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Journal articles on the topic 'Absolute democracy'
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1
Serra Cristóbal, Rosario. "De falsedades, mentiras y otras técnicas que faltan a la verdad para influir en la opinión pública." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 47 (April 29, 2021): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.47.2021.30712.
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En el mundo de la superinformación propio de la era de internet es donde determinados mensajes pueden acabar calando en la opinión pública frente a otros, cosa que puede suceder de manera fortuita o, en la mayor parte de las ocasiones, de una forma pretendida. Es ahí donde las falsedades o las mentiras (fakes) pueden encontrar un terreno abonado para crear opiniones que tienen un demostrado potencial para desestabilizar gobiernos, influir en unas elecciones o poner en riesgo valores importantes del Estado (la igualdad, la dignidad, el pluralismo, la salud…). Aunque no existe una verdad absoluta en democracia y todo es opinable, en este artículo se analiza si hay afirmaciones, —bien provenientes del gobierno o de ciudadanos o de asociaciones o partidos políticos, no importa—, que, por su absoluto desprecio al rigor informativo o por su manifiesta intención de engañar, no son admisibles, incluso aunque se realicen en el marco del debate político y, por lo tanto, en el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión. Se defiende que la democracia exige libertad informativa, y exige participación, debate y opinión, pero en esa interacción hay unas mínimas reglas de juego —unos límites— que deben respetarse si se quiere hablar de una garantía democrática básica.In the world of superinformation featuring the Internet times, certain messages take root in the public opinion before other ones. This happens by hazard or, most often, intentionally. Falsehoods or fakes find a fertile ground to create opinions with proven potential to destabilize governments, influence elections or jeopardize important State values such as equality, dignity, pluralism, health, etc. Notwithstanding the lack of absolute truth in democracy, this article analyzes those statements issued by government, private citizens, associations or political parties, that, because of their absolute disregard for rigorous information or because of clear intention to deceive, cannot be admissible. This is so even if they are expressed in a political debate context as a result of free expression enjoyment. Democracy requires freedom of information, and demands participation, debate and opinion. In that interaction, nonetheless, minimum rules of the game —limits— must be respected so as to secure a basic democratic safeguard.
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Khoeruman, Ade Aam. "Dialog Asal dan Lokal dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Islam." Jurnal Iman dan Spiritualitas 1, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 557–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jis.v1i4.15045.
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Some of the government systems that we know include theocracy, autocracy, monarchy, and democracy. Considering the principles of Islamic teachings above, the most appropriate is a democratic system, although not all follow Islamic instructions. Democracy holds absolute power in the people, while in Islam this is not the case. The Indonesian people have a democracy that is different from western democracies. This is because Indonesia adheres to a democracy that believes in the one and only God, i.e., Pancasila.
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Hrubec, Marek. "A Comparison of Models of Economic Democracy: Towards the World of Shared Sovereignty." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341380.
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The article focuses on a comparison of three models of economic democracy: participative democracy, enterprise (co-operative) economic democracy, and autonomous economic democracy. It analyzes the main characteristics of the models, and their advantages and disadvantages. It also stresses that, at the age of global interactions, we cannot develop economic democracy in a meaningful way only within a framework of nation states because they are too small to manage big macro-regional and global problems. That is why we have to face an issue of recognition of state sovereignty, specifically absolute and shared (divided) kinds of sovereignty.
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Perry, Glenn E. "Popular Sovereignty, Islam, and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.527.
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This article examines the idea that Islam’s rejection of popular sovereignty makes it incompatible with democracy. I show instead that sovereignty (“absolute despotic power,” popular or otherwise) is a sterile, pedantic, abstruse, formalistic, and legalistic concept, and that democracy should be seen as involving “popular control” rather than “popular sovereignty.” Divine sovereignty would be inconsistent with democracy only if that meant – unlike in Islam – rule by persons claiming to be God or His infallible representatives. A body of divine law that humans cannot change would be incompatible with democracy only if it were so comprehensive as to leave no room for political decisions.
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Barber, Benjamin. "Participation and Swiss Democracy." Government and Opposition 23, no. 1 (1988): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00016997.
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AS THE GREAT HISTORIAN LOUIS HARTZ TAUGHT US IN HIS remarkable study The Liberal Tradition in America, anyone wishing to focus on the special character of a regime would do well to begin by taking the measure of what is absent rather than what is present. Like America, Switzerland has long been regarded as an exception to many of the conventional rules of historical and democratic development — Sonderfall Schweiz is how the Swiss portray and perhaps boast a little about their national exceptionalism. Switzerland possesses a unique form of democratic government the hallmarks of which are participatory democracy, neutrality and radical federalism (decentrahsm or localism, what the Swiss sometimes call Kantönligeist). These hallmarks give to it a character which stands in stark contrast to traditional Anglo-American democracy. The student of comparative politics will observe at once that a great many of Switzerland's leading political features seem to have no analogue in either the English common law or the American Constitution. Swiss democracy is English democracy minus most of English democracy's salient features: which is to say, it is scarcely English democracy at all.The powerful idea of natural rights as the armour of the individual against illegitimate authority (originally against the illegitimacy of absolute monarchy, later against the hyper-legitimacy of majoritarian tyranny) is largely missing, for example. Missing too is the tradition of an independent judiciary devoted to the protection of wholly private rights against an alien, power-mongering state. When Alexis de Tocqueville, whose liberal premises suited America so well, went looking in the Alps for something like the English liberties, he went astray. Not finding English liberties, he quite misunderstood Switzerland's regime.
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Bock, Wolfgang. "Kelsen und seine Demokratieschrift im Exil." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 138, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2021-0013.
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Abstract Kelsen and his Book “Essence and Value of Democracy” in Exile. Two recently found letters and an unpublished small introduction into a planned translation of his book on democracy shed some light on Kelsen’s conception of cultural and political foundations of democracy. His description of the democratic citizen as antagonistic to absolute values rises philosophical as well as political doubts. The status of values under philosophical, moral and legal perspectives calls for a thorough discussion.
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Bennington, Geoffrey. "The Democricy to Come." Oxford Literary Review 39, no. 1 (July 2017): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/olr.2017.0213.
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A recurrent typographical slip makes a democrat of Democritus, Demokratos of Demokritos, in an exemplary instance of the atomists' persistent analogy of atoms and letters. This essay argues that the rhythmic resonances between ancient materialism and democracy can be read in terms of a fundamental scatter that tends to deconstruct the teleologism endemic in the philosophical tradition's thinking about politics (and indeed matter). The curious resistance that scatter opposes to any kind of telos (including that of any absolute scatter) might itself make deconstruction interestingly resonate with the differential vibrations of string theory.
