Journal articles on the topic 'Aboriginal subsistence'

Aboriginal peoples of the Northern Alberta Boreal Forest have used fire knowledge and burning practices to maintain their environment for generations. Prescribed burning is vital to Aboriginal peoples’ relationships with the environment, and was essential to their hunting and gathering subsistence. Research has been limited on Aboriginal peoples' use of fire not only to manage resources but to maintain their health and well-being. The research paper suggests that burning also allowed management of these medicinal plants. Such plants growing in open clearings or near water such as streams, rivers, or lakes were fired in order to maintain and manage Aboriginal peoples’ health and well-being in the boreal forest.

Within the last decade a general model of Aboriginal subsistence and settlement has emerged for coastal southeast Queensland. Investigations have concentrated in two areas, Fraser Island (Devitt 1979, Lauer 1977, 1979) and Moreton Bay (Alfredson 1983, 1984, Crooks 1982, Draper 1978, Hall 1980, 1982a, 1984, Hall and Robins 1984, Richardson 1979, 1984, Robins 1983, Robins and Hall 1981, Stockton 1974, Walters 1980). The general ethnohistorical and archaeological scenario for these two areas suggests semi-permanent coastal settlement with a subsistence orientation to marine protein resources (Devitt 1979, Hall 1982). The coastal archaeological record between these two areas however remains virtually unknown.

In contemporary green perceptions, rainforests are an Eden of biodiversity. But they seem also to be a famously hard environment for human subsistence, with foods scattered or high up beyond reach — which is why reports of Palaeo-Indians' flourishing in the Brazilian rainforests have caused surprise. What place do the rainforests have in Aboriginal Australian settlement, as archaeologically perceived?

Ethnographic accounts of animal pulverization using stone grinding implements have led archaeologists to believe that this same behavior took place in the past. This important subsistence activity can now be confirmed through the immunological analysis of archaeological materials. Small-mammal blood-protein residue has been identified immunologically for the first time on milling equipment from two archaeological sites in southern California. Immunoprotein trace analysis has the potential for a wide range of applications in the study of prehistory.

Aboriginal ownership of Australia's rangelands is already significant and is likely to increase with recognition of Native Title. Aboriginal management of the rangelands, including their use for cultural and subsistence purposes as well as for pastoralism and conservation (parks) presents alternatives to conventional practices. Traditional ecological knowledge is applied in all forms of Aboriginal land use. Multiple use of the land, combining two or more forms of use within a single area, is predominant. Such strategies are particularly important in more marginal parts of the rangelands where, because of environmental unpredictability, single purpose use may threaten the successful survival of landholders. A case-study of contemporary land use practised by the Ngarrinyin people in one such marginal area, the interior section of the Kimberley's remote Gibb River road, illustrates these points. As it shows, Aboriginal groups have varied their land management responses according to the extent of their ownership and control over their traditional country. The multiple uses which they practise enhance both their chances of providing a livelihood and the sustainability of the land as a whole. Non-Aboriginal neighbours have also increasingly moved towards multiple use strategies. These realities challenge the common perception from the 'outsider' government authorities that such regions should focus on single purpose use, with pastoralism the prime emphasis. The paper argues that this challenge must be met, by revision of land tenure to accommodate multiple use, by improving Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communication and information exchange on rangeland management, by providing appropriate land management programs and by engaging in longterm, holistic planning for all residents of such regions. Such approaches would enhance opportunities for closing the gap between the realities of rangeland use and beliefs in appropriate forms of use.

Until fairly recently, and with some notable exceptions, there was an absence of substantive data on the nature of Aboriginal women's lives, gender relations and women's relationships to land in Australian anthropology. This historical circumstance resulted in inadequate documentation of women's role and status, and interpretations which often confined women to domestic and secular domains and pursuits. Similarly to early data recorded in other subsistence economies such as Canada, America and Africa, the productive and reproductive roles of women (their food gathering and preparation responsibilities, and ability to give birth and to lactate) were often given precedence over women's involvement in land-based ritual and religious ceremonies (Endicott, 1999:411-418).

A general theme in Australian prehistory is the development of the distinctive social, economic and technological systems observed in recent Aboriginal societies. Research has demonstrated significant change in the Australian archaeological sequence and general trends of such are shared by numerous regions. Most that have been investigated indicate low density occupation during the Pleistocene and early Holocene with significant increases in site numbers, increased artefact discard rates and dissemination of new technologies and artefact types in mid-to-late Holocene times (e.g. Lourandos 1985). On the other hand, each region has a unique prehistory, range of material evidence and research potential. Our knowledge of Holocene developments in aboriginal subsistence systems, for instance, is largely based upon the history of cycad exploitation in the central Queensland Highlands (Beaton 1982), the appearance of seed grindstones in arid and semi-arid zones (Smith 1986) and evidence for increased emphasis on small-bodied animals in N.E. New South Wales and S.E. Queensland (McBryde 1977:233; Morwood 1987:347).

Kangaroo management is important to the sustainability of Australia’s rangeland landscapes. The commercial harvest of kangaroos assists in reduction of total grazing pressure in the rangelands and provides the potential for supplementary income to pastoralists. Indeed, the commercial kangaroo industry is considered by natural resource scientists as one of the few rural industry development options with potential to provide economic return with minimal environmental impact. While the biology and population ecology of harvested kangaroo species in Australia is the subject of past and present research, the social, institutional and economic issues pertinent to the commercial kangaroo industry are not well understood. Our research is addressing the lack of understanding of social issues around kangaroo management, which are emerging as constraints on industry development. The non-indigenous stakeholders in kangaroo harvest are landholders, regional management authorities, government conservation and primary production agencies, meat processors, marketers and field processors (shooters) and these industry players generally have little understanding of what issues the commercial harvest of kangaroos presents to Aboriginal people. Consequently, the perspectives and aspirations of Aboriginal people regarding the commercial harvest of kangaroos are not well considered in management, industry development and planning. For Aboriginal people, kangaroos have subsistence, economic and cultural values and while these values and perspectives vary between language groups and individuals, there is potential to address indigenous issues by including Aboriginal people in various aspects of kangaroo management. This research also examines the Aboriginal interface with commercial kangaroo harvest, and by working with Aboriginal people and groups is exploring several options for greater industry involvement. The promotion of better understandings between indigenous and non-indigenous people with interests in kangaroo management could promote industry development through the marketing of kangaroo as not only clean and green, but also as a socially just product.

The widespread alliance systems of Australian Aboriginal society had an economic and survival value in harsh environments, but in resource-rich areas such as South-east Queensland it is more a question of strategies for increasing regional carrying capacity. Recent archaeological results in the area, with evidence of increases in site numbers and artefact deposition rates and diversification of subsistence resources to include small-bodied species, show the development of new patterns of technology, economy and demography following major environmental changes in the post-Pleistocene period. Widespread changes in Australian prehistory around 4000 years ago may have been triggered in certain key areas such as South-east Queensland.

