Academic literature on the topic 'Absolute democracy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Absolute democracy"
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Serra Cristóbal, Rosario. "De falsedades, mentiras y otras técnicas que faltan a la verdad para influir en la opinión pública." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 47 (April 29, 2021): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.47.2021.30712.
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En el mundo de la superinformación propio de la era de internet es donde determinados mensajes pueden acabar calando en la opinión pública frente a otros, cosa que puede suceder de manera fortuita o, en la mayor parte de las ocasiones, de una forma pretendida. Es ahí donde las falsedades o las mentiras (fakes) pueden encontrar un terreno abonado para crear opiniones que tienen un demostrado potencial para desestabilizar gobiernos, influir en unas elecciones o poner en riesgo valores importantes del Estado (la igualdad, la dignidad, el pluralismo, la salud…). Aunque no existe una verdad absoluta en democracia y todo es opinable, en este artículo se analiza si hay afirmaciones, —bien provenientes del gobierno o de ciudadanos o de asociaciones o partidos políticos, no importa—, que, por su absoluto desprecio al rigor informativo o por su manifiesta intención de engañar, no son admisibles, incluso aunque se realicen en el marco del debate político y, por lo tanto, en el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión. Se defiende que la democracia exige libertad informativa, y exige participación, debate y opinión, pero en esa interacción hay unas mínimas reglas de juego —unos límites— que deben respetarse si se quiere hablar de una garantía democrática básica.In the world of superinformation featuring the Internet times, certain messages take root in the public opinion before other ones. This happens by hazard or, most often, intentionally. Falsehoods or fakes find a fertile ground to create opinions with proven potential to destabilize governments, influence elections or jeopardize important State values such as equality, dignity, pluralism, health, etc. Notwithstanding the lack of absolute truth in democracy, this article analyzes those statements issued by government, private citizens, associations or political parties, that, because of their absolute disregard for rigorous information or because of clear intention to deceive, cannot be admissible. This is so even if they are expressed in a political debate context as a result of free expression enjoyment. Democracy requires freedom of information, and demands participation, debate and opinion. In that interaction, nonetheless, minimum rules of the game —limits— must be respected so as to secure a basic democratic safeguard.
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Khoeruman, Ade Aam. "Dialog Asal dan Lokal dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Islam." Jurnal Iman dan Spiritualitas 1, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 557–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jis.v1i4.15045.
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Some of the government systems that we know include theocracy, autocracy, monarchy, and democracy. Considering the principles of Islamic teachings above, the most appropriate is a democratic system, although not all follow Islamic instructions. Democracy holds absolute power in the people, while in Islam this is not the case. The Indonesian people have a democracy that is different from western democracies. This is because Indonesia adheres to a democracy that believes in the one and only God, i.e., Pancasila.
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Hrubec, Marek. "A Comparison of Models of Economic Democracy: Towards the World of Shared Sovereignty." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341380.
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The article focuses on a comparison of three models of economic democracy: participative democracy, enterprise (co-operative) economic democracy, and autonomous economic democracy. It analyzes the main characteristics of the models, and their advantages and disadvantages. It also stresses that, at the age of global interactions, we cannot develop economic democracy in a meaningful way only within a framework of nation states because they are too small to manage big macro-regional and global problems. That is why we have to face an issue of recognition of state sovereignty, specifically absolute and shared (divided) kinds of sovereignty.
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Perry, Glenn E. "Popular Sovereignty, Islam, and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.527.
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This article examines the idea that Islam’s rejection of popular sovereignty makes it incompatible with democracy. I show instead that sovereignty (“absolute despotic power,” popular or otherwise) is a sterile, pedantic, abstruse, formalistic, and legalistic concept, and that democracy should be seen as involving “popular control” rather than “popular sovereignty.” Divine sovereignty would be inconsistent with democracy only if that meant – unlike in Islam – rule by persons claiming to be God or His infallible representatives. A body of divine law that humans cannot change would be incompatible with democracy only if it were so comprehensive as to leave no room for political decisions.
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Barber, Benjamin. "Participation and Swiss Democracy." Government and Opposition 23, no. 1 (1988): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00016997.