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신철희. "Spinoza and Democracy : ‘Absolute Rule’, the Rule of Law, and Multitude." Korean Political Science Review 50, no. 5 (December 2016): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2016.50.5.004.
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Brown, David S., and Wendy Hunter. "Democracy and Human Capital Formation." Comparative Political Studies 37, no. 7 (September 2004): 842–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004266870.
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This article examines the relationship between democratic representation and spending on education in Latin America. The authors assess the impact that democracy has on the distribution of resources between different levels of schooling and on total spending on education. Specifically, they test whether democratic governments allocate a greater share of resources to primary education, the level that benefits the largest segment of the electorate and that is most critical for human capital formation in developing countries. Using time-series cross-sectional analysis, the authors find that democracies devote a higher percentage of their educational resources to primary education and that they maintain higher absolute spending levels on education in the aggregate, thereby enhancing the prospects of human capital formation.
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Azzarà, Stefano G. "Settling Accounts with Liberalism: On the Work of Domenico Losurdo." Historical Materialism 19, no. 2 (2011): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920611x573815.
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AbstractLiberalism is currently the hegemonic world-view, capable of dictating its terms even to the very movements that antagonise it. But does the history of liberalism really coincide with that of modern democracy? In two of his recent works, Liberalism: A Counter-History and The Language of Empire, Domenico Losurdo demonstrates that this is not the case. At its origin, liberalism was not a universalistic defence of the individual’s freedom. On the contrary, it represented a demand for wresting complete self-government of civil society from the monarch. However, given that each society is traversed by deep differences and bitter conflicts, the emancipation from absolute power turned into the possibility for the strongest individuals and social forces to exercise an unprecedented absolute power over subaltern classes and ‘inferior races’. It was only after the confrontation and clash with the demands of radicalism and socialism and two world-wars that liberal thought was forced to make peace with the principles of democracy. However, contemporary liberalism seems to have forgotten its own most-recent achievements and to have returned to its eighteenth-century form: will modern democracy survive this involution?
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Roy, Debasish. "Formulation of Governance and Democracy Index (GDI) and Governance, Democracy, and Emancipation Index (GDEI): A Cross-country Empirical Study (1998 – 2017)." Open Political Science 4, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2021-0002.
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AbstractThis research paper is aimed at formulation of a composite Governance and Democracy Index (GDI) based on the six indicators of good governance by Kaufmann et al. (2003, 2007) to assess and evaluate the relative performances of 10 major democracies of the world for the time period of 20 years (1998 – 2017) (Base Year = 1996). In order to do so, three distinct methodologies are adopted based on the absolute values and relative changes in the observations of independent variables. The extended part of this research involves formulation of Governance, Democracy, and Emancipation Index (GDEI) which incorporates the Emancipative values.
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SELIMI, BEHAR. "MINORITY VETO RIGHTS IN KOSOVO’S DEMOCRACY." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 12 (June 13, 2019): 148–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.n12.8.
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The political system of Kosovo belongs to the power sharing democracies. Indeed, it has all the characteristics of Consociational Democracy. In addition to that, minority veto rights are absolute and go above the aims of this type of democracy. As it is designed in current Constitutional arrangements, even a single word of Constitution can’t be changed without minorities’ vote. This is different from other Consociational Democracies, where minorities are entitled with selected veto power only regarding their vital interests, but they cannot block constitutional decision-making. Since Kosovo is among the youngest countries worldwide, this constitutional provision can be a heavy obstacle even in the state building efforts of majority. Therefore, in this article we will try to explain in depth this constitutional arrangement versus principles of sharing power systems and versus similar democracies in the region and wider. The doctrinal constitutional interpretation, descriptive and comparative methods are the main pillars of research methodology.
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Werlin, Herbert H. "Is Lord Acton Right? Rethinking Corruption, Democracy, and Political Power." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 1 (September 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.1.1.
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This article examines Lord Acton’s famous assertion, “power tends to corrupt and absolute power, to corrupt absolutely,” including the suggestion that democratization reduces corruption. This assertion requires us to look at the meaning of political power, corruption, and democracy. By making a distinction between primary and secondary corruption (essentially, controllable and uncontrollable corruption) and between liberal democracy (emphasizing competitive politics) and classical democracy (emphasizing consensus-building politics), together with introducing Political Elasticity (PE) theory, a number of difficult questions are raised: 1. What is political power (with Hobbes and Russia, in mind)? 2. What is the linkage between political power and corruption? 3. Why is it that corruption does not necessarily prevent economic development (with China in mind)? At the conclusion the autocracy-corruption linkage is examined, as exemplified by a comparison of Singapore and Jamaica, indicating: (1) that political power, if persuasive, is not necessarily corruptive; (2) liberal or partisan democracy tends to corrupt and lawless democracy, to corrupt absolutely and (3) authoritarian regimes may recognize that controlling corruption is essential for their legitimacy and economic prosperity.
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Ritonga, Muhammad Soleh. "Demokrasi dan Penegakan Hukum dalam Wawasan Al-Qur’an." alashriyyah 7, no. 02 (October 16, 2021): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.53038/alashriyyah.v7i02.131.
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Islam is a religion that regulates people's lives. This includes democracy and law enforcement. In democracy there are several views of Muslim experts, some accept but on the condition that the power is not absolute in the hands of the people, and there are also those who reject it altogether. In the ulama democracy accepted in Islam is deliberation and consensus in matters that are in accordance with religious rules. In Islamic democracy, it is very radicalism. This can be seen from the views of some scholars of Tafsir regarding Surah Al-Baqarah verse 143 that Islam is not exceeding the limit. Meanwhile, good law enforcement can be created because of a well-executed democracy. In Islam, law enforcement is a profession that is not easy. There are criteria and ethics for judges as law enforcers so that the law can produce a fair law. In the enforcement of the law must glorify God's commandments and have a sense of compassion or concern and a deep sense of justice that is shown. Democracy and law enforcement in the perspective of the Qur'an there are ethics that must be done, so that democracy and law enforcement cannot be separated from religion as secular views separate religion from worldly problems. Religion with the guidance of the holy book Al-Qur'an plays an important role in guiding democracy and good law enforcement.
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Fajar, Fajar. "Convergence of Islam and Democracy." Al-Bayyinah 5, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35673/al-bayyinah.v5i2.1721.