The nature of prehistoric settlement and subsistence practices in coastal New England has been intensively discussed by archaeologists over the last twenty years. Archaeologists have attempted to determine when and how maize horticulture was adopted in the coastal zone and how maritime resources fit into the aboriginal diet throughout the Woodland period. Analyses of an Early to Middle Woodland period shell midden on Block Island, Rhode Island, is consistent with a number of other regional studies that suggest that the use of maritime resources was relatively early and intensive. On Block Island, intensive use of a wide variety of flora and fauna was taking place on a year-round basis as early as 3000 years ago, some 1000 years earlier than on the adjacent mainland coast.

Martin's suggestion that there is great continuity in subsistence strategy through the Middle and Late Woodland periods of the Northern Great Lakes is rejected. She fails to produce convincing evidence for the use of gill nets during Middle Woodland times and to account for the difference in fish fauna on sites of these two periods. Also addressed here is the possible consequence of economic specialization on population size and fluctuation. It is concluded that unlike Middle Woodland populations, those of the Late Woodland fluctuate rather dramatically. Finally, it is suggested that whatever the cause of the population loss and mechanisms of replacement, these shifts likely have important implications for periodicity in ceramic style change.

A 41-year-old Coast Salish female was initially diagnosed with typical features of classical adult celiac disease. Clinical and pathological features of primary biliary cirrhosis were also present, along with a familial history of insulin-dependent diabetes. Later, childhood celiac disease was detected in a male first-degree relative with diabetes. These patients are the first reported natives in Canada with celiac disease, a disorder believed to be genetically based but dependent on environmental factors for its clinical expression. The recognition of a ‘new’ disease in the setting of an aboriginal population may reflect geographical and climatic factors that permitted subsistence of this culturally complex food-gathering society up until most recent historical times, followed by adaptation of this society to European-based agricultural methods, particularly wheat cultivation.

The International Whaling Commission (iwc) conceals within its history a perennial battle between nations. Since the moratorium on commercial whaling took effect in 1986 both sides of the whaling debate have been unable to substantively advance their cause. This has led many commentators to question its purpose and ability to adapt to issues of modern significance. Given the interdisciplinary breadth of the debate at hand, this article primarily focuses on place of Indigenous peoples within the history of whaling and what role, if any, they will play in the future relevance of the iwc. It is argued that Canada’s withdrawal from the iwc, in the interest of its Indigenous peoples, should generally be regarded as a domestic regulatory success. Nevertheless, the time is ripe for Canada to re-establish itself at the international level with the goal of reforming the state of the Aboriginal Subsistence Whaling exception and perhaps the iwc itself.

The Waskaganish Voluntary Anadromous Cisco Catch Registry is a community-led ex post monitoring programme carried out within the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) Follow-up Phase of the Rupert River Diversion Hydroelectric Project. The Registry monitors an aboriginal subsistence fishery in the Cree community of Waskaganish. Due to the complexity of the socio-ecological system, predicting the project’s impacts on the fishery at the ex ante stage proved difficult. The programme has allowed the community to monitor changes in the cisco fishery, while also providing a forum for communication and collaboration with the proponent, Hydro-Québec. The programme recognises and incorporates both local ecological knowledge and scientific results from site-specific biological monitoring studies. Overall, the Registry has enhanced stakeholder understanding of project impacts, improved mitigation management decision-making and led to the development of an effective consultation framework. Most importantly, the Registry has helped the fishery to continue into the future despite project impacts.

AbstractIn Australia, applicants for native title—legal recognition of proprietary interest in land devolving from traditions predating colonization—must meet a stringent standard of continuity of social identity since before the advent of Crown sovereignty. As courts and the legislature have gravitated toward an increasingly strict application of the continuity doctrine, anthropologists involved in land claims cases have found themselves rehearsing an old debate in Australian anthropology over the degree to which post-contact patterns of subsistence, movement, and ritual enactment can support inferences about life in precontact Australia. In the 1960s, at the dawn of the land claims era, a handful of anthropologists shifted the debate to an ecological plane. Characterizing Australia on the cusp of colonization as a late Holocene climax human ecosystem, they argued that certain recently observed patterns in the distribution of marks of social cohesion (mutual intelligibility of language, systems of classificatory kinship) could not represent the outcome of such a climax ecosystem and must indicate disintegration of Aboriginal social structures since contact. Foremost among them was Joseph Birdsell, for whom linguistic boundaries, under climax conditions, would self-evidently be congruent with boundaries in breeding pools. Birdsell's intervention came just as the Northern Territory Supreme Court was hearing evidence on the value of dialect as a marker of membership in corporate landholding groups in Yolngu country, and offers an object lesson in how language, race, mode of subsistence, and law come together in efforts to answer the questions “Who was here first?” and “Are those people still here?”

Although the sea arrived in southeast Queensland around 8000 years ago, most estuarine middens date to the past 1000 years. An example is midden deposits dating to the past 400 years forming the upper levels of Sites 62 and 75b from Tin Can Inlet located immediately south of the Fraser Island (K’gari) World Heritage Area. Both sites were excavated and analysed in the 1980s. This paper revisits these results following a detailed re-analysis of midden materials and new insights on regional sea level changes. Taking an historical ecology approach, species-specific habitat requirements and associated substrate sediment dynamics help explain similarities and differences between the two midden shell assemblages. Environmental factors and the location of both sites on landforms that formed following sea level fall over the past 2000 years help explain why the basal levels of both sites are probably <1000–1500 years old. Documenting pre-2000-year-old Aboriginal use of Tin Can Inlet will need to target more elevated inland dune deposits (>5m ASL) fronting the mid-Holocene sea level highstand palaeoshoreline.

Abstract This article analyses the developments in the implementation of the 1946 International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling. It first considers the historical background of the Convention and discusses the shortcomings of the Whaling Convention; then focuses on how various types of whaling covered by the Convention developed according to the changes in attitudes of states – parties to the Whaling Convention along the development of international law and international environmental law. The article covers the developments in commercial whaling; aboriginal (subsistence) whaling; and scientific whaling. It emphasises conflicts between the state-parties to the Convention and also in this context analysis the role of the International Whaling Commission. The complex and conflicting issues concerning whaling are not only of legal but political, cultural and ethical nature. Therefore, it appears that that there is no easy solution to existing conflicts in the near future, as the states appear to be intransigent in their views on all types of whaling, especially scientific whaling and the possibility of the resumption of commercial whaling.

The present study indicates the critical role of hydrologic connectivity in floodplain waterholes in the wet–dry tropics of northern Australia. These waterbodies provide dry-season refugia for plants and animals, are a hotspot of productivity, and are a critical part in the subsistence economy of many remote Aboriginal communities. We examined seasonal changes in water quality and aquatic plant cover of floodplain waterholes, and related changes to variation of waterhole depth and visitation by livestock. The waterholes showed declining water quality through the dry season, which was exacerbated by more frequent cattle usage as conditions became progressively drier, which also increased turbidity and nutrient concentrations. Aquatic macrophyte biomass was highest in the early dry season, and declined as the dry season progressed. Remaining macrophytes were flushed out by the first wet-season flows, although they quickly re-establish later during the wet season. Waterholes of greater depth were more resistant to the effects of cattle disturbance, and seasonal flushing of the waterholes with wet-season flooding homogenised the water quality and increased plant cover of previously disparate waterholes. Therefore, maintaining high levels of connectivity between the river and its floodplain is vital for the persistence of these waterholes.