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AS THE GREAT HISTORIAN LOUIS HARTZ TAUGHT US IN HIS remarkable study The Liberal Tradition in America, anyone wishing to focus on the special character of a regime would do well to begin by taking the measure of what is absent rather than what is present. Like America, Switzerland has long been regarded as an exception to many of the conventional rules of historical and democratic development — Sonderfall Schweiz is how the Swiss portray and perhaps boast a little about their national exceptionalism. Switzerland possesses a unique form of democratic government the hallmarks of which are participatory democracy, neutrality and radical federalism (decentrahsm or localism, what the Swiss sometimes call Kantönligeist). These hallmarks give to it a character which stands in stark contrast to traditional Anglo-American democracy. The student of comparative politics will observe at once that a great many of Switzerland's leading political features seem to have no analogue in either the English common law or the American Constitution. Swiss democracy is English democracy minus most of English democracy's salient features: which is to say, it is scarcely English democracy at all.The powerful idea of natural rights as the armour of the individual against illegitimate authority (originally against the illegitimacy of absolute monarchy, later against the hyper-legitimacy of majoritarian tyranny) is largely missing, for example. Missing too is the tradition of an independent judiciary devoted to the protection of wholly private rights against an alien, power-mongering state. When Alexis de Tocqueville, whose liberal premises suited America so well, went looking in the Alps for something like the English liberties, he went astray. Not finding English liberties, he quite misunderstood Switzerland's regime.
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Bock, Wolfgang. "Kelsen und seine Demokratieschrift im Exil." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 138, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2021-0013.
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Abstract Kelsen and his Book “Essence and Value of Democracy” in Exile. Two recently found letters and an unpublished small introduction into a planned translation of his book on democracy shed some light on Kelsen’s conception of cultural and political foundations of democracy. His description of the democratic citizen as antagonistic to absolute values rises philosophical as well as political doubts. The status of values under philosophical, moral and legal perspectives calls for a thorough discussion.
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Bennington, Geoffrey. "The Democricy to Come." Oxford Literary Review 39, no. 1 (July 2017): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/olr.2017.0213.
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A recurrent typographical slip makes a democrat of Democritus, Demokratos of Demokritos, in an exemplary instance of the atomists' persistent analogy of atoms and letters. This essay argues that the rhythmic resonances between ancient materialism and democracy can be read in terms of a fundamental scatter that tends to deconstruct the teleologism endemic in the philosophical tradition's thinking about politics (and indeed matter). The curious resistance that scatter opposes to any kind of telos (including that of any absolute scatter) might itself make deconstruction interestingly resonate with the differential vibrations of string theory.
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신철희. "Spinoza and Democracy : ‘Absolute Rule’, the Rule of Law, and Multitude." Korean Political Science Review 50, no. 5 (December 2016): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2016.50.5.004.
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Brown, David S., and Wendy Hunter. "Democracy and Human Capital Formation." Comparative Political Studies 37, no. 7 (September 2004): 842–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004266870.
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This article examines the relationship between democratic representation and spending on education in Latin America. The authors assess the impact that democracy has on the distribution of resources between different levels of schooling and on total spending on education. Specifically, they test whether democratic governments allocate a greater share of resources to primary education, the level that benefits the largest segment of the electorate and that is most critical for human capital formation in developing countries. Using time-series cross-sectional analysis, the authors find that democracies devote a higher percentage of their educational resources to primary education and that they maintain higher absolute spending levels on education in the aggregate, thereby enhancing the prospects of human capital formation.
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Azzarà, Stefano G. "Settling Accounts with Liberalism: On the Work of Domenico Losurdo." Historical Materialism 19, no. 2 (2011): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920611x573815.
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AbstractLiberalism is currently the hegemonic world-view, capable of dictating its terms even to the very movements that antagonise it. But does the history of liberalism really coincide with that of modern democracy? In two of his recent works, Liberalism: A Counter-History and The Language of Empire, Domenico Losurdo demonstrates that this is not the case. At its origin, liberalism was not a universalistic defence of the individual’s freedom. On the contrary, it represented a demand for wresting complete self-government of civil society from the monarch. However, given that each society is traversed by deep differences and bitter conflicts, the emancipation from absolute power turned into the possibility for the strongest individuals and social forces to exercise an unprecedented absolute power over subaltern classes and ‘inferior races’. It was only after the confrontation and clash with the demands of radicalism and socialism and two world-wars that liberal thought was forced to make peace with the principles of democracy. However, contemporary liberalism seems to have forgotten its own most-recent achievements and to have returned to its eighteenth-century form: will modern democracy survive this involution?
