Academic literature on the topic 'Aboriginal spiritual traditions'

Aboriginal peoples continue to be subjected to drastic over-incarceration. Much of the existing literature explores contemporary adaptations of Aboriginal justice traditions that resemble restorative justice as a solution. There is by comparison a lack of literature that considers searching for solutions during the correctional phase of the justice system, after Aboriginal persons have already been convicted and imprisoned. The objective of this paper is to explore a number of reforms in order to better facilitate rehabilitation, reintegration, and parole for Aboriginal inmates. One is to invest greater resources into culturally sensitive programming that emphasizes spiritual healing for Aboriginal inmates. This is premised on the theme of “spend now, save later” with the idea that increasing the chances for Aboriginal re-integration may represent the better long term investment than simply warehousing large numbers of Aboriginal inmates year after year. Another problem is that many Aboriginal inmates are classified as higher security risks, which results in them being cut off from needed programming. The suggestion here is that criminal history as a static factor for determining security classifications may have little predictive value for the actual security risk posed by Aboriginal inmates, and therefore should be de-emphasized. Correctional Services of Canada should seriously consider developing an Aboriginal-specific classification scale that de-emphasizes criminal history, and emphasizes instead offender participation in culturally appropriate programs and spiritual healing, and behavioural progress while in prison. Risk assessment to re-offend for purposes of granting parole may also represent a form of systemic discrimination since criminal history represents a static factor that encumbers parole for many Aboriginal inmates. Risk assessment should instead emphasize dynamic risk factors by assessing Aboriginal participation in culturally appropriate programming, and attendant behaviourial progress while in prison. The difficult issue of Aboriginal gang activity can perhaps be dealt with through a more flexible system of risk assessment that gauges a willingness to reform and dissociate from the gang lifestyle rather than require Aboriginal inmates to endure nearly permanent penalties for past involvement. Finally, the paper will suggest that it is possible to overcome the political obstacles to implementing these reforms and obtain a political mandate to pursue them after the public is made aware of the benefits they offer.On continue à infliger des peines d’emprisonnement beaucoup trop sévères aux autochtones. Une grande partie des documents existants examinent des adaptations contemporaines des traditions autochtones en matière de justice qui proposent une forme de justice réparatrice comme solution. Par contre, trop peu de documents examinent la possibilité de rechercher des solutions pendant la phase correctionnelle du système de justice, après que les autochtones ont été reconnus coupables et incarcérés. Cet article examine un certain nombre de réformes en vue de faciliter la réhabilitation et la réintégration des détenus autochtones et leur libération conditionnelle. Nous devons en premier lieu consacrer davantage de ressources aux programmes qui tiennent compte des spécificités culturelles et mettent l’accent sur la guérison spirituelle des détenus autochtones. Cette approche repose sur le principe « dépenser maintenant – épargner plus tard » et sur l’idée selon laquelle accroître les chances de réintégration des autochtones représente peut-être un meilleur investissement à long terme qu’incarcérer ceux-ci en grand nombre année après année. Par ailleurs, le fait qu’un bon nombre d’autochtones soient considérés comme représentant un risque élevé pour la sécurité et ne puissent pour cette raison bénéficier des programmes dont ils ont besoin suscite une autre difficulté. Dans cet article, l’auteur avance que s’appuyer sur les antécédents criminels comme facteur statique pour déterminer les classifications de sécurité a peut-être peu de valeur prédictive en ce qui concerne le risque réel de sécurité posé par les détenus autochtones et, par conséquent, qu’on ne devrait plus leur accorder la priorité. Les Services correctionnels du Canada devraient envisager sérieusement de mettre au point une échelle de classification propre aux autochtones qui n’accorde plus la priorité aux antécédents judiciaires et met plutôt l’accent sur la participation du contrevenant à des programmes culturellement adéquats, sur la guérison spirituelle et sur les progrès comportementaux des autochtones pendant leur incarcération. L’évaluation du risque de récidive avant que ne soit accordée la libération conditionnelle peut également représenter une forme de discrimination systémique puisque les antécédents criminels représentent un facteur statique qui empêche de nombreux autochtones d’obtenir une libération conditionnelle. L’évaluation du risque devrait plutôt mettre l’accent sur les facteurs de risque dynamiques en tenant compte de la participation des autochtones à des programmes culturellement adéquats et des progrès comportementaux découlant de cette participation aux programmes pendant l’incarcération. La délicate question des activités de bandes criminelles autochtones pourrait être abordée dans le cadre d’un système plus souple d’évaluation du risque qui tient compte de la volonté de se réformer et de se dissocier du style de vie des gangs au lieu d’exiger que les détenus autochtones subissent des pénalités somme toute permanentes pour leur implication antérieure. Finalement, l’auteur laisse entendre qu’il est possible de surmonter les obstacles politiques à la mise en oeuvre de ces réformes et d’obtenir un mandat politique afin de donner suite à ces réformes une fois que le public aura été informé des avantages qu’elles offrent.