We re-assessed the view of a major woodland caribou (Rangifer tarandus caribou) population decline in Alberta. Several historical publications and provincial documents refer to this drastic decline as the major premise for the designation of Alberta's woodland caribou an endangered species. In the past, wildlife management and inventory techniques were speculative and limited by a lack of technology, access and funding. The accepted trend of the decline is based on many speculations, opinions and misinterpretation of data and is unsubstantiated. Many aerial surveys failed to reduce variance and did not estimate sightability. Most surveys have underestimated numbers and contributed unreliable data to support a decline. Through forest fire protection and the presence of extensive wetlands, the majority of potential caribou habitat still exists. Recreational and aboriginal subsistence hunting does not appear to have contributed greatly to mortality, although data are insufficient for reliable conclusions. Wolf (Canis lupus), population fluctuations are inconclusive and do not provide adequate information on which to base prey population trends. The incidence of documented infection by parasites in Alberta is low and likely unimportant as a cause of the proposed decline.

Rapid climate change in the arctic is threatening the life, health and cultural traditions of the Inuit. Although they are among the least responsible for climate change, they are suffering disproportionately from its negative effects. In particular, the inherent link between Inuit land and culture means that their traditional practices are being threatened along with the arctic environment. However, their efforts to obtain redress from those responsible for greenhouse gas emissions have so far been unsuccessful. Claims in common law public nuisance have been plagued by issues of standing, justiciability and causation, and claims at international law are difficult to prove and enforce. It seems that a different approach may be required.This article examines whether the Crown’s fiduciary obligation toward Canada’s Aboriginal peoples might provide a useful conceptual framework for addressing arctic climate change. Although this obligation is typically applied in situations involving Aboriginal lands or distinctive cultural practices, it can arguably be invoked to protect the traditional subsistence lifestyle of the Inuit. Both the fiduciary obligations and the honour of the Crown require a minimum level of consultation and accommodation where significant Aboriginal interests are threatened. This could translate into an obligation to, at least, assist the Inuit in adapting to the changing arctic environment and preserving cultural practices to the extent possible.Les changements climatiques rapides dans l’Arctique menacent la vie, la santé et les traditions culturelles des Inuits. Même s’ils sont parmi les peuples les moins responsables de ces changements climatiques, ils souffrent de façon disproportionnée des effets négatifs de ces changements. Tout particulièrement, comme la culture inuite est intrinsèquement liée à la terre, les pratiques traditionnelles inuites sont menacées en même temps que l’environnement arctique. Par ailleurs, les efforts des Inuits pour obtenir réparation de la part des responsables des émissions de gaz à effet de serre sont restés vains. Les demandes fondées sur la nuisance en common law se sont heurtées aux questions relatives à la qualité pour agir, à la justiciabilité et à la causalité; de plus, en droit international, il est difficile de prouver et de faire valoir des réclamations. Il semble clair qu’une approche différente s’impose.Le présent article examine si l’obligation fiduciale de l’État envers les peuples autochtones du Canada pourrait constituer un cadre juridique utile pour traiter des changements climatiques dans l’Arctique. Bien que cette obligation soit systématiquement reconnue dans les situations concernant des terres autochtones ou des pratiques culturelles distinctives, il est permis de penser qu’elle pourrait être invoquée pour protéger le mode de subsistance traditionnelle des Inuits. Tant les obligations fiduciales que l’honneur de la Couronne requièrent un degré minimal de consultation et d’accommodement lorsque des intérêts autochtones significatifs sont menacés. Cela pourrait se traduire par une obligation minimale d’aider les Inuits à s’adapter à l’environnement arctique changeant et à préserver leurs pratiques culturelles dans la mesure du possible.

Abstract Punt, A. E. and Donovan, G. P. 2007. Developing management procedures that are robust to uncertainty: lessons from the International Whaling Commission. – ICES Journal of Marine Science, 64: 603–612. Traditionally, fisheries management advice has been based on stock assessments that considered merely the “best” set of assumptions while uncertainty arising only from observation and process error was quantified, if considered at all. Unfortunately, uncertainty attributable to lack of understanding of the true underlying system and to ineffective implementation may dominate the sources of error that must be accounted for if management is to be successful. The management procedure approach is advocated as the appropriate way to develop management advice for renewable resources. This approach, pioneered by the International Whaling Commission (IWC) Scientific Committee, takes politically agreed management objectives and incorporates all scientific aspects of management including data collection and analysis, development of robust harvest control laws or effort regulations, and monitoring. A primary feature is that uncertainty (including that arising from sources conventionally ignored) is taken into account explicitly through population simulations for a variety of scenarios. The nature of the management procedures developed for commercial and aboriginal subsistence whaling and the processes by which they have been developed is highlighted. We also identify lessons that have been learned from two decades of IWC experience and suggest how these can be applied to other fishery situations.

The 1987 field season of the Jackson Lake Archeological Project was part of an ongoing project sponsored by the Bureau of Reclamation in conjunction with the repair of the Jackson Lake dam. The field seasons of 1984 and 1985 were spent inventorying the area exposed by the drawdown of the reservoir. This constituted the area around the lake between the elevations of 6772 feet and 6745 feet above sea level (Connor 1985, 1986). The field season of 1986 was spent testing sites which appeared promising (Connor 1987). In 1987, major excavations were undertaken at sites 48TE509 and 48TE1067. This was a very dry year and the reservoir dropped to the pre-reservoir lake levels. Additional inventory in this area recorded 40 new sites. In total, the Jackson Lake Archeological Project has inventoried about 8550 acres and recorded 109 archeological sites that were flooded by the reservoir. During 1987, a co-operative agreement between the Service and the University of Wyoming allowed a team from the Department of Anthropology to complete backhoe excavations in conjunction with the Jackson Lake Archeological Project. The Jackson Lake Archeological Project is guided by six broad research themes (NPS 1987, 1988). These consist of (1) the effect of inundation on archeological resources, (2) refinement of the paleoenvironmental sequence, (3) culture history and culture Chronology, (4) definition of the aboriginal settlement and/or transhumance pattern, (5) definition of subsistence patterns, and (6) the extent of trade.

