta. "Buthan - droga ku demokracji." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 28, 2014): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2014.1.8.

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The text attempts to provide a comprehensive overview of the most important events and factors which have influenced the establishment of democracy in the Kingdom of Bhutan. On March 2008, Bhutan officially transformed from absolute monarchy to a modern constitutional monarchy by the successful conduct of its first parliamentary elections and the promulgation of the Constitution. Fourth King of Bhutan, His Majesty Jigme Singhye Wangchuck (referred to as “the father of democratic Bhutan”), finalized a long -term vision of democratization and decentralization by giving executive power to the Cou

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Stanovcic, Vojislav. "The absolute power of the sovereign, bureaucracy, democracy and constitutional government in the works of Slobodan Jovanovic." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 399–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445399s.

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The papers discusses the views of Slobodan Jovanovic (1869-1958) on several phenomena of Serbia?s political and institutional development in the hundred years between the First Serbian Uprising in 1804 and the fall of the Obrenovic dynasty in 1903, and on different political systems, looking at the sources on which his thought drew upon, the ideas he was guided by and the theoretical framework of his legal and socio-political thinking. His major work, a legal theory of the state, as most of his other writings, was his own contribution to what he held to be a national mission, the building of a

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Igwe, Isaac O. C. "Rule of Law and Constitutionalism in Nigerian Democracy: A Critical Relativism Discuss in the Context of International Law." ATHENS JOURNAL OF LAW 7, no. 3 (2021): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajl.7-3-3.

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The synthesis of rule of law enthrones democracy, justice and goes with such characteristics as liberty, freedom, and the restoration of the dignity of man. The rule of law is predicated upon absolute autonomy being accorded to the judicial arms of the government of any society, state, or country. Thus, the application and interpretation of the law must be under the control of impartial courts adjudicating within the ambit of fair judicial procedures. The dialectics of power and the guiding principles of governance are anchored in the constitution which enshrines the provisions of enforceable

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