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This studyattempts to analysethe relationship between Islam and democracy objectively with logical rational arguments. It aims to clarify the differences between Islam and democracy in terms of values and concepts, in addition to explaining the reasons for the rejection of some Muslims against democracy and the arguments underlying their rejection. Then, itattempts to draw a theoretical relationship between Islam and democracy by asking critical questions, logical assumptions, and arguments that rely on the empirical practice of implementing democracy in Indonesia. Islam and democracy were born from two different ontological areas. Islam as a religion is believed to be sacred and absolute truth because ontologically its teachings come from God. While the democratic political system was born from the historical trajectory of human cultural development, it means that democracy is profane secular, and the truth is contextual perspective of the status quo of Muslim elite power politics. The concept of democracy in terms of genealogy, values, and orientation is not entirely the same as Islamic teachings, but it is not denied that Islamic teachings are in many respects substantially in line with the concept of democracy. Thus, Indonesia is a country with the largest Muslim population in the world, so it is fitting for Indonesian Muslims to become enforcers of democracy based on human religious values. That is a model of democracy that not only provides a place for the growth of people's beliefs or religiosity, but also provides space for the realization of human rights. Therefore, democracy as a concept, in its implementation, of course, must be adapted to the context and culture of the local community, especially Islamic communities such as in Indonesia and in the Middle East.
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Vasilev, George. "The Uneasy Alliance between Consensus and Democracy." Review of Politics 77, no. 1 (2015): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670514000849.
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AbstractConsensus both serves and threatens democratic inclusion. On the one hand it provides the means for individuals to will in common. On the other hand, it can impose assimilatory pressures that marginalize perspectives at odds with the prevailing point of view. Agonists have responded to this tension with a call to abandon consensus-oriented politics, contending an adversarial democracy more credibly advances inclusionary and egalitarian goals. I argue this wholesale rejection of consensus is unsustainable from the very pluralist perspective agonists wish to promote. In place of the view of consensus as an unattainable and undesirable absolute, I put forward an understanding of it as a matter of degree. I contend this understanding better captures the complexity of human relations and allows us to distinguish the potential accomplishments of consensus from its potential hazards.
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Bardakoglu, Ali. "The International Symposium on Islam and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 3 (October 1, 1999): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i3.2113.
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The Foundation for Research in Islamic Sciences, (known as ISAV inTurkish) has organized over tf.llrty academic, national, and intemationalconferences on the issues facing the Muslim world today and has publishedthe proceedings of these conferences. ISAV organized the last internationalconference in this series on November 27-29, 1998, on “Islam andDemocracy.”At the outset of the symposium, Ali Ozek, the current president of ISAV,and Ali Bardakoglu, the coordinator of the symposium, made openingspeeches. The representatives of some political parties and institutionsmade protocol speeches on behalf of their parties and institutions.Mehmet Aydm, former Dean of the School of Religion, D o h EyiilUniversity, Izmir, gave the first talk, titled “Religion, Politics andDemocracy,” which set the tone for the conference. He dealt with threeconflicting orientations on the issue. The first orientation claims that thereis an intimate relationship between religion and politics; therefore, Islamrequires establishment of an Islamic state. The second orientation arguesthat there is no relationship between digion and politics, nor should therebe one. The third orientation argues that the religious may be involved inpolitics, that is, they may repxtsent the moral and religious values in thepolitical arena; analogous to the Christian Democrats in some Westerncountries, politics should be canied on while protecting “Muslim-Democrat” identity.According to Aydm it is not appropriate to defend the first thesis becauseit reflects the tendency to legitimize, as the historical experience shows, anintolerant and rigid ruling system. The existence of the social demands ofIslam weakens the second thesis. Likewise, the argument that Islam isincompatible with democracy because absolute rule belongs to Allah issimilarly weak, it harms Islam and hinders a healthy development ofdemocracy in Muslim societies within the framework of the rule of lawbecause it reduced Islam to the level of secular ideologies. Similarly, it isobservable that secularism has been mispemived by the two extreme ...
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Ferrara, Federico. "The legend of King Prajadhipok: Tall tales and stubborn facts on the seventh reign in Siam." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 3, 2012): 4–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463411000646.
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The figure of King Prajadhipok (r. 1925–35), Siam's last absolute monarch, remains of great significance to Thailand's contemporary political discourse. King Prajadhipok's historical role as the ‘founding father’ of Thai democracy, in particular, lies at the heart of the Chakri dynasty's claim to democratic legitimacy — a claim that is now widely questioned, both at home and abroad. This article re-examines King Prajadhipok's conduct in the early days of constitutional government in Siam. While the King's status as the father of Thai democracy is exposed as a myth, his actual historical legacy is shown to have been no less profound.
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Wartoyo, Franciscus Xaverius, and Benyamin Tungga. "THE CONSEPT AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION OF INDONESIAN LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS BASED ON THE PANCASILA DEMOCRACY PERSPECTIVE." Yustisia Jurnal Hukum 8, no. 1 (April 27, 2019): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/yustisia.v0ixx.13226.
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<p>Indonesia’s democracy system was built on the basis and the strength of Pancasila, which did not favor the excessive desires of individual negotiations (liberalism) neither absolute state domination, non-liberalism, namely direct and indirect democracy that was once practiced. Those forms have their own weaknesses, but this paper will only highlight the positive side of the open democratic system, sincerely the democratic system of this nation is Pancasila democracy which refers to those two major forces of democracy. The implementation of Pancasila’s democracy in the Legislative Election can be shown in Law Number 7 of 2017 on the General Elections 2019 in Indonesia. The history of the implementation of elections in Indonesia revealed a variety of dynamics indicated by several changes in the constitutional law which were used as the basis for the implementation of elections. The publication of the Election Law is the elaboration of the provisions of Article 22E of the 1945 Indonesian Constitution. This means that the principles of democracy contained within 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, must become the main foundations in designing norms in Law Number 7 of 2017 on the General Elections 2019, as happened, it turns out that the parliamentary threshold regulation within the Constitutional Law are ineffective in implementing this democracy.</p>
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Zulkarnain, Fisher, Aminu Yahaya Muhammad, Babayo Sule, and Asep Abdul Sahid. "When the East Meets the West: Analysing Rached Ghannouci’s Synthesis of Democracy in Islam." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2022): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.10.
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Democracy is being pushed aggressively on a global scale as the best and final form of government without even an alternative offered to the opposing views by the champions of the system in the 21st century. The main arguments presented by the apologies of democracy is its feasibility of providing and guaranteeing freedom of speech, liberty of choosing a leadership, accountability and transparency. However, this view is being perceived with cynicism in other parts of the world particularly the Islamic world where the absolute sovereignty and laws are referred to from a divine source. Most of the contemporary Islamic scholars are not against democracy except where its principles such as man-made laws are regarded as supreme over the Shari’ah law. But, Rached Ghannouchi, a Tunisian activist and a political leader believed that there is a perfect way to synthesise between the Western liberal democracy and Islamic governance through the side line of political Islam and the full Islamisation of democracy in practice. Ghannouchi’s combination of ideology, philosophy and activism earned him a status of an Islamic democratic philosopher in the 21st century. This study critically examined the efforts made by Ghannouchi in Islamizing democracy using a rhetorical analytical approach of linking and comparing the early Islamic philosophy on democracy and Ghannouchi’s ideas to arrive at a position of policy implication for democratic governance in the Muslim world.