Following the current trends in the development of historical science, the author considers fiction as an important source for the study of the post-Soviet period, allowing recreating the socio- historical types of behavior, way of thinking and public mood, to track the transformation of the structures of everyday life. The article is based on the fiction published from the early 1990s to the present day and reflected the Far Eastern realities of the 1990s-2000s. The main attention is paid to the ways of adaptation to the new socio-economic conditions, such as inflation and the fall in real money incomes, massive cuts and wage delays, privatization, the collapse of industrial enterprises, the destruction of social infrastructure, the income differentiation, and an increasing gap between more and less developed territories. Art works show how in crisis the Far East inhabitants are looking for opportunities for part- time work, change professions, working for hire, opening their own business or falling into the category of self-employed, use deviant and destructive forms of employment. Many people in the conditions of continuous growth of prices, delays in wages or lack of a permanent, well-paid place of work are accustomed to live without money, making purchases rarely, but using subsistence farming in dacha or vegetable garden, the interchange of goods and services, engaged in gathering, hunting, fishing (the aboriginal population returns to traditional marine mammal hunting). In addition, the Far East inhabitants react to the modified conditions by changing their demographic behavior. Horizontal public relations are being strengthened, mutual assistance are widely used in the circle of relatives and friends.

- Wouter E.A. van Beek, Henri Maurier, Philosophie de L’Afrique Noire (2ème éd.), St. Augustin: Anthropos Institut, 1985. - Wouter E.A. van Beek, A.M. Hocart, Imagination and proof. Selected essays of A.M. Hocart, Edited and with an introduction by Rodney Needham, Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987. 130 pp. - Martin van Bruinessen, B.B. Hering, Studies on Indonesian Islam, Occasional Paper no. 19, Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, James Cook University of North Queensland, Townsville (Australia), 1986, 50 pp. - Martin van Bruinessen, B.B. Hering, Studies on Islam, Occasional Paper no. 22, Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, James Cook University of North Queensland, Townsville (Australia), 1987, 94 pp. - Martin van Bruinessen, L.B. Venema, Islam en macht: Een historisch-anthropolische perspectief, Assen/Maastricht: Van Gorcum, 1987. - H.J.M. Claessen, Colin Renfrew, Peer polity interaction and socio-political change, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. 179 pp., maps, ills., index, bibl., John F. Cerry (eds.) - H. Dagmar, Fred R. Myers, Pintupi country, Pintupi self; Sentiment, place and politics among Western Desert aborigines, Washington etc.: Smithsonian Institution Press, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. - Mies Grijns, Rosanne Rutten, Women workers of Hacienda Milagros; Wage labor and household subsistence on a Philippine sugar cane plantation. Publikatieserie Zuid- en Zuidoost-Azie no. 30, Amsterdam: Anthropologisch-Sociologisch Centrum, Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1982, x + 187 pp. - Mies Grijns, Ann Laura Stoler, Capitalism and confrontation in Sumatra’s plantation belt, 1870-1979, Newhaven: Yale University Press, 1985, xii + 244 pp. - Nico de Jonge, Rodney Needham, Mamboru. History and structure in a domain of Northwestern Sumba. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987, 202 pp. - Anton Ploeg, Kenneth E. Read, Return to the high valley. Coming full circle. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986. xxi + 269 pp. - Rien Ploeg, Tom R. Zuidema, La Civilisation Inca au Cuzco, Collège de France, Essais et Conférences, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1986. - Harry A. Poeze, E.E. van Delden, Klein repertorium; Index op tijdschriftartikelen met betrekking tot voormalig Nederlands-Indië, samengesteld door E. E. van Delden. Amsterdam: Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen. Deel 1, Tijdschrift voor het Binnenlandsch Bestuur 1887-1900, 1986, 79 pp. Deel 2, Tijdschrift voor het Binnenlandsch Bestuur 1900-1909, 1986 80 pp. Deel 3, Tijdschrift voor het Binnenlandsch Bestuur 1910-1917, 1987, 80 pp. - Harry A. Poeze, J.J.P. de Jong, Diplomatie of strijd; Een analyse van het Nederlands beleid tegenover de Indonesische revolutie 1945-1947. Amsterdam: Boom, 531 pp. - Harry A. Poeze, D.C.L. Schoonoord, De Mariniersbrigade 1943-1949; Wording en inzet in Indonesië. ‘s-Gravenhage: Afdeling Maritieme Historie van de Marinestaf. - R. de Ridder, Edmundo Magaña, Myth and the imaginary in the new world, Amsterdam: CEDLA, Latin America Studies no. 34, 1986. 500 pp. 64 ills., Peter Mason (eds.) - P.G. Rivière, Edmundo Magaña, Contribuciones al estudio de la mitología y astronomía de los indios de las Guayanas, Dordrecht-Providence: Foris Publications. 1987. - A. de Ruijter, P.E. de Josselin de Jong, Generalisatie in de culturele antropologie (Afscheidscollege ter gelegenheid van het neerleggen van het ambt van hoogleraar in de sociale wetenschappen aan de Rijksuniversiteit van Leiden op 12 juni 1987), 1987, Leiden: E.K. Brill. - Mary F. Somers Heidhues, Yoe-Sioe Liem, Überseechinesen - eine minderheit: Zur erforschung interethnischer vorurteile in Indonesien, Aachen: Edition Herodot im Rader-Verlag, 1986. - N.J.M. Zorgdrager, H. Beach, Contributions to circumpolar studies. Uppsala Research Reports in Cultural Anthropology no. 7, 1986. 181 pages.

This article is an exploration of Aboriginal and treaty rights strategies for protecting Indigenous environmental rights in Canada. The analysis begins with an outline of the problem, and the shortcomings of the available general law avenues. The authors then argue for the existence of a constitutionalized right to environmental preservation implicit in treaty and Aboriginal rights to hunt, fish, and trap. The article explores the theoretical, historical, and precedential support for this proposition. The central argument is that in securing the right to hunt, fish, and trap, Aboriginal peoples were in fact contracting for the continued existence of their traditional subsistence activities. These practices could not survive without the preservation of the ecosystems on which they depend, and the harvesting rights must therefore be seen to encompass a right to such preservation. Examination of the specific histories of treaty-making in Canada reveals that in many if not most cases, both the Crown and the Aboriginal signatories understood this substantive protection to be a part of the treaty guarantees. The authors then present a brief articulation of the corresponding Aboriginal right to conservation.

Sherds from aboriginally-made ceramic vessels have been recovered on sites dating after ca. 2000 years B.P. in the Yegua Creek drainage of the Brazos River basin in the Post Oak Savannah of Burleson, Lee, and Washington counties in east central Texas (Figure 1). These sherds are from several different wares, including sandy paste Goose Creek Plain sherds made by Mossy Grove peoples, ancestral Caddo tempered and decorated wares made in East Texas, bone-tempered sandy paste wares that may be representative of a local ceramic tradition, and bone-tempered sherds from Leon Plain vessels made by Central Texas Toyah phase peoples. None of the ceramic sherd assemblages from the 18 sites discussed herein are substantial, ranging only from 1-72 sherds per site (with an average of only 13.3 sherds per site), indicating that the use (much less their manufacture) of ceramic vessels by Post Oak Savannah aboriginal peoples was not of much significance in their way of life, but may signify interaction, trade, and exchange between them and other cultures, such as the Caddo, inland and coastal Mossy Grove, and Toyah phase peoples that relied on ceramic vessel manufacture and use as key parts of their subsistence pursuits. It is likely that the benefits of trade (ceramics being just one of the items that was being traded) between these different peoples was to help establish cooperative alliances, and reduce competition and violence in the region, and such alliances were established and maintained by aboriginal peoples over a long period of time in the region.