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Absolute democracy"
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Kang, Kathryn Muriel. "Agnostic democracy : the decentred "I" of the 1990s." University of Sydney. Economics and Political Science, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/667.
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The thesis concerns the dynamics during the 1990s of political action by many groups of people, in what came to be called the movement of movements. The activists, who held that corporations were overstepping some mark, worked on alternative arrangements for self-rule. The thesis views the movement as micropolitics, using concepts devised by Deleuze and Guattari. It sets out particulars of the rhizomic make -up of the movement. A key point is that the movement trains participants in decentred organisation, which entails the forming of subject-groups as opposed to subjugated groups. The thesis records how the movement was shaped by earlier events in political action and thinking, especially from the 1960s on. The movement had previously been read as a push for absolute democracy (Hardt and Negri). The thesis shows that reading to have been incomplete: the movement is, in part, a push for agonistic democracy. More a practice than a form of rule, agonistic democracy is found where state power is bent on not moulding peoples into any unified polity. It is found where state power fosters conflicted-self-rule, so that every citizen may engage in the polity as a decentred "I". The thesis throws light on relations between the movement and the constitutionalist state. Part of the movement, while cynical about the existing form of state rule, wears a mask of obedience to constituted authority. When one upholds the fiction of legitimate rule, one can use the fiction as a restraint on the cynics-in-power. The play creates a shadow social contract, producing detente within the polity and within the �I.� The thesis also reports on a search in mainstream cinema for some expression of the movement's dynamics. The search leads to a cycle of thrillers, set in a nonfiction frame story about a coverup of gross abuse of state power.
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Kang, Kathryn Muriel. "Agonistic democracy : the decentred "I" of the 1990s." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/667.
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The thesis concerns the dynamics during the 1990s of political action by many groups of people, in what came to be called the movement of movements. The activists, who held that corporations were overstepping some mark, worked on alternative arrangements for self-rule. The thesis views the movement as micropolitics, using concepts devised by Deleuze and Guattari. It sets out particulars of the rhizomic make -up of the movement. A key point is that the movement trains participants in decentred organisation, which entails the forming of subject-groups as opposed to subjugated groups. The thesis records how the movement was shaped by earlier events in political action and thinking, especially from the 1960s on. The movement had previously been read as a push for absolute democracy (Hardt and Negri). The thesis shows that reading to have been incomplete: the movement is, in part, a push for agonistic democracy. More a practice than a form of rule, agonistic democracy is found where state power is bent on not moulding peoples into any unified polity. It is found where state power fosters conflicted-self-rule, so that every citizen may engage in the polity as a decentred "I". The thesis throws light on relations between the movement and the constitutionalist state. Part of the movement, while cynical about the existing form of state rule, wears a mask of obedience to constituted authority. When one upholds the fiction of legitimate rule, one can use the fiction as a restraint on the cynics-in-power. The play creates a shadow social contract, producing detente within the polity and within the "I". The thesis also reports on a search in mainstream cinema for some expression of the movement's dynamics. The search leads to a cycle of thrillers, set in a nonfiction frame story about a coverup of gross abuse of state power.
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Gissinger-Bosse, Célia. "Vers une conversion démocratique : analyse du dispositif de parole de la cour d'assises." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAG018/document.
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Notre thèse se propose d’analyser l’expérience des jurés populaires en cour d’assises. À partir d’entretiens réalisés avec d’anciens jurés ainsi que des Présidents d’assises et d’observations de procès d’assises, nous souhaitons montrer que l’expérience du jugement déstabilise les certitudes des jurés. Le changement qui se produit chez ces jurés est analysé à partir de la notion de conversion démocratique. Cette analogie doit nous permettre d’expliquer le processus qui se met en place chez les jurés tout au long de leur expérience. Notre thèse analyse donc un dispositif de parole à portée démocratique. Sont ainsi étudiés le rituel de la procédure, la construction de l’intime conviction et le rôle du président dans la formation du jugement. Ces éléments, mis en parallèle avec l’expérience des jurés, permettent d’identifier les différentes étapes de leur conversion. La construction de leur intime conviction, analysée comme une véritable faculté de juger, est au cœur du processus de conversion démocratique. L’expérience du jugement s’avère donc être aussi importante pour les jurés que nous avons rencontré, que pour la démocratie elle-mêmeOur thesis wishes to analyze the experience of juries inside criminal justice. From various interviews made with former jurors and Presidents of criminal justice as well as observations of real court sessions, we would like to show that the practice of judgement has a disturbing effect on the jurors’ convictions. The shift occurring inside the jurors’ mind is analysed through the concept of democratic conversion. This analogy will enable us to explain the process taking place inside each juror all along their experience. Our thesis analyses this “oral system” as a process heading towards democratization. Thus, we will study the ritual of penal process, the building of the absolute conviction and the Presidents’ contribution inside the final verdict. Those elements, compared with the experience of the jurors, give us the opportunity to identify the several steps of their conversion. All of these changes are strongly linked with the importance that the jurors give to the decision they have to make. The building of their absolute conviction, analysed as a true ability to judge, is at the core of the process of democratic conversion. The experience of judgement tends to be as crucial for the jurors we’ve met as for the democracy itself
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Lindström, Anton. "Den absoluta sanningens konsekvenser för demokratin." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-148995.