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Dubrovin, Vladimir, Yulia Solovarova, Aigul Zaripova, and Aidar Zakirov. "Heuristic Potential of Sammy Smooha Ethnic Democracy Concept." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 68 (March 7, 2021): 243–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3968.15.
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The article next to the hermeneutic methodology examines the key aspects of a special model of political regime: the "ethnic democracy" of S. Smooha, which is based on the idea of the development of an ethnic nation in a state. According to this author's point of view, the main idea of this form of stability is the absolute control of the ethnic majority over the minority. It examines the reasons for the emergence of "ethnic democracy", the characteristics of its implementation in practice and the conditions of stability. When this model is implemented in practice, the State pursues the objective of central ethnic-national development in the country, as well as its isolation from other ethnic groups. Under the concept of "ethnic democracy" the ethnic minority is granted limited rights, the state constantly monitors its scope, considering the interests of the "main" nation. It is concluded that the implementation of the "ethnic democracy" model deliberately violates the right to self-identification of a part of the population (ethnic minority), therefore "ethnic democracy" is an element of state policy that addresses inequality or a desire for total assimilation.
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Pandor, Pius. "Transformasi Tiga Pilar Demokrasi Modern dalam Populisme Menurut Nadia Urbinati." Studia Philosophica et Theologica 19, no. 2 (March 11, 2020): 238–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35312/spet.v19i2.191.
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Populism is an old phenomenon but a new phenomenon that was brought up in power politics. Because it is something new, understanding the phenomenon of populism is also diverse. Some see it as a political movement that threatens constitutional democracy, but there are also those who see it as a movement to rejuvenate democracy. Urbinati, author of the book Me The People. How Populism Transforms Democracy, sees populism as a movement for power. According to her, populism changed the three pillars of modern democracy, namely the people (rakyat), the principle of majority (prinsip mayoritas), and the system of representation (sistem perwakilan) by reinterpreting the three. People are no longer understood as people who have sovereignty but people as masses who are united based on party, religion, ideology, and so on. The principle of majority is no longer understood procedurally to gain power but as control of others. Representation is not understood as an envoy but as ownership, whichis the embodiment of the people who have absolute power over the people. With these three transformations, according to the author, populism is a product of the failure of the malfunctions of party’s democracy
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Fradkin, Hillel G. "The “Separation” of Religion and Polities: The Paradoxes of Spinoza." Review of Politics 50, no. 4 (1988): 603–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500041978.
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Benedict Spinoza is the first philosophical proponent of liberal democracy. In his Theologico-Political Tractate he calls for the liberation of philosophy from theology and for the subordination of religion to politics. Though Spinoza may have not influenced the American Founding Fathers directly, both the clarity and the paradoxes of his arguments are perhaps the best guide to understanding better the present-day conflicts over religion and politics in the United States. Spinoza's insistence on the prerogative of the political sovereign to exercise absolute authority in the sphere of moral action necessarily complicates religious values. But the “inconveniences” resulting from liberal democracy are justified in terms of justice.
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Haberkorn, Tyrell. "Under and beyond the Law: Monarchy, Violence, and History in Thailand." Politics & Society 49, no. 3 (August 2, 2021): 311–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211033073.
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Since the end of the absolute monarchy in Thailand on June 24, 1932, the rulers and the ruled have been locked into struggle, often violent, over what form the polity and the people’s participation in it should take. This essay examines this struggle, the imagination of justice, and the inability to consolidate democracy, or even a stable government, through the lens of the monarchy, which has remained beyond accountability. Violence committed to preserve the monarchy forecloses democracy and fosters a form of what can be called modern absolutist monarchy, when some lives are visibly placed beyond the law’s protection from violence and others are made dispensable by being made subject to repressive enforcement of the law. The emergence in 2020 of a daring challenge to the position of the monarchy beyond the law refracts both the dangers it poses to democracy and the urgency of imagining a new Thai polity.
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Kwak, Joonghyun, Irina Tomescu-Dubrow, Kazimierz M. Slomczynski, and Joshua K. Dubrow. "Youth, Institutional Trust, and Democratic Backsliding." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 9 (July 16, 2020): 1366–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220941222.
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In recent decades, many countries ranging from quasidemocratic regimes to well-established democracies have faced democratic backsliding. In this study, we draw on Foa and Mounk and other related literature to examine the effects of regime delegitimation on democratic backsliding, focusing on youth’s trust in political institutions—parliament, legal systems, and political parties—relative to trust of the older population. We use an unbalanced panel data set that combines a country-year indicator of liberal democracy from the Varieties of Democracy project with aggregate survey-based measures of absolute and relative institutional trust from the Survey Data Recycling database; the data set covers 46 countries from 2009 to 2017. We find that the ratio of youth’s institutional trust to that of older persons has a substantive effect on the quality of liberal democracy in the future, and that the effect is amplified by the relative size of the youth population.
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SUBRAHMANYAN, ARJUN. "Education, Propaganda, and the People: Democratic paternalism in 1930s Siam." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (April 13, 2015): 1122–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000523.
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AbstractOn the morning of 24 June 1932 the ‘People's Party’, a small group of civil and military bureaucrats, toppled the Thai absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy. This article discusses the establishment of democracy as an endeavour in ‘democratic paternalism,’ by which is meant the Party's attempt to establish a new moral and intellectual leadership that had as its main goal the creation of a depoliticized democratic citizenry. To implement their programme for democracy, the Party embarked on an ambitious plan to modernize education and explain popular sovereignty through countrywide lectures and radio programmes. The democratic paternalist effort had mixed results. State weakness limited the reach of the educational and propaganda campaigns, and further the ‘people’ in whose name the revolution was staged, constituted two different groups: a largely illiterate peasantry and a small, incipient new intelligentsia. Because of its limited capacity, the People's Party tasked the second group with assisting in democratic mentorship of the masses, but many in this second category of people had a broader conception of democracy than the Party's ‘top-down’ model and criticized the Party for its paternalist constraints on popular sovereignty. Democratic paternalism and frustration with the limits imposed on popular democracy are two central aspects of this period of history that have endured in Thai society.
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Riley, Jonathan. "On the Possibility of Liberal Democracy." American Political Science Review 79, no. 4 (December 1985): 1135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956252.