Human skeletal morphology is a dynamic system affected by both physiological and environmental factors, due to the functional adaptation and remodeling responses of bones. To further explore the adaptation of bone to the environment and the consequent subsistence strategies determined by the diverse natural contexts in the Anthropocene, this study presents a comparative study on the tibiae of seven ancient populations located in different regions of East Asia. Through the analysis of the tibial shaft morphology, a comparative analysis between the populations and genders was conducted to evaluate the differences in external morphology and sexual division of labor. The cnemic indices of the tibial shaft were selected to quantify the external shape. Results showed that different populations had different tibial morphology. Among males, those of Jinggouzi had the flattest tibia while those of Changle had the widest tibia. Among the females, females of Hanben had the flattest tibia, whereas tibia from females of Shiqiao, Changle, and Yinxu were among the widest. The sexual dimorphism was relatively larger in Shiqiao and Jinggouzi and smaller in Tuchengzi and Changle. Through a combination of previous archaeological findings, historical records, and ethnography of the aboriginal Taiwanese, it is concluded that the terrain and ecological environments laid basis for varied subsistence strategies. In addition, the mobility and social labor division under a particular subsistence strategy further contributed to the adaptation of the lower limb morphology to its context. The comparative analysis provides further insight on habitual activities, terrestrial mobility patterns, and subsistence strategies of the populations, which lived in different environmental contexts during the Bronze Age and early Iron Age, thus demonstrating the diverse interactions between human populations and natural environment in the Anthropocene.

Abstract Background Studies of select populations (e.g. pre-industrial or subsistence farming populations) suggest that children with living maternal grandmothers (MGMs) had improved survival. It is unknown if this holds for child health more generally or in Australian Indigenous communities, where care of children is commonly shared by family members. We examined associations between the health of young Aboriginal Western Australians and their grandparents. Methods Birth, death, inpatient and emergency department records of Aboriginal infants born 2000-2013 in WA and their grandparents were linked. Grandparents were classified as ‘healthy’ (alive with Charlson comorbidity index score of 0 or 1), ‘unhealthy’ (alive with a score of ≥ 2), or dead when the child was born. Results Among the 27,425 children, mortality by age 2 was lower with healthy grandparents (e.g. 11 deaths per 1000 live births with healthy MGMs; 22 with unhealthy; 16 with dead MGMs) and acute healthcare contacts were fewer (e.g. 13% with healthy MGMs spent ≥7 days in hospital by age 2 vs 19% with unhealthy or dead MGMs). However, healthcare contacts were generally unrelated to grandfathers. Outcomes were better for children with 2 living grandmothers (e.g. 1.5% with 2 grandmothers were discharged against medical advice in 2 years; 2.7% with 1 grandmother; 3.7% with none). Conclusions Children with healthy grandmothers had lower mortality and morbidity. These associations are unlikely to be due to genetic or environmental factors, as they are weaker/missing for grandfathers. Key messages Good health among older Aboriginal people may also benefit the health of subsequent generations.

IntroductionStudies of select groups (e.g. pre-industrial or subsistence farming populations) suggest that children had improved survival if their grandparents were alive, particularly maternal grandmothers (MGMs). This question is unanswered for Aboriginal Australian communities, where care of children is commonly shared by extended family members, and it is not known if this association holds for physical health in addition to mortality. Objectives and ApproachWe examined relationships between the health of Aboriginal children born in Western Australia from 2000 to 2013 and the health and vital status of their grandparents. Birth, death, inpatient hospital and emergency department records of all Aboriginal children and their grandparents were linked. Grandparents were categorised as ‘healthy’ (alive with Charlson comorbidity index score of 0 or 1), ‘unhealthy’ (alive with a score of 2 or more), or dead when the child was born. Results27,425 Aboriginal children linked to their MGM (at a minimum). Mortality up to age 2 was lower with healthy grandparents than unhealthy or dead grandparents (e.g. 11 deaths per 1000 live births with healthy MGM; 22 with unhealthy MGMs and 16 with dead MGMs). Children also had fewer acute healthcare contacts (e.g. 13% with healthy MGMs spent at least 7 days in hospital in their first 2 years compared with 19% with unhealthy or dead MGMs). However, healthcare contacts was largely unrelated to grandfathers. Outcomes were also associated with the number of living grandmothers. (e.g. 1.5% of children with 2 grandmothers were discharged against medical advice in their first 2 years, compared to 2.7% with one healthy grandmother and 3.7% with no grandmothers). Conclusion / ImplicationsChildren with healthy grandmothers have lower mortality and morbidity, possibly because of their care giving. These associations are unlikely to be due to genetic or environmental factors, as they are weaker or missing for grandfathers.

Whaling has been a contentious international environmental issue for decades and carries complex ecological and socioeconomic implications. In Saint Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG), a small archipelagic nation located in the Eastern Caribbean, present-day whaling traces its origin to local interaction with American-based whalers during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. When American whaling in the region ceased, local shore-based whaling arose to fill the niche and to exploit the remaining, though diminished, stocks of large whales, as well as stocks of small cetaceans that the American whalers had not targeted as heavily. After a period of expansion throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which saw shore-whaling operations established on at least 11 islands in the region, Eastern Caribbean whaling experienced a period of attrition, during which most local whaling operations ceased. Two operations, both based in SVG, continue regularly today. This paper reviews the past and present status of whaling activities in SVG from the literature and using recent data collected from 2007 to 2017 through logbook data, interview surveys, and ethnographic observations. Small cetacean captures have been documented since 1949, and at least 15 species of odontocetes have been captured (primarily delphinids). From 1949 to 2017, a total of 13,856 small cetacean captures has been recorded, including 5,896 short-finned pilot whales (Globicephala macrorhynchus), 109 killer whales (Orcinus orca), and 7,851 other small cetaceans. Small cetacean catch records are largely incomplete and total catch estimates could not be attempted. Reliable abundance estimates do not exist. Consistent records for the take of large whales are only available for the period 1986–2020, during which 45 humpback whales (Megaptera novaeangliae) and 2 Bryde’s whales (Balaenoptera edeni) were taken. Additionally, 8 sperm whale (Physeter macrocephalus) captures were reported from 1967 and 1974. We also review whaling practices, existing national policy on whaling, management techniques outside of formal policy regimes, research needs, and future management perspectives. Future monitoring and management of whaling activities in SVG are strongly needed to assess the sustainability of small cetacean exploitation.