Residential Schools in Canada were created to assimilate native children into Canadian culture. Native traditions, languages and lifestyles were systematically obliterated via prescribed curriculum, punitive educational practices and rampant physical, emotional, spiritual and sexual abuse inflicted upon them. The lingering effects of such atrocities (alarmingly high suicide rates, alcohol and drug addiction and feelings of negative self-worth) have plagued subsequent generations of Aboriginal people in Canada. A residential school survivor’s testimonial helps contextualize the horrors experienced by thousands of children. The paper concludes with the steps undertaken by native groups across Canada that hope to address, via traditional healing methods, the residual effects of such a legacy of pain.

This paper addresses various forms of healing and reconciliation among Canadian Inuit and First Nations, in regards to the Indian residential school system and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Stemming from fieldwork at the TRC’s first national event in Winnipeg (June 2010), I present observations that are supplemented by previous studies on Aboriginal healing methods in Canada. Although Inuit and First Nations healing and reconciliation strategies are based on common themes—tradition and community—in practice they diverge notably, both in their principles and in their applications. First Nations seek healing by activating a sense of community that often transcends their specific cultural group or nation, using pan-Indian spiritual traditions and ceremonies. In contrast, the Inuit most commonly seek to preserve and promote specific Inuit traditions and identity as tools in their healing practices. This divergence could be seen in Inuit and First Nations’ participation in the TRC. The creation of the Inuit sub-commission within the TRC in March 2010, resulting from intense lobbying by Inuit leaders, was a first sign of the group’s distinctive approach to healing. But the unfolding of the TRC’s first national event in Winnipeg showed again how these differences materialise in practice and contribute to a better understanding of Inuit responses to the repercussions of their colonial past and strategies for healing from the legacy of residential schooling.

Since the 1960s, often in an urban setting and alongside the Friendship Centre movement, emerged a form of pan-Indian spirituality often used to connect urban Aboriginal people living far from their home communities and provide a safe cultural meeting place, a harbour for political protest, and an opportunity to embark on healing journeys. This paper will provide an introduction into some of the characteristics of pan-Indian spirituality mainly as expressed through the Healing Movement in particular, the social contexts in which it is emerging, and its national and international reach. The example of the Healing Movement, I argue, demonstrates the complexities of pan-Indian Spirituality, since it is developing through an interplay with localized Indigenous traditions and increasing levels of cross-tribal cultural and spiritual sharing, the encounter of Anglo-European and Indigenous cultures in the development of an ideology of pan-Indian spirituality, and the opportunities and challenges of the significant urbanized nature of Canadian First Nations’ lives.

Different from many other communities, Australian aboriginal communities had lived separately from the rest of the world without any contact with great civilizations for tens of thousands of years before English men’s invasion of Australian continent. Hence, their socio-economic development standards was backward, which can be clearly seen in their economic activities, material culture, mental culture, social institutions, mode of life, etc. However, in the course of history, Australian aborigines created a grandiose cultural heritage of originality with unique identities of their own in particular, of Australia in general. Despite the then wild life, Aboriginal Art covers a wide medium including painting on leaves, wood carving, rock carving, sculpture, sandpainting and ceremonial clothing, as well as artistic decorations found on weaponry and also tools. They created an enormous variety of art styles, original and deeply rich in a common viewpoint towards their background – Dreamtime and Dreaming. This philosophy of arts is reflected in each of rock engravings and rock paintings, bark paintings, cave paintings, etc. with the help of natural materials. Although it can be said that most Aboriginal communities’ way of life, belief system are somewhat similar, each Australian aboriginal community has its own language, territory, legend, customs and practices, and unique ceremonies. Due to the limit of a paper, the author focuses only on some traditional art forms typical of Australian aboriginal communities. These works were simply created but distinctively original, of earthly world but associated with sacred and spiritual life deeply flavored by a mysterious touch. Reflected by legendary stories and art works, the history of Australian Aboriginal people leaves to the next generations a marvelous heritage of mental culture.