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A complex liberal version of utilitarianism is introduced which bears similarities to John Stuart Mill's moral and political philosophy and offers a promising approach to liberal democratic theory. Formally, liberal utilitarianism is represented as a type of generalized social welfare functional which maps any given set of individual vector-valued utility functions into a social ordering. The generalized social welfare functional in question relies on the experienced members of society to classify ond compare the different kinds of utilities found in individual vectors; to grant and protect libertarian rights with respect to a well-defined private kind of individual utilities; and to make the interpersonal comparisons required to aggregate over each of the public kinds of individual utilities. At the same time, it is dynamic in that it implicitly comprehends many different levels of a society's moral development from a liberal perspective.An axiomatization of the ideal liberal utilitarian social welfare functional is provided such that, on the one hand, each person has an absolute right to individual liberty over the issues within his private sphere, and, on the other hand, has an equal voice in a liberty-respecting, strongly monotonk, anonymous and neutral public choice rule operating in a distinct public sphere. The harmony of these private and public components implies the possibility of an ideal liberal democracy.
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Chacón, Mario, James A. Robinson, and Ragnar Torvik. "When is Democracy an Equilibrium? Theory and Evidence from Colombia’s La Violencia." Journal of Conflict Resolution 55, no. 3 (April 26, 2011): 366–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711401871.
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The conventional wisdom is that for a democracy to be consolidated, all groups must have a chance to attain power. If they do not, then they will subvert democracy and choose to fight for power. In this article, the authors show that this wisdom is seriously incomplete because it considers absolute, not relative payoffs. Although the probability of winning an election increases with the size of a group, so does the probability of winning an armed conflict. Thus, in a situation in which all groups have a high chance of winning an election, they may also have a high chance of winning a fight. Indeed, in a natural model, the authors show that democracy may never be consolidated in such a situation. Rather, democracy may only be stable when one group is dominant. The authors explore this key aspect of the theory using data from La Violencia, a political conflict in Colombia during the years 1946—1950 between the Liberal and Conservative parties. Consistent with their results, and contrary to conventional wisdom, the authors show that fighting between the parties was more intense in municipalities where the support of the parties was more evenly balanced.
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MZ, H. ISMAIL. "EKSISTENSI DEMOKRASI DAN KORUPSI BIROKRASI PELAYANAN PUBLIK DI INDONSIA." GANEC SWARA 15, no. 2 (September 11, 2021): 1211. http://dx.doi.org/10.35327/gara.v15i2.238.
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The purpose of this research is to study and analyze democracy is a system of government that is considered the best, not only because this system is the most historic discussion, but also the democratic system is considered the best system of governance in several countries in the world. Based on the opinions of experts and experts as well as the results of research on the choice of the democratic system in Indonesia, it is based on the desire for the existence of political parties as an extension of the people's hands as a channel for their aspirations. The existence of a political party is an absolute prerequisite for a country that practices a democratic system. Democracy and political parties are like two sides of a coin that cannot be separated from one another. That choosing a democratic system is assumed to be able to encourage efforts to eradicate corruption and reduce poverty. Through this research, the author tries to trace the relationship between the implementation of democracy and corruption of the public service bureaucracy in Indonesia. Democracy demands transparency and honesty, while corruption is anti-transparency and honesty.
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Brovkin, Vladimir V. "On the Role of Greek Philosophy in the Formation of Hellenistic Monarchies." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 460 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/460/7.
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The article deals with the question of the influence of Greek philosophy on the formation of Hellenistic monarchies. According to one point of view, theories of Greek philosophers on kingship played an important role in the formation of absolutism in the Hellenistic monarchies. It is believed that it is in the classical Greek philosophy that the ideas on absolute monarchy as the best state structure and on the legal rights of an outstanding person to royal power were developed. In the course of the study, the author infers that Greek philosophy did not have a significant impact on the formation of absolutism in Hellenistic monarchies. The Greek philosophers’ doctrines of kingship were significantly different from the type of power that was characteristic of the Hellenistic monarchies. Leading political philosophers of the IV century BC Plato and Aristotle were supporters of two types of monarchy: a moderate monarchy in which the royal power is limited by law and an absolute monarchy based on the exceptional virtue of the king. In the Hellenistic monarchies, the unlimited power of the king was originally associated with military-political power. At the same time, the author finds that Greek philosophy had an indirect influence on the formation of absolute monarchies in the period of early Hellenism. This influence consisted in the fact that Greek philosophers criticized the sociopolitical system of Greece and the main types of polity of the state – democracy and oligarchy. Plato and Aristotle sharply criticized extreme forms of oligarchy and democracy in their works. At the same time, as the author has established, philosophers were supporters of moderate democracy and oligarchy. The sophists, the cynics and the Cyrenaics also actively criticized the values and traditions of polis. Thus, Greek philosophers unwittingly contributed to the weakening of the polis and the formation of absolute monarchies. The author has also found that Greek philosophers influenced the formation of the enlightened character of the rule of individual Hellenistic kings. Philosophers contributed to the upbringing of high moral qualities in the Hellenistic kings. This influence was especially evident in Alexander the Great, Ptolemy I Soter, Ptolemy II Philadelphus and Antigonus II Gonatas. In the final part of the article, the author comes to the conclusion that the main role in the formation of absolute monarchies in the period of early Hellenism was played by the ancient Eastern political traditions, as well as by the nature of the formation of Hellenistic kingdoms and their ethnic composition.
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Shleifer, Andrei. "The Age of Milton Friedman." Journal of Economic Literature 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.47.1.123.
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Between 1980 and 2005, as the world embraced free market policies, living standards rose sharply, while life expectancy, educational attainment, and democracy improved and absolute poverty declined. Is this a coincidence? A collection of essays edited by Balcerowicz and Fischer argues that indeed reliance on free market forces is key to economic growth. A book by Stiglitz and others disagrees. I review and compare the two arguments.
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Tilzey, Mark. "Food Democracy as ‘Radical’ Food Sovereignty: Agrarian Democracy and Counter-Hegemonic Resistance to the Neo-Imperial Food Regime." Politics and Governance 7, no. 4 (October 28, 2019): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i4.2091.