Sometime around ca. A.D. 800, Lake Naconiche sites were no longer occupied by Woodland period groups of the Mossy Grove culture solely making sandy paste pottery or living as mobile hunting-gathering foragers. At this time, from ca. A.D. 750-800 to around A.D. 900, colder and drier conditions began to dominate the local weather. After ca. A.D. 800, were the aboriginal groups Caddo peoples or acculturated Mossy Grove folks? Some findings from the Lake Naconiche archaeological investigations at the Boyette site (41NA285) are relevant to this issue of ethnic affiliations and local, but nevertheless regional momentous, cultural changes. Putting that in context, as best as can be discerned in the archaeological records of the Woodland period occupations at the Naconiche Creek (41NA236) and Boyette sites, if there is any evidence of increasing sedentism, it is only apparent after ca. A.D. 400 or perhaps even as late as ca. A.D. 650, during the latter part of the period. Even so, these occupations were not sedentary in the sense of them being year-round occupations (as with the Caddo settlement history at Lake Naconiche) or even multiseasonal occupations. The sites do not have accumulations of midden deposits, there is no evidence for the construction of sturdy wood structures, and there are only a very modest assortment of burned rock, pit, or post hole features at the Woodland period sites. It is hard to disagree with Story’s characterization of Woodland period settlements in the general area that they reflect “intermittent encampments by a relatively small group or groups over a considerable period of time.” Woodland period sites are widely distributed on many different kinds of landforms, implying the generalized use of a wide variety of habitats for settlements as well as foraging pursuits. Without a more fine-grained Woodland period chronology for Mossy Grove culture sites in East Texas, which we are a long way from achieving, it is not possible to evaluate suggestions by Corbin that there were subtle shifts on the landscape of peoples that may have been a response to changes in subsistence (i.e., the possible growing of cultivated plants). The absence of cultigens other than squash from Woodland contexts in the Lake Naconiche paleobotanical record casts some doubt on the assertion that horticultural economies were developed during this time locally, although the number of flotation and fine-screen samples from pre-A.D. 800 contexts is still miniscule. Thus, the virtual absence of cultigens from Woodland times does not yet constitute a robust evaluation of Corbin’s suggestion. The development of sedentary life along Naconiche Creek appears to have taken place after ca. A.D. 800 by successful hunter-gatherer foragers and pottery makers, specifically amongst the earliest Caddo residents of the valley. Neither the adoption of pottery or the adoption of horticultural subsistence strategies (i.e., the cultivation of maize) appear to have been triggering events that led to the ability of these people to maintain multi-seasonal residences in the same places.