Between 1967 and 1992, Aboriginal traditional Elders played increasingly important roles working with Aboriginal inmates in Canadian penitentiaries. Whereas in 1967 a small group of individuals entered prisons as Elders on a voluntary basis, unrecognized by Correctional Services Canada (CSC), over the following decades Elders and CSC developed increasingly formal relationships. By 1992 the Corrections and Conditional Release Act legislated the employment of Elders as spiritual leaders for Aboriginal peoples in prison. This transition was brought about because of an ongoing cultural dialogue between Aboriginal prisoners through inmate groups called the Native Brotherhoods, Aboriginal community organizations that worked inside prisons, and penal administrators. While Native Brotherhoods and the Elders who worked with them were central to the decolonization of prisons, in legislating the practice of Aboriginal spirituality in prisons and mandating the employment of Elders, CSC took control of Aboriginal cultural practices and alienated the community groups that once supported Elders. While the increased rights of Elders under this new framework responded to many of the needs voiced by prisoners and community members, the shift from community-based to institutional-based service represented an important change in the relationship between Aboriginal peoples and Canadian penal institutions. This paper argues that the efforts of individual Elders and Native Brotherhoods and the consolidation of control over their efforts by the penal administrations were the result of simultaneous processes of decolonization and neocolonialism.

Abstract Before the Aboriginal peoples of Chukotka were introduced to European culture, they lived a traditional way of life which defined their material and spiritual culture. During the integration into the Russian State, all spheres of their life went through various transformations. This article presents an overiew of the history of Aboriginal peoples of Chukotka (Yupiget, Chukchi, Evens, Koryaks, Chuvans, Yukagirs and Kereks).

<p>Colonization has had a profound effect on Aboriginal people’s health and the deterioration of traditional Aboriginal healthcare systems. Health problems among Aboriginal people are increasing at an alarming pace, while recovery from these problems tends to be poorer than among other Canadians. Aboriginal people residing in urban settings, while maintaining strong cultural orientations, also face challenges in finding mentors, role models, and cultural services, all of which are key determinants of health. Using a participatory action framework, this study focused on understanding and describing Aboriginal traditional healing methods as viable approaches to improve health outcomes in an urban Aboriginal community. This research investigated the following questions: (a) Do traditional Aboriginal health practices provide a more meaningful way of addressing health strategies for Aboriginal people? (b) How does participation in health circles, based on Aboriginal traditional knowledge, impact the health of urban Aboriginal people? Community members who participated in this project emphasized the value of a cultural approach to health and wellness. The project provided a land-based cultural introduction to being of <em>nə́c̓aʔmat tə šxʷqʷeləwən ct</em> (one heart, one mind) and learning ways of respectful listening <em>x^wna:mstəm</em> (witness) <em>tə slaχen</em> (medicines) (listen to the medicine), through a series of seven health circles. The circles, developed by Aboriginal knowledge keepers, fostered a healthy sense of identity for participants and demonstrated the ways of cultural belonging and community. Participants acknowledged that attending the health circles improved not only their physical health, but also their mental, emotional, and spiritual health.<strong></strong></p>

Comparison of Aboriginal interests in rangelands in western New South Wales with those in north- western Northern Temtory and the Kimberley of Western Australia reveals little difference in their history, aspirations for land acquisition, or plans for multiple use management. Throughout Australia, Aboriginal people who are traditional owners of rangelands continue to live on or near the land they regard as traditionally theirs. This is true of the more closely settled rangelands as well as remote regions. In all the rangeland areas Aboriginal people now wish (and following the Mabo decision may more realistically expect to gain) some form of freehold title to at least some of their land. Aboriginal people whose traditional lands are located in western New South Wales have access to very little of their land but have maintained their connection to it. They have aspirations of obtaining access to and control over portions of it, with plans to manage it under a multiple use regime that would include small-scale sustainable pastoralism and agriculture, while living in dispersed family groups on the land. Aboriginal people's desire to retain access to their traditional land for non-economic reasons (spiritual, social, historical) is paramount. Should the Commonwealth Land Fund legislation be enacted, cultural imperatives as well as economic viability will need to be taken into account in the purchase of land. Planning for future management should incorporate traditional ecological knowledge and should involve Aboriginal traditional owners and their organisations, such as land councils and resource agencies, in local and regional planning.