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This article argues that a thoroughgoing and meaningful food democracy should entail something closely akin to ‘radical’ food sovereignty, a political programme which confronts the key social relational bases of capitalism. The latter comprise, in essence, ‘primitive accumulation,’ the alienability or commodification of land and other fundamental use values, and market dependence. A thoroughgoing food democracy of this kind thus challenges the structural separation of the ‘economic’ and ‘political’ spheres within capitalism and the modern state (the state-capital nexus), a separation which enables purely political rights and obligations (‘political’ freedom or formal democracy) whilst simultaneously leaving unconstrained the economic powers of capital and their operation through market dependence (‘economic’ unfreedom or the lack of substantive democracy). We argue that much ‘food democracy’ discourse remains confined to this level of ‘political’ freedom and that, if food sovereignty is to be realized, this movement needs to address ‘economic’ unfreedom, in other words, to subvert capitalist social-property relations. We argue further that the political economy of food constitutes but a subset of these wider social relations, such that substantive food democracy is seen here to entail, like ‘radical’ food sovereignty, an abrogation of the three pillars upholding capitalism (primitive accumulation, absolute property rights, market dependence) as an intrinsic part of a wider and more integrated movement towards <em>livelihood</em> sovereignty. We argue here that the abrogation of these conditions upholding the state-capital nexus constitutes an essential part of the transformation of capitalist social-property relations towards common ‘ownership’―or, better, stewardship―of the means of livelihood, of which substantive food democracy is a key component.
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Chowdhury, Jashim Ali. "Constitutional Reform in Bangladesh: Exploring the Agenda." Northern University Journal of Law 1 (April 7, 2014): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/nujl.v1i0.18524.
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The Bangladeshi brand of democracy has caused some horrible nightmares in recent times. Though democracy in Bangladesh has got a certain degree of consolidation during the last eighteen years, she could not make significant progress in consolidating her democratic institutions.1 Over the years Bangladesh has gone through a phase of illiberal democracy with the politicians behaving autocratically, rewarding political supporters and punishing the opposition. Partisan, financial and personal interests curbed the bureaucracy, judiciary, police or even the legislature.2 Disorder became the order, irregular the regular, and Machiavellism the political culture.3 On the other hand, the concept of separation of power has got a violent blow in the Constitution of Bangladesh. What the Constitution has done can very well be described as assignment of powers of the Republic to the three organs of the Government.4 Concentration of power in the hands of Prime Minister resulted in paralyzing both the judiciary and legislature with leviathan omnipotence of the executive. Todays Bangladesh may well be termed a one legged state while the theory of separation of power contemplates a three legged one. Much water has already flown by and considerable amount of silt has filed up on this issue. Someone sought overnight purified democracy suitable to the genius of the people of Bangladesh while some other relentlessly asserted their absolute faith in West Ministerial Democracy and advocated for going slow, giving democracy a chance to learn from trial and error. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/nujl.v1i0.18524 Northern University Journal of Law Vol.1 2010: 39-50
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Pearse, Harry. "Refurbishing Democracy: More Direct, More Deliberative, and Younger." Perspectives on Public Management and Governance 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvab029.
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Abstract What would it mean to (better) integrate children into democratic life? This essay attempts to dispel some potential reservations and explore the grounds for including children in deliberative and/or electoral processes. Across the world, public satisfaction with democracy is at historic lows, with young people particularly dissatisfied, both in absolute terms and relative to older cohorts at the same age. The situation is not terminal; the overall number of democracies has declined slightly over the past two decades, but the world’s most established democracies have stayed largely intact and are relatively stable. That said, to be successful in the long term, a political system must be seen to be working, and if people’s dissatisfaction with democracy is allowed to fester, their belief and trust in it will drain away. To ensure this does not happen, (representative) democracy—which, in institutional terms, has remained largely unchanged for the past 50–100 years—will need to renew itself. This could take various forms. But one option—and the focus of this essay—is to bring young people or children into the democratic arena, and deliberative democratic processes, in particular.
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Moltmann, Jürgen. "Terrorismus und politische Theologie." Evangelische Theologie 75, no. 5 (October 1, 2015): 358–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2015-0506.
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Abstract Bakunin’s anarchism on the one hand and Carl Schmitt’s State-God on the other mirror each other. Either concept is about the non-accountable, »absolute« political decision. Both modern terrorism and the political reaction to it in the »security state« follow the alternative Bakunin-Schmitt. By contrast, the »open society« of democracy needs the Christian, intelligent love of enemies to deal with its enemies without self-destruction.
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Rahutomo, Faisal, Dimas Rossiawan Hendra Putra, M. Bisri Musthofa, and Ngat Mari. "Indonesia Democracy Index (IDI) Forecasting in 2019 using Moving Average and Correlation Between IDI's Aspect Using Pearson Correlation Coefficient." Journal of Electrical, Electronic, Information, and Communication Technology 2, no. 2 (October 30, 2020): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/jeeict.2.2.41361.
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<p class="Abstract"><em>Abstract</em>—This experiment aims to analyze the forecasting of the Indonesian Democracy Index (IDI) in 2019, which uses each province data by the Moving Average method. The parameters used in this experiment refer to data obtained from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) in 2009-2018. The level of achievement of IDI is measured based on the development and implementation of 3 aspects, 11 variables, and 28 indicators. Experiment purposes to find the average percentage of absolute error MAPE (Mean Absolute Percentage Error) for each province and looks for correlations between the three main aspects of forming IDI namely civil liberties, political rights, and democratic institutions. IDI Indonesia's forecasting results in 2019 the IDI has an average value of 68.28 with a MAPE of 4.78%. The results of the correlation between the three aspects of forming the IDI using the Pearson correlation coefficient resulted in the aspect of civil liberties having no correlation with aspects of political rights or aspects of democratic institutions with Pearson values of -0.05 and -0.19. Whereas aspects of political rights correlate with democratic institutions with Pearson's value of 0.48.<em></em></p>Keywords—Forecasting, Indonesian Democracy Index, Moving Average. Pearson Correlation Coefficient
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Basuki, Udiyo. "Parpol, Pemilu dan Demokrasi: Dinamika Partai Politik dalam Sistem Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia Perspektif Demokrasi." Kosmik Hukum 20, no. 2 (July 22, 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30595/kosmikhukum.v20i2.8321.
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In a democratic country the relationship between the state and the people must be a reflection of a mutualistic symbiosis. This means that these relationships must be mutually dependent and mutually beneficial. This relationship will be evident when the political system developed by a country provides sufficient space for political activities in the community. This space for political activity will give color to democratic life in a country. The principle of democracy and people's sovereignty requires people's participation in the life of the state administration. People or citizens are not only objects, but subjects and play an important role in the life of the state. For this reason, the existence of a representative institution is an absolute that must be fulfilled in a democratic country with people's sovereignty. According to modern democracy, political parties, general elections and representative institutions are three institutions that cannot be separated from one another. That every political party will always strive to gain large popular support during general elections so that the representative institution can be dominated by the political party concerned.Keywords: political parties, general elections, democracy.
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Gulyamov, Bohdan. "RIGHTS AND DIGNITY OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN THE SOCIAL TEACHING OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF CONSTANTINOPLE." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 30(1) (February 26, 2021): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.30(1)-8.