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the adherence to absolute truth and moraluniversalism is compatible with democracy. The starting point is that there is absolute truthand absolute values.My thesis is that democracy in the form of universal suffrage is not necessarily in the wayof truth, but rather party politics and representative democracy. Abolishing the parties may besufficient to overcome both truth relativism and moral relativism, and thus provide analternative to abolishing universal suffrage. I suggest the problem lies in party politics, andthe way in which political talks are conducted, rather than in the right to vote.The investigation shows that democracy only have instrumental value. It shall be judgedbased on how well it promotes absolute truth and absolute values. Furthermore, representativedemocracy does not promote absolute truth and absolute values. One alternative isepistocracy. Another option is to abolish the parties, preserve universal suffrage, and createconditions for a new form of political dialogue. The conclusion is that the latter option is bestfor promoting the absolute truth.
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Soares, Ana Cristina Costa. "O problema da autonomia do Supremo Tribunal Federal: tribunal desconhecido ou monarca absoluto?" Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2014. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/814.
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Este trabalho teve por objetivo investigar a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal como instituição que exerce um papel indispensável na vida democrática brasileira. A intensidade com que essa instituição se desincumbe de sua importante missão não permaneceu a mesma ao longo dos anos. O protagonismo e autonomia atual não se identificam com o papel secundário exercido pelo Supremo no período anterior ao advento da Constituição de 1988. Com um desenho conformado pelo constituinte de 1987 após o fim do regime militar, a Constituição de 1988, bem como mudanças significativas na organização da sociedade brasileira, possibilitaram a ampliação de uma vida democrática no país. Teóricos que estudam essa mudança confirmam um movimento no sentido de uma judicialização da política no Brasil promovida por essas condições e pelo Supremo, que impõe ao Tribunal uma necessária inserção no jogo político entre os poderes representativos do Estado. Para compreender esse movimento o trabalho realizou estudo comparativo entre os modelos de cortes constitucionais e entre os debates teóricos sobre a atuação das cortes. A judicialização da política e o ativismo judicial serviram como base interpretativa das decisões do Supremo e a sua consequente autonomia.
This thesis aimed to investigate the acts of the Supreme Court as an institution which plays an essential role in the Brazilian democratic life. The intensity with which this institution performs its important mission has not remained the same over the years. The current role and autonomy do not correspond to the secondary role played by the Supreme Court in the period of time before the Constitution of 1988. With a design composed by the constituent of 1987 after the end of military rule, the 1988 Constitution, as well as significant changes in the organization of the Brazilian society, allowed the expansion of democratic life in the country. Theorists who study such change confirm a movement towards a judicialization of politics in Brazil promoted by these conditions and by the Supreme Court, which impose a necessary inclusion in the political game between the representative branches of government. In order to understand this movement, a comparative study between the models of constitutional courts and between theoretical debates about the role of the courts was performed. The judicialization of politics and judicial activism served as interpretative basis for decisions of the Supreme and its consequent autonomy.
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Mbuli, Bhekizizwe Ntuthuko. "Poverty reduction strategies in South Africa." Diss., 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2293.