The core premise of the thesis is that our global environmental and social crises are of our own making and can only be transformed by us. Therefore it is imperative that humanity finds ways of protecting and sustaining the natural environment for our collective survival. This necessarily depends on human beings� ability to co-exist in harmony with other humans and species and to feel connected to and protect nature. This thesis examines three spiritual or wisdom traditions � Aboriginal spiritualities, the Goddess movement and Tibetan Buddhism, as they relate to Arne Naess�s concept of the �ecological self.� The ecological self is a psychological construct that suggests that human beings can evolve from a narrow egocentric way of being and relating to others, to one that is more open, inclusive of the �other� and where one sees all lives as important. One is ultimately able to embrace the whole earth community, so that nothing is excluded as �other�. This process of increasingly �wide identification� Naess defined to be the process of the development of the ecological self. There is much written about spirituality and the environment but little relevant research that specifically examines spiritual traditions as they relate to the ecological self. The insights of transpersonal psychology elucidate the maturation from ego consciousness to eco-consciousness � a process of progressively inclusive identification with �others�, including the environment. However, transpersonal psychology does not directly �converse� with Naess�s construct of an ecological self. This thesis examines the nexus between Arne Naess�s ecological self, transpersonal psychology and the three spiritual traditions. �Aboriginal spiritualities� refers to Australian Aboriginal spiritualities, unless other wise stated. The literature review covers relevant background to the ecological self in relation to Western science and thought; this includes constructions of self and �other� and story. Literature reviews of the three traditions informed in-depth interviews with five research participants who practise or identify with their particular spiritual tradition. I believe this research will enable the reader to gain an overview of the ecological wisdom of these three spiritual traditions, grounded in the lived experience of practitioners who embody these traditions. Each wisdom tradition has a long history of imparting psychological, social and ecological insights and understandings that are profoundly helpful and relevant to the current period of ecological crisis. The interviews are analysed under the broad conceptual themes of ecology, compassion and story. These traditions will be shown to encourage compassion, connectedness, interdependency and impart ecological wisdom - all vital to the realisation of the �ecological self�. Story, lifelong learning and the ecoeducational model are used as frameworks for examining the educational potential of the spiritual traditions involved. A choice must be made: will we continue to base our knowledges on Western science or will we examine alternate constructions of reality, such as those of the three spiritual traditions examined in this thesis? The three spiritual traditions provide a compassionate and non-violent view of human consciousness with the potential to transform into an ecologically sensitive creative force. This thesis argues that great wisdom is held by these three wisdom traditions in the context of education for sustainability. This thesis examines this context.

The title of this chapter derives from Aboriginal elders, whose rich cultural tradition survives, not in written texts, such as the Bible, but in their remarkable ability to “read” the stories/Dreamings, songlines, spiritual presences, sacred sites, and laws “written” on the Australian landscape. Borrowing from this hermeneutical tradition, the chapter focuses on how the narrator of a biblical narrative “reads the landscape,” constructing, and relating characters to, the environment in the context of the plot and perspectives espoused in the plot. It explores the phenomenon of “place” as crucial for an appreciation of location in reading the environment and considers examples of “emplacement,” “displacement” and “re-placement” in key narratives of the Pentateuch. “Place” is ultimately where characters belong in the ecosystem of the narrative. By reading the landscape the chapter examines how the narrator constructs the environment in relation to the plot, characters, and the focus of the narrative.

This chapter attempts to move beyond traditionalist notions of the Australian Aboriginal person. It accepts that personhood is porous and likely to change as general social conditions change. It explores this idea through mini-biographies of four Warlpiri matriarchs who have moved to diaspora locations and deliberately placed themselves at some distance from the social norms operating in their remote homeland settlements. Accounts of traditional Aboriginal personhood emphasised the spiritually emplaced and socially embedded person. In contrast, the lives of the four Warlpiri matriarchs demonstrate the extension of social networks beyond kin, pursuit of their own projects and the rejection of some aspects of traditional law that constrained them. The vectors of these changes include Western education, religious conversion and escape from traditional marriage.