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The concept of human rights and the dignity of the individual, contained in the new social doctrine of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, proposes to recognize modern theories of human rights and their implementation in today's democracy as self-evident truths. These truths are quite legitimate in religious discourse, because the personal dignity of man as capable of mystical communion with God is absolute. The Orthodox Church presupposes that the dignity and freedom of the individual, his vocation and perfection are much higher than all the many values and norms offered by modern secular moral and legal consciousness, relevant international acts and constitutional norms. In the field of social doctrine, this leads to the requirement of absolute recognition of classical human rights and freedoms. No conclusions are drawn about the need to accept today's expanded interpretation of human rights, because the absolute dignity of the individual is not protected for the sake of approving ideas and practices that show signs of totalitarian coercion.
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Damsholt, Tine. "Elementer i Grundtvigs politiske tænkning." Grundtvig-Studier 46, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 140–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v46i1.16186.
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Grundtvig’s Political TheoriesBy Tine DamsholtGrundtvig’s positive view of the Danish absolute monarchy has often been a problematic issue in today’s understanding of Grundtvig’s political ideas. It is a common view that in 1848 Grundtvig turned a political somersault, suddenly becoming a democrat after being a fervent adherent of absolutism. Quite a few have wanted either to see a break in Grundtvig’s political view or tried to explain away his apparently »undemocratic« attitude. However, if one examines Grundtvig’s basic political opinions, it is possible to establish a continuity in his political view. It is possible to see his apparent change of attitude as an expression of inevitable consequences of his idea of what were the central democratic elements in relation to the changing political situations.The analysis of Grundtvig’s view of democracy and representative government must take its point of departure in the political tradition that Grundtvig had grown up in. The ideal concept of the 18th century of absolute monarchy as the interpreter of the people’s voice is an essential background for the understanding of Grundtvig’s praise of Danish absolute monarchy in the period before and after the Danish constitution came into effect.Grundtvig’s political ideal can be epitomized as a unity of the two concepts of the King’s hand and the people’s voice, i.e. an absolute King listening to the people’s voice as it finds expression in a free debate, in writing and in speech, in an enlightened people. The enlightenment of the people is crucial to Grundtvig, and the gist of his criticism of the French Revolution is that the unenlightened mob assumed power. The folk high school, where the people is enlightened and educated to rise above narrow selfish interests to look at the common good, is thus a central part of Grundtvig’s political universe.Grundtvig also maintained this ideal after the Danish absolute monarchy was abolished in 1848. He claimed that this was the original and therefore the true Danish constitution, thus embracing the national-romantic tradition.
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Rousselière, Geneviève. "Fénelon, a conservative mind?" European Journal of Political Theory 20, no. 3 (March 28, 2021): 593–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14748851211002031.
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In his excellent new book, Hanley presents an engaging interpretation of Fénelon’s political thought as modern and moderate. While I salute the revival of the work of this important and forgotten author, and I concur with Hanley to see him as a courageous opponent of absolute monarchy, tyranny, and political corruption, I argue that Fénelon’s worldview was conservative, in the sense that he endorsed social hierarchy, rejected democracy, and ultimately praised subjection to God rather than reason.
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Sulistyowati, Sulistyowati. "EMPIRIC DEMOCRACY AND THE REFERENCE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN SINGLE CANDIDATE ELECTIONS." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 8, no. 1 (April 24, 2021): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v8i1.15432.
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The dynamic changes in the Law on Election for Governors, Regents, and Mayors prove that there are dynamics and progressiveness in the implementation of Pilkada. The process of the birth of laws, including the process of the birth of amendments to the Law, is a legal political process. The legal political process is under the authority of the legislator. The approach method used is normative juridical method. The power of legislators in the political and legal process is not absolute, because the government also has a domain of authority, although not as big as the authority of legislators. The result states that The legal political process always rests on the principle of normative democracy as the embodiment of the das sollen principle. At the level of implementation of the rule of law, there will always be legal anomalies, because there is a mismatch between normative democracy as the embodiment of the basic principle with empirical democracy as the embodiment of the basic sein principle. The legitimacy of a single candidate in Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents, and Mayors makes the preferences of political parties increasingly pragmatism.
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Rosenberg, Dennis, Rita Mano, and Gustavo S. Mesch. "Absolute monopoly, areas of control or democracy? Examining gender differences in health participation on social media." Computers in Human Behavior 102 (January 2020): 166–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2019.08.016.
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Mules, Warwick. "Democracy and Critique: Recovering Freedom in Nancy and Derrida." Derrida Today 3, no. 1 (May 2010): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drt.2010.0007.
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In this paper, I argue that we need to re-address the issue of freedom as it relates to democracy and critical practice. My argument is drawn out of Derrida's deconstructive reading of Jean-Luc Nancy's The Experience of Freedom which proposes freedom in ontological terms as an experience of indeterminate openness that must be thought prior to any freedom of the self. I show how Derrida's reading of Nancy's text is itself a re-enactment of the freedom that Derrida finds wanting in Nancy's text, but which, by that very fact, affirms the power of critique in its capacity to think freely. The urgency of the thought of freedom is not something that can be avoided, but is itself the fact of critique in its thinking of democracy as a possibility, as something that might come about, as distinct from an already accomplished idea. To think in this way is, I argue, a matter of virtue, that is, of being free, as the virtue of critique and its capacity to act decisively, thereby bringing something forth by risking what it already is, in the absolute possibility of it not being.
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Southall, Roger. "Democracy at Risk? Politics and Governance under the ANC." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 652, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213508068.
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The negotiated settlement of 1994 established South Africa as a constitutional democracy. Under Nelson Mandela, the new democracy basked in a glow of national reconciliation, early growth, and optimism. Subsequently, however, the national sense of collective well-being has declined. Racial inequality has narrowed, but the fundamental features of the apartheid economy remain, including a significant section of the population living in absolute poverty, despite the efforts of the government to combine economic growth with redistribution. Given the continued entrenchment of white economic power, the African National Congress (ANC) has sought to use its capture of the state to promote the empowerment of blacks. However, having assumed the characteristics of a “dominant party” assured of successive election victories, the ANC now presides over a party-state whose accountability leaves much to be desired, providing opportunity and scope for corrupt and predatory behavior by significant elements of the party’s elite. Further merging of party and state challenges constitutionalism and threatens the rule of law. It is only when the ANC’s electoral hegemony is eroded that we will discover whether, if faced by loss of power, it will obey or disregard its democratic heritage.
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Hari Murti, Ghanesya, and Degita Danur Suharsono. "DISSENSUS: UPAYA UNTUK MENGHADIRKAN PRAKTIK SASTRA DAN BUDAYA YANG LEBIH DEMOKRATIS." PARAFRASE : Jurnal Kajian Kebahasaan & Kesastraan 22, no. 1 (May 25, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/parafrase.v22i1.5808.