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Between 45-57% of South Africans are estimated to be engulfed by poverty. In an attempt to identify policy instruments that could help change this status quo, the various strategies that have been implemented in countries (e.g. China, Vietnam and Uganda) that are known to have been relatively successful in reducing poverty are reviewed. In the process, this dissertation discusses the literature regarding poverty, with a particular emphasis on the definition, measurement and determinants thereof. Furthermore, South Africa's anti-poverty strategies are discussed. It turns out that these have met limited success. This is largely due to insufficient pro-poor economic growth, weak implementation/administration at the municipal level, slow asset redistribution, high income/wealth inequality, low job generation rate by SMME's, high HIV/AIDS infection rate, public corruption and inadequate monitoring of poverty. Therefore, if meaningful progress towards poverty reduction is to be achieved, the government needs to deal with the foregoing constraints accordingly.Economics
M.Comm. (Economics)
Books on the topic "Absolute democracy"
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Nimtz, August H. Marx, Tocqueville, and race in America: The "absolute democracy" or "defiled republic". Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2004.
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Marx, Tocqueville, and race in America: The "absolute democracy" or "defiled republic". Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2003.
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Luis, Rappoport, ed. Presidencialismo absoluto y otras verdades incómodas. Buenos Aires: Editorial El Ateneo, 2008.
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Zúñiga, Mauro. ¿Qué es la democracia absoluta?: ¿una utopía o un paradigma? [Panama?]: [publisher not identified], 2013.
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Fong, Siao Yuong. Performing Fear in Television Production. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724579.
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What goes into the ideological sustenance of an illiberal capitalist democracy? While much of the critical discussion of the media in authoritarian contexts focus on state power, the emphasis on strong states tend to perpetuate misnomers about the media as mere tools of the state and sustain myths about their absolute power. Turning to the lived everyday of media producers in Singapore, I pose a series of questions that explore what it takes to perpetuate authoritarian resilience in the mass media. How, in what terms and through what means, does a politically stable illiberal Asian state like Singapore formulate its dominant imaginary of social order? What are the television production practices that perform and instantiate the social imaginary, and who are the audiences that are conjured and performed in the process? What are the roles played by imagined audiences in sustaining authoritarian resilience in the media? If, as I will argue in the book, audiences function as the central problematic that engenders anxieties and self-policing amongst producers, can the audience become a surrogate for the authoritarian state?
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Jr, August H. Nimtz. Marx, Tocqueville, and Race in America: The Absolute Democracy or Defiled Republic. Lexington Books, 2003.
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Jr, Nimtz August H. Marx, Tocqueville, and Race in America: The 'Absolute Democracy' or 'Defiled Republic'. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2003.
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Jr, August H. Nimtz. Marx, Tocqueville, and Race in America: The Absolute Democracy or Defiled Republic. Lexington Books, 2003.
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Hermans, Hubert J. M. Inner Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197501023.001.0001.
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This book investigates the psychological background of contemporary societal problems such as hate speech, authoritarianism, and divisive forms of identity politics. As a response to these phenomena, the book presents the basic premise that a democratic society needs citizens who do more than just express their preference for free elections, freedom of speech, and respect for constitutional rights. Democracy has vitality only if it is rooted in the hearts and minds of its participants who are willing to plant it in the fertile soil of their own selves. In the milieu of tension created by societal power clashes and absolute-truth pretensions, the book investigates how opposition, cooperation, and participation work as innovative forces in a democratic self. Democracy is understood as a personal learning process and as a dialogical play between thought and counter-thought, between imagination and counter-imagination, and between emotion and reason. The book is written for social scientists, teachers, and journalists.
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Vatter, Miguel. Divine Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190942359.001.0001.
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The ‘return of religion’ in the public sphere and the emergence of postsecular societies have propelled the discourse of political theology into the centre of contemporary democratic theory. This situation calls forth the question addressed in this book: Is a democratic political theology possible? Carl Schmitt first developed the idea of the Christian theological foundations of modern legal and political concepts in order to criticize the secular basis of liberal democracy. He employed political theology to argue for the continued legitimacy of the absolute sovereignty of the state against the claims raised by pluralist and globalized civil society. This book shows how, after Schmitt, some of the main political theorists of the 20th century, from Jacques Maritain to Jürgen Habermas, sought to establish an affirmative connection between Christian political theology, popular sovereignty, and the legitimacy of democratic government. In so doing, the political representation of God in the world was no longer placed in the hands of hierarchical and sovereign lieutenants (Church, Empire, Nation), but in a series of democratic institutions, practices and conceptions like direct representation, constitutionalism, universal human rights, and public reason that reject the primacy of sovereignty.