Special Care Notice This article contains images of deceased people that might cause sadness or distress to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers. Introduction Like many cities, Perth was founded on wetlands that have been integral to its history and culture (Seddon 226–32). However, in order to promote a settlement agenda, early mapmakers sought to erase the city’s wetlands from cartographic depictions (Giblett, Cities). Since the colonial era, inner-Perth’s swamps and lakes have been drained, filled, significantly reduced in size, or otherwise reclaimed for urban expansion (Bekle). Not only have the swamps and lakes physically disappeared, the memories of their presence and influence on the city’s development over time are also largely forgotten. What was the site of Perth, specifically its wetlands, like before British settlement? In 2014, an interdisciplinary team at Edith Cowan University developed a digital visualisation process to re-imagine Perth prior to colonisation. This was based on early maps of the Swan River Colony and a range of archival information. The images depicted the city’s topography, hydrology, and vegetation and became the centerpiece of a physical exhibition entitled Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands and a virtual exhibition hosted by the Western Australian Museum. Alongside historic maps, paintings, photographs, and writings, the visual reconstruction of Perth aimed to foster appreciation of the pre-settlement environment—the homeland of the Whadjuck Nyoongar, or Bibbulmun, people (Carter and Nutter). The exhibition included the narrative of Fanny Balbuk, a Nyoongar woman who voiced her indignation over the “usurping of her beloved home ground” (Bates, The Passing 69) by flouting property lines and walking through private residences to reach places of cultural significance. Beginning with Balbuk’s story and the digital tracing of her walking route through colonial Perth, this article discusses the project in the context of contemporary pressures on the city’s extant wetlands. The re-imagining of Perth through historically, culturally, and geographically-grounded digital visualisation approaches can inspire the conservation of its wetlands heritage. Balbuk’s Walk through the City For many who grew up in Perth, Fanny Balbuk’s perambulations have achieved legendary status in the collective cultural imagination. In his memoir, David Whish-Wilson mentions Balbuk’s defiant walks and the lighting up of the city for astronaut John Glenn in 1962 as the two stories that had the most impact on his Perth childhood. From Gordon Stephenson House, Whish-Wilson visualises her journey in his mind’s eye, past Government House on St Georges Terrace (the main thoroughfare through the city centre), then north on Barrack Street towards the railway station, the site of Lake Kingsford where Balbuk once gathered bush tucker (4). He considers the footpaths “beneath the geometric frame of the modern city […] worn smooth over millennia that snake up through the sheoak and marri woodland and into the city’s heart” (Whish-Wilson 4). Balbuk’s story embodies the intertwined culture and nature of Perth—a city of wetlands. Born in 1840 on Heirisson Island, Balbuk (also known as Yooreel) (Figure 1) had ancestral bonds to the urban landscape. According to Daisy Bates, writing in the early 1900s, the Nyoongar term Matagarup, or “leg deep,” denotes the passage of shallow water near Heirisson Island where Balbuk would have forded the Swan River (“Oldest” 16). Yoonderup was recorded as the Nyoongar name for Heirisson Island (Bates, “Oldest” 16) and the birthplace of Balbuk’s mother (Bates, “Aboriginal”). In the suburb of Shenton Park near present-day Lake Jualbup, her father bequeathed to her a red ochre (or wilgi) pit that she guarded fervently throughout her life (Bates, “Aboriginal”).Figure 1. Group of Aboriginal Women at Perth, including Fanny Balbuk (far right) (c. 1900). Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: 44c). Balbuk’s grandparents were culturally linked to the site. At his favourite camp beside the freshwater spring near Kings Park on Mounts Bay Road, her grandfather witnessed the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Irwin, cousin of James Stirling (Bates, “Fanny”). In 1879, colonial entrepreneurs established the Swan Brewery at this significant locale (Welborn). Her grandmother’s gravesite later became Government House (Bates, “Fanny”) and she protested vociferously outside “the stone gates guarded by a sentry [that] enclosed her grandmother’s burial ground” (Bates, The Passing 70). Balbuk’s other grandmother was buried beneath Bishop’s Grove, the residence of the city’s first archibishop, now Terrace Hotel (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Historian Bob Reece observes that Balbuk was “the last full-descent woman of Kar’gatta (Karrakatta), the Bibbulmun name for the Mount Eliza [Kings Park] area of Perth” (134). According to accounts drawn from Bates, her home ground traversed the area between Heirisson Island and Perth’s north-western limits. In Kings Park, one of her relatives was buried near a large, hollow tree used by Nyoongar people like a cistern to capture water and which later became the site of the Queen Victoria Statue (Bates, “Aboriginal”). On the slopes of Mount Eliza, the highest point of Kings Park, at the western end of St Georges Terrace, she harvested plant foods, including zamia fruits (Macrozamia riedlei) (Bates, “Fanny”). Fanny Balbuk’s knowledge contributed to the native title claim lodged by Nyoongar people in 2006 as Bennell v. State of Western Australia—the first of its kind to acknowledge Aboriginal land rights in a capital city and part of the larger Single Nyoongar Claim (South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council et al.). Perth’s colonial administration perceived the city’s wetlands as impediments to progress and as insalubrious environments to be eradicated through reclamation practices. For Balbuk and other Nyoongar people, however, wetlands were “nourishing terrains” (Rose) that afforded sustenance seasonally and meaning perpetually (O’Connor, Quartermaine, and Bodney). Mary Graham, a Kombu-merri elder from Queensland, articulates the connection between land and culture, “because land is sacred and must be looked after, the relation between people and land becomes the template for society and social relations. Therefore all meaning comes from land.” Traditional, embodied reliance on Perth’s wetlands is evident in Bates’ documentation. For instance, Boojoormeup was a “big swamp full of all kinds of food, now turned into Palmerston and Lake streets” (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Considering her cultural values, Balbuk’s determination to maintain pathways through the increasingly colonial Perth environment is unsurprising (Figure 2). From Heirisson Island: a straight track had led to the place where once she had gathered jilgies [crayfish] and vegetable food with the women, in the swamp where Perth railway station now stands. Through fences and over them, Balbuk took the straight track to the end. When a house was built in the way, she broke its fence-palings with her digging stick and charged up the steps and through the rooms. (Bates, The Passing 70) One obstacle was Hooper’s Fence, which Balbuk broke repeatedly on her trips to areas between Kings Park and the railway station (Bates, “Hooper’s”). Her tenacious commitment to walking ancestral routes signifies the friction between settlement infrastructure and traditional Nyoongar livelihood during an era of rapid change. Figure 2. Determination of Fanny Balbuk’s Journey between Yoonderup (Heirisson Island) and Lake Kingsford, traversing what is now the central business district of Perth on the Swan River (2014). Image background prepared by Dimitri Fotev. Track interpolation by Jeff Murray. Project Background and Approach Inspired by Fanny Balbuk’s story, Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands began as an Australian response to the Mannahatta Project. Founded in 1999, that project used spatial analysis techniques and mapping software to visualise New York’s urbanised Manhattan Island—or Mannahatta as it was called by indigenous people—in the early 1600s (Sanderson). Based on research into the island’s original biogeography and the ecological practices of Native Americans, Mannahatta enabled the public to “peel back” the city’s strata, revealing the original composition of the New York site. The layers of visuals included rich details about the island’s landforms, water systems, and vegetation. Mannahatta compelled Rod Giblett, a cultural researcher at Edith Cowan University, to develop an analogous model for visualising Perth circa 1829. The idea attracted support from the City of Perth, Landgate, and the University. Using stories, artefacts, and maps, the team—comprising a cartographer, designer, three-dimensional modelling expert, and historical researchers—set out to generate visualisations of the landscape at the time of British colonisation. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup approved culturally sensitive material and contributed his perspective on Aboriginal content to include in the exhibition. The initiative’s context remains pressing. In many ways, Perth has become a template for development in the metropolitan area (Weller). While not unusual for a capital, the rate of transformation is perhaps unexpected in a city less than 200 years old (Forster). There also remains a persistent view of existing wetlands as obstructions to progress that, once removed, are soon forgotten (Urban Bushland Council). Digital visualisation can contribute to appreciating environments prior to colonisation but also to re-imagining possibilities for future human interactions with land, water, and space. Despite the rapid pace of change, many Perth area residents have memories of wetlands lost during their lifetimes (for example, Giblett, Forrestdale). However, as the clearing and drainage of the inner city occurred early in settlement, recollections of urban wetlands exist exclusively in historical records. In 1935, a local correspondent using the name “Sandgroper” reminisced about swamps, connecting them to Perth’s colonial heritage: But the Swamps were very real in fact, and in name in the [eighteen-] Nineties, and the Perth of my youth cannot be visualised without them. They were, of course, drying up apace, but they were swamps for all that, and they linked us directly with the earliest days of the Colony when our great-grandparents had founded this City of Perth on a sort of hog's-back, of which Hay-street was the ridge, and from which a succession of streamlets ran down its southern slope to the river, while land locked to the north of it lay a series of lakes which have long since been filled to and built over so that the only evidence that they have ever existed lies in the original street plans of Perth prepared by Roe and Hillman in the early eighteen-thirties. A salient consequence of the loss of ecological memory is the tendency to repeat the miscues of the past, especially the blatant disregard for natural and cultural heritage, as suburbanisation engulfs the area. While the swamps of inner Perth remain only in the names of streets, existing wetlands in the metropolitan area are still being threatened, as the Roe Highway (Roe 8) Campaign demonstrates. To re-imagine Perth’s lost landscape, we used several colonial survey maps to plot the location of the original lakes and swamps. At this time, a series of interconnecting waterbodies, known as the Perth Great Lakes, spread across the north of the city (Bekle and Gentilli). This phase required the earliest cartographic sources (Figure 3) because, by 1855, city maps no longer depicted wetlands. We synthesised contextual information, such as well depths, geological and botanical maps, settlers’ accounts, Nyoongar oral histories, and colonial-era artists’ impressions, to produce renderings of Perth. This diverse collection of primary and secondary materials served as the basis for creating new images of the city. Team member Jeff Murray interpolated Balbuk’s route using historical mappings and accounts, topographical data, court records, and cartographic common sense. He determined that Balbuk would have camped on the high ground of the southern part of Lake Kingsford rather than the more inundated northern part (Figure 2). Furthermore, she would have followed a reasonably direct course north of St Georges Terrace (contrary to David Whish-Wilson’s imaginings) because she was barred from Government House for protesting. This easier route would have also avoided the springs and gullies that appear on early maps of Perth. Figure 3. Townsite of Perth in Western Australia by Colonial Draftsman A. Hillman and John Septimus Roe (1838). This map of Perth depicts the wetlands that existed overlaid by the geomentric grid of the new city. Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: BA1961/14). Additionally, we produced an animated display based on aerial photographs to show the historical extent of change. Prompted by the build up to World War II, the earliest aerial photography of Perth dates from the late 1930s (Dixon 148–54). As “Sandgroper” noted, by this time, most of the urban wetlands had been drained or substantially modified. The animation revealed considerable alterations to the formerly swampy Swan River shoreline. Most prominent was the transformation of the Matagarup shallows across the Swan River, originally consisting of small islands. Now traversed by a causeway, this area was transformed into a single island, Heirisson—the general site of Balbuk’s birth. The animation and accompanying materials (maps, images, and writings) enabled viewers to apprehend the changes in real time and to imagine what the city was once like. Re-imagining Perth’s Urban Heart The physical environment of inner Perth includes virtually no trace of its wetland origins. Consequently, we considered whether a representation of Perth, as it existed previously, could enhance public understanding of natural heritage and thereby increase its value. For this reason, interpretive materials were exhibited centrally at Perth Town Hall. Built partly by convicts between 1867 and 1870, the venue is close to the site of the 1829 Foundation of Perth, depicted in George Pitt Morrison’s painting. Balbuk’s grandfather “camped somewhere in the city of Perth, not far from the Town Hall” (Bates, “Fanny”). The building lies one block from the site of the railway station on the site of Lake Kingsford, the subsistence grounds of Balbuk and her forebears: The old swamp which is now the Perth railway yards had been a favourite jilgi ground; a spring near the Town Hall had been a camping place of Maiago […] and others of her fathers' folk; and all around and about city and suburbs she had gathered roots and fished for crayfish in the days gone by. (Bates, “Derelicts” 55) Beginning in 1848, the draining of Lake Kingsford reached completion during the construction of the Town Hall. While the swamps of the city were not appreciated by many residents, some organisations, such as the Perth Town Trust, vigorously opposed the reclamation of the lake, alluding to its hydrological role: That, the soil being sand, it is not to be supposed that Lake Kingsford has in itself any material effect on the wells of Perth; but that, from this same reason of the sandy soil, it would be impossible to keep the lake dry without, by so doing, withdrawing the water from at least the adjacent parts of the townsite to the same depth. (Independent Journal of Politics and News 3) At the time of our exhibition, the Lake Kingsford site was again being reworked to sink the railway line and build Yagan Square, a public space named after a colonial-era Nyoongar leader. The project required specialised construction techniques due to the high water table—the remnants of the lake. People travelling to the exhibition by train in October 2014 could have seen the lake reasserting itself in partly-filled depressions, flush with winter rain (Figure 4).Figure 4. Rise of the Repressed (2014). Water Rising in the former site of Lake Kingsford/Irwin during construction, corner of Roe and Fitzgerald Streets, Northbridge, WA. Image Credit: Nandi Chinna (2014). The exhibition was situated in the Town Hall’s enclosed undercroft designed for markets and more recently for shops. While some visited after peering curiously through the glass walls of the undercroft, others hailed from local and state government organisations. Guest comments applauded the alternative view of Perth we presented. The content invited the public to re-imagine Perth as a city of wetlands that were both environmentally and culturally important. A display panel described how the city’s infrastructure presented a hindrance for Balbuk as she attempted to negotiate the once-familiar route between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford (Figure 2). Perth’s growth “restricted Balbuk’s wanderings; towns, trains, and farms came through her ‘line of march’; old landmarks were thus swept away, and year after year saw her less confident of the locality of one-time familiar spots” (Bates, “Fanny”). Conserving Wetlands: From Re-Claiming to Re-Valuing? Imagination, for philosopher Roger Scruton, involves “thinking of, and attending to, a present object (by thinking of it, or perceiving it, in terms of something absent)” (155). According to Scruton, the feelings aroused through imagination can prompt creative, transformative experiences. While environmental conservation tends to rely on data-driven empirical approaches, it appeals to imagination less commonly. We have found, however, that attending to the present object (the city) in terms of something absent (its wetlands) through evocative visual material can complement traditional conservation agendas focused on habitats and species. The actual extent of wetlands loss in the Swan Coastal Plain—the flat and sandy region extending from Jurien Bay south to Cape Naturaliste, including Perth—is contested. However, estimates suggest that 80 per cent of wetlands have been lost, with remaining habitats threatened by climate change, suburban development, agriculture, and industry (Department of Environment and Conservation). As with the swamps and lakes of the inner city, many regional wetlands were cleared, drained, or filled before they could be properly documented. Additionally, the seasonal fluctuations of swampy places have never been easily translatable to two-dimensional records. As Giblett notes, the creation of cartographic representations and the assignment of English names were attempts to fix the dynamic boundaries of wetlands, at least in the minds of settlers and administrators (Postmodern 72–73). Moreover, European colonists found the Western Australian landscape, including its wetlands, generally discomfiting. In a letter from 1833, metaphors failed George Fletcher Moore, the effusive colonial commentator, “I cannot compare these swamps to any marshes with which you are familiar” (220). The intermediate nature of wetlands—as neither land nor lake—is perhaps one reason for their cultural marginalisation (Giblett, Postmodern 39). The conviction that unsanitary, miasmic wetlands should be converted to more useful purposes largely prevailed (Giblett, Black 105–22). Felicity Morel-EdnieBrown’s research into land ownership records in colonial Perth demonstrated that town lots on swampland were often preferred. By layering records using geographic information systems (GIS), she revealed modifications to town plans to accommodate swampland frontages. The decline of wetlands in the region appears to have been driven initially by their exploitation for water and later for fertile soil. Northern market gardens supplied the needs of the early city. It is likely that the depletion of Nyoongar bush foods predated the flourishing of these gardens (Carter and Nutter). Engaging with the history of Perth’s swamps raises questions about the appreciation of wetlands today. In an era where numerous conservation strategies and alternatives have been developed (for example, Bobbink et al. 93–220), the exploitation of wetlands in service to population growth persists. On Perth’s north side, wetlands have long been subdued by controlling their water levels and landscaping their boundaries, as the suburban examples of Lake Monger and Hyde Park (formerly Third Swamp Reserve) reveal. Largely unmodified wetlands, such as Forrestdale Lake, exist south of Perth, but they too are in danger (Giblett, Black Swan). The Beeliar Wetlands near the suburb of Bibra Lake comprise an interconnected series of lakes and swamps that are vulnerable to a highway extension project first proposed in the 1950s. Just as the Perth Town Trust debated Lake Kingsford’s draining, local councils and the public are fiercely contesting the construction of the Roe Highway, which will bisect Beeliar Wetlands, destroying Roe Swamp (Chinna). The conservation value of wetlands still struggles to compete with traffic planning underpinned by a modernist ideology that associates cars and freeways with progress (Gregory). Outside of archives, the debate about Lake Kingsford is almost entirely forgotten and its physical presence has been erased. Despite the magnitude of loss, re-imagining the city’s swamplands, in the way that we have, calls attention to past indiscretions while invigorating future possibilities. We hope that the re-imagining of Perth’s wetlands stimulates public respect for ancestral tracks and songlines like Balbuk’s. Despite the accretions of settler history and colonial discourse, songlines endure as a fundamental cultural heritage. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup states, “as people, if we can get out there on our songlines, even though there may be farms or roads overlaying them, fences, whatever it is that might impede us from travelling directly upon them, if we can get close proximity, we can still keep our culture alive. That is why it is so important for us to have our songlines.” Just as Fanny Balbuk plied her songlines between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford, the traditional custodians of Beeliar and other wetlands around Perth walk the landscape as an act of resistance and solidarity, keeping the stories of place alive. Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge Rod Giblett (ECU), Nandi Chinna (ECU), Susanna Iuliano (ECU), Jeff Murray (Kareff Consulting), Dimitri Fotev (City of Perth), and Brendan McAtee (Landgate) for their contributions to this project. The authors also acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands upon which this paper was researched and written. 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