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Ranciere is a political thinker who wants to give a spirit of optimism in citizenship equality. This spirit sparks in his view of democracy which he emphasizes not in consensus but dissensus. This means that democracy focuces more on disagreement rather than agreement of the winner in electoral vote because for him democracy should instead focus on votes that were not won. This is an ethical question why those who are marginalized are not accomodated. Only by dissensus, appropriateness and distribution of socio-cultural roles always be transformative and dynamic. In literary works, marginalized voices are important because it is locus of conflict This means that there are undemocratic nuances in literary works which are also the main issue. On the other hand, this also proves that democracy is a struggle that is never final because there is no absolute victory, that is, it is impossible to win votes in total. Hence, there is always a reason why there are votes that are not won? As a result, the consensus of winners is constantly questioned through dissensus since there is disagreement, or reconsideration for the sake of conditions for equitable distribution of justice. Ranciere traces all the problems of democracy not only in the world of politics but also in culture and even literature, which is indeed is full of discrimination that perpetuates the social hierarchy. Thus, this paper wants to provide a conceptual framework for democratization practices in the literary and cultural space by referring to Ranciere's thoughts in order to prevent works not only good representations but also questioned majority-based truth.
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Muabezi, Zahermann Armandz. "NEGARA BERDASARKAN HUKUM (RECHTSSTAATS) BUKAN KEKUASAAN (MACHTSSTAAT)." Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan 6, no. 3 (November 30, 2017): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/jhp.6.3.2017.421-446.
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The vision of the rule of law was first forwarded by Plato and then confirmed by Aristotle. Plato’s concept stated that a good state administration is based on a good (law) arrangement, this term called nomoi. In further development Rudolf von Gneist name this term with rechtsstaat where earlier Albert Venn Dicey named it the rule of law. In principle rechtsstaat or rule of law aims to limit the rulers (government in a broad sense) attitudes and acts based on laws and regulations that apply at a certain place and time on the people. The doctrine of rechtsstaats or rule of law can only grow in a democratic country. Without the rule of law and democracy there will be only totalitarian, fascist, absolute and repressive ideology. Politics becomes the highest commander where the law become a means of maintaining the power which is inconsistent with the government. This form is called the state of power (machtsstaat). This article is trying to use empirical analysis. The doctrine of the state of law and democracy are both the attributes of the modern state of a political system built more than two centuries ago. The transformation of the democratic transition ensures that authoritarian rule becomes democracy based on the rule of law implying that both can be achieved together by involving all stakeholders given their respective roles and chance simultaneously according to the agreement.Keywords : rule of law, power sate, rule of law measurement, democracy
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Cooper, Alice. "Difficult Decisions: The GAL and “Schwarz-Grün” in Hamburg." German Politics and Society 32, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320401.
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In 2008 the first state-level CDU-Green coalition was formed in Hamburg. Drawing on the literature on party goals (vote-, office-, policy, internal cohesion- and democracy-seeking), this article examines the GAL's decisions to join and to end the coalition. It examines the trade-offs between party goals as they evolved in different phases of “schwarz-grün,” with particular reference to the Greens' education reform agenda. While policy- and vote-seeking complemented each other during the election campaign, vote-, office- and party unity-seeking conflicted with each other in the Greens' decision to enter a coalition with the CDU. Later, policy- and democracy-seeking conflicted with each other when a referendum organized by a citizens' initiative defeated the Greens' education reform, a defeat that contributed significantly to the premature end of the CDU-Green coalition. New elections led to defeats for vote-, office-, and policy-seeking when the SPD achieved an absolute majority.
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Jabłońska, Elżbieta. "Buthan - droga ku demokracji." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 28, 2014): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2014.1.8.
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The text attempts to provide a comprehensive overview of the most important events and factors which have influenced the establishment of democracy in the Kingdom of Bhutan. On March 2008, Bhutan officially transformed from absolute monarchy to a modern constitutional monarchy by the successful conduct of its first parliamentary elections and the promulgation of the Constitution. Fourth King of Bhutan, His Majesty Jigme Singhye Wangchuck (referred to as “the father of democratic Bhutan”), finalized a long -term vision of democratization and decentralization by giving executive power to the Council of Ministers (Lhengye Zhungtshog). Both the moral foundation, the idea of Gross National Happiness (GNH) and enlightened monarchy has been the factor that determines and organizes the social and political life in Bhutan. GNH assumes that the real development is possible only when there is a balance between economic, social, emotional, spiritual and cultural needs. The Bhutan’s way to democracy is undoubtedly successful and the hard political work which has been ongoing for years, is still evolving.
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Stanovcic, Vojislav. "The absolute power of the sovereign, bureaucracy, democracy and constitutional government in the works of Slobodan Jovanovic." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 399–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445399s.
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The papers discusses the views of Slobodan Jovanovic (1869-1958) on several phenomena of Serbia?s political and institutional development in the hundred years between the First Serbian Uprising in 1804 and the fall of the Obrenovic dynasty in 1903, and on different political systems, looking at the sources on which his thought drew upon, the ideas he was guided by and the theoretical framework of his legal and socio-political thinking. His major work, a legal theory of the state, as most of his other writings, was his own contribution to what he held to be a national mission, the building of a modern state based on the rule of law.
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Igwe, Isaac O. C. "Rule of Law and Constitutionalism in Nigerian Democracy: A Critical Relativism Discuss in the Context of International Law." ATHENS JOURNAL OF LAW 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajl.7-3-3.
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The synthesis of rule of law enthrones democracy, justice and goes with such characteristics as liberty, freedom, and the restoration of the dignity of man. The rule of law is predicated upon absolute autonomy being accorded to the judicial arms of the government of any society, state, or country. Thus, the application and interpretation of the law must be under the control of impartial courts adjudicating within the ambit of fair judicial procedures. The dialectics of power and the guiding principles of governance are anchored in the constitution which enshrines the provisions of enforceable laws. The law is the cardinal power of a nation, a direction for due process, and a guiding principle for good governance. The age of enlightenment and the middle ages have a special place for the rule of law as opposed to tyranny otherwise, life could have been chaos. The role of law cannot be left in isolation of democracy as both are interlaced as core universal principles of the civilised world. This paper will explore the rule of law as a paramount factor in constitutionalism, idealism, and realistic principles of the law of any given society. The treatise will in general terms discuss the principles of rule of law and articulate it with the hitherto Nigerian democracy. It will conclude with the argument that complete independence of the judiciary in Nigeria is paramount to ensure proper implementation of rule of law for a better Nigeria. Keywords: Rule of Law; Constitutionalism; Independent Judiciary; Tyranny; Nigerian Democracy. Rule of Law;