Book chapters on the topic "Absolute democracy"
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Kolin, Andrew. "Absolute Power at the Expense of Democracy." In State Power and Democracy, 89–124. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230116382_5.
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Mikkelsen, Flemming. "Denmark 1700–1849: Crowds, Movements and Absolute Monarchy." In Popular Struggle and Democracy in Scandinavia, 13–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57855-6_2.
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Wellhofer, E. Spencer. "‘Men Make their own History, but...’ ‘the Chain is Absolutely Continuous and Unbroken’: Continuity and Change in the Transition to Mass Politics." In Democracy, Capitalism and Empire in Late Victorian Britain, 1885–1910, 187–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24688-5_8.
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Santayana, George, and John McCormick. "Absolute Democracy." In Dominations and Powers, 348–51. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203792940-85.
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Vermeule, Adrian. "Absolute Majority Rules: Optimizing Accountability." In Mechanisms of Democracy, 115–42. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195333466.003.0005.
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Bresser-Pereira, Luiz Carlos. "Absolute State and Patrimonial Administration." In Democracy and Public Management Reform, 21–26. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199261180.003.0003.
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Tomasi, John. "Market Democracy." In Free Market Fairness. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691144467.003.0004.
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This chapter examines market democracy, a hybrid approach to liberal theory building that combines a concern for private individual economic liberty with a commitment to social justice. As such, market democracy offers an alternative to both classical liberalism and to high liberalism. After explaining exactly what market democracy is, the chapter considers its conceptual space. In particular, it explores why market democracy asserts that economic freedoms should be treated as basic but not absolute, and why it thus allows taxation in support of a limited range of social service programs. The chapter then compares the views espoused by advocates of libertarianism, classical liberalism, and modern or high liberalism. It also looks at market democracy as a research program, its institutional requirements, and the challenges that it faces from both the left and from the right.
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Anderson, Elisabeth. "Defending Democracy." In Agents of Reform, 117–39. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691220895.003.0005.
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This chapter describes how early nineteenth-century Massachusetts, France, and Prussia were characterized by radically different political systems, institutional structures, and social worlds. It highlights France as a constitutional monarchy in which democratic rights were restricted to the upper echelon, whereas Prussia was an absolute monarchy where policy making was controlled by a powerful, centralized bureaucracy. Massachusetts, on the other hand, was a rapidly urbanizing and industrializing democracy in which political participation was widespread, and social mobility was a real possibility for many. The chapter details how Massachusetts became the first US state to regulate child labor in 1836, when it required children working in manufacturing establishments to attend school for at least three months a year. Although the democratic institutions structuring the early nineteenth-century Massachusetts policy field were robust, the field was in other respects undeveloped compared with the European states.
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"Spinoza’s Theory of Absolute Democracy (TP, Chapters 7/5, 8/1, 11; ttp 16)." In Naturalism and Democracy, 123–48. BRILL, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004396944_011.
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Matheron, Alexandre. "The Theoretical Function of Democracy in Spinoza and Hobbes." In Politics, Ontology and Knowledge in Spinoza, edited by Filippo Del Lucchese, David Maruzzella, and Gil Morejón, 307–18. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474440103.003.0019.
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In this chapter, Matheron examines the theoretical role played by an appeal to democracy in the political philosophy of Spinoza and Hobbes. The concern is thus not their respective theories of democracy, but rather who references to democracy undergird the theoretical legitimacy of all forms of political sovereignty. For Hobbes’s part, his thinking evolves from first arguing that other forms of sovereignty derive their absolute character from their being derived from democracy to the position that other forms of sovereignty are not derived from democracy, but nonetheless are constituted and the same way, ensuring they remain absolute. Spinoza, for his part, move from this latter position to the claim that all other forms of sovereignty are derived from democracy and therefore are never absolute. For Spinoza, right is coextensive with power, which in turn means that the ‘transfer’ of power from the multitude to a sovereign is never carried out once and for all, but rather is carried out at each moment, leaving open the possibility that the multitude could overturn the sovereign to the precise extent that they have the power to do so.
Conference papers on the topic "Absolute democracy"
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Avramović, Zoran. "KNjIŽEVNE SLOBODE I DRUŠTVENE GRANICE U SRBIJI." In IDENTITETSKE promene: srpski jezik i književnost u doba tranzicije. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Edaucatin in Jagodina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zip21.135a.
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The paper discusses the absolute freedom of literary (artistic) creation. The difference between general and literary freedom is emphasized. In the second part, different boundaries of literary creation in anti-democratic and democratic systems are pointed out. In anti-democratic systems, it is public authority that sets boundaries of artistic freedom, and in democratic systems it is the readers, critics, market, cultural institutions. It is concluded that criticism, condemnation (rejection by individuals and some institutions) of a literary content in democracy does not mean endangering the freedom of literary creation due to the fact that there are many publishers and cultural institutions. The claim of absolute freedom of creativity is also disputed.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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González Fonseca, Diana Mitzi. "Las voces del espacio público, una cuestión acerca de la democracia." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10537.
Full textAbstract:
En la emergencia de pensar el espacio público y su relación con respecto a la democracia, surgen las siguientes cuestiones: ¿cómo superar las limitaciones de la identidad y hablar de un “nosotros”?, ¿es necesario invocar a la unidad para resolver el ideal de igualdad? Estas son dificultades inherentes a la fundamentación de la democracia y, por consiguiente, a las posibilidades que habilita. Las consecuencias de uno u otro modo de fundamentar la democracia afecta eso a lo que Fred Evans llama el cuerpo de multiples voces. Esta expresión sirve para aludir a lo público desde la heterogeneidad, además de introducir una dimensión estética a su fórmula política. Ahora, con el propósito de exponer el juego de las voces en el espacio público, propongo apelar a la democracia por venir y la absoluta hospitalidad de Jacques Derrida, por un lado, y el ser singular plural de Jean-Luc Nancy, por el otro. La democracia por venir muestra una tensión perpetua entre lo semejante y lo otro, en ella se celebra un ideal de democracia en persecución perpetua. En cambio, el ser singular plural indica la necesidad de la relación con el otro, de estar-con, que guardando las distancias, recuerda al Mitsein heideggeriano. Estas nociones sugieren una apertura necesaria del espacio público y, en último término, asignan un valor simultáneo a todas las voces.
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Gil Igual, Moisés José. "La crítica política a través de la simbiosis cuerpo–instalación–environments. Propuestas disconformes con el establishment contemporáneo." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10496.
Full textAbstract:
Centraremos nuestro trabajo en la crítica política por medio del arte contemporáneo a través de propuestas fundamentadas en la escenificación del cuerpo utilizando los recursos escultóricos de los environments e instalaciones, que van del pequeño formato hasta propuestas de grandes dimensiones, ubicadas en la esfera pública, imbricadas en el contexto urbano, dentro del marco de la ciudad, contando siempre con el espectador, ya que contamos con él, pieza imprescindible, ya que debe recomponer las propuestas con sus aportaciones discursivas y es a quien van dirigidas todas las propuestas, con esto se convierte en un espectador activo.Desde la década de los 60`el cuerpo es el protagonista absoluto de las nuevas corrientes artísticas, convirtiéndose en lugar, espacio y medio de reivindicación social. Este texto pretende mostrar las distintas líneas de actuación en el campo de la escultura que utilizan el cuerpo como recurso y plataforma desde la que lanzar mensajes de solidaridad, unión frente a la vorágine devastadora e involutiva de la política, tan denostada y avasalladora de nuestros días, en fin, una protesta centrada en la cohesión social que active los resortes de una sociedad adormilada por el “estado del estar” frente a las aberraciones político-económico-antisociales y corruptas.El cuerpo o mejor dicho, el ser humano de nuestros días, lleva a cabo, en conjunción con la tecnología, una serie de connotaciones poéticas y discursivas, que se utilizan desde la práctica escultórica, con el fin de enfatizar, aún más si cabe, la preocupación por masa social, por nosotros mismos, por el ser humano.Trataremos desde de la utilización de la representación contemporánea del cuerpo para: expresar los sentimientos de desprecio e ira contra la corrupción establecida en la política del país,para así, cubrir por parte del artista, la necesidad de expresar todo aquello que vive y con lo que convive pasando a ser un comunicador de la situación global, de sus intenciones, pero sobre todo: de todo aquello que preocupa y ocupa el pensamiento, la convivencia, el consenso entre seres humanos donde debe primar la unidad frente a políticas ultrajantes y sobre todo involucionistas.Moisès GilU.P.V.