Journal articles on the topic 'Aboriginal non-Aboriginal relationships'

It is critical that health service evaluation frameworks include Aboriginal people and their cultural worldviews from design to implementation. During a large participatory action research study, Elders, service leaders and Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal researchers co-designed evaluation tools to test the efficacy of a previously co-designed engagement framework. Through a series of co-design workshops, tools were built using innovative collaborative processes that foregrounded Aboriginal worldviews. The workshops resulted in the development of a three-way survey that records the service experiences related to cultural safety from the perspective of Aboriginal clients, their carer/s, and the service staff with whom they work. The surveys centralise the role of relationships in client-service interactions, which strongly reflect their design from an Aboriginal worldview. This paper provides new insights into the reciprocal benefits of engaging community Elders and service leaders to work together to develop new and more meaningful ways of servicing Aboriginal families. Foregrounding relationships in service evaluations reinstates the value of human connection and people-centred engagement in service delivery which are central to rebuilding historically fractured relationships between mainstream services and Aboriginal communities. This benefits not only Aboriginal communities, but also other marginalised populations expanding the remit of mainstream services to be accessed by many.

The Union of Australian Women (UAW) was a national organisation for left-wing women between World War II and the emergence of the women’s liberation movement. Along with other left-wing activists, UAW members supported Aboriginal rights, through their policies, publications and actions. They also attracted a number of Aboriginal members including Pearl Gibbs, Gladys O’Shane, Dulcie Flower and Faith Bandler. Focusing on NSW activity in the assimilation period, this article argues that the strong support of UAW members for Aboriginal rights drew upon the group’s establishment far-left politics, its relations with other women’s groups and the activism of its Aboriginal members. Non-Aboriginal members of the UAW gave practical and resourceful assistance to their Aboriginal comrades in a number of campaigns through the assimilation era, forming productive and collaborative relationships. Many of their campaigns aligned with approaches of the Communist Party of Australia and left-wing trade unions. In assessing the relationship between the UAW and Aboriginal rights, this article addresses a gap in the scholarship of assimilation era activism.

Abstract Researching and writing about Aboriginal sport history is one of the most challenging, and rewarding, opportunities of our scholarly careers. It is challenging because non-Aboriginal people must engage with ontological, epistemological, theoretical, empirical, and methodological issues and ideas that often exist outside traditional Western conventions. Challenges for male scholars escalate in attempting to represent the experiences of Aboriginal sportswomen. Not only do we need to engage with racial theories and gender analysis, as Susan Birrell has done throughout her career, but it involves consciously creating narratives from the outside as non-Aboriginal men with all the boundaries and limitations this situation imposes. The final layer of complexity is that Aboriginal history-making involves appropriate recognition of, and involvement with, Aboriginal people, and creating reciprocal relationships and practices that are community-driven. We address these issues through a case study of the Marching Girls from the Aboriginal settlement of Cherbourg in Queensland, Australia.

IntroductionMainstream Australian mental health services are failing Aboriginal young people. Despite investing resources, improvements in well-being have not materialised. Culturally and age appropriate ways of working are needed to improve service access and responsiveness. This Aboriginal-led study brings Aboriginal Elders, young people and youth mental health service staff together to build relationships to co-design service models and evaluation tools. Currently, three Western Australian youth mental health services in the Perth metropolitan area and two regional services are working with local Elders and young people to improve their capacity for culturally and age appropriate services. Further Western Australian sites will be engaged as part of research translation.Methods and analysisRelationships ground the study, which utilises Indigenous methodologies and participatory action research. This involves Elders, young people and service staff as co-researchers and the application of a decolonising, strengths-based framework to create the conditions for engagement. It foregrounds experiential learning and Aboriginal ways of working to establish relationships and deepen non-Aboriginal co-researchers’ knowledge and understanding of local, place-based cultural practices. Once relationships are developed, co-design workshops occur at each site directed by local Elders and young people. Co-designed evaluation tools will assess any changes to community perceptions of youth mental health services and the enablers and barriers to service engagement.Ethics and disseminationThe study has approval from the Kimberley Aboriginal Health Planning Forum Kimberley Research Subcommittee, the Western Australian Aboriginal Health Ethics Committee, and the Curtin University Human Research Ethics Committee. Transferability of the outcomes across the youth mental health sector will be directed by the co-researchers and is supported through Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal organisations including youth mental health services, peak mental health bodies and consumer groups. Community reports and events, peer-reviewed journal articles, conference presentations and social and mainstream media will aid dissemination.

Aboriginal law disputes are disputes that arise in the spaces between Indigenous and non-Indigenous societies. To date, the Supreme Court of Canada has resolved Aboriginal law disputes under section 35 by relying heavily on the common law to the exclusion of Indigenous legal traditions and principles. In this article, the author argues that applying a bijural interpretation of the principle of respect provides a promising pathway forward in resolving Aboriginal law disputes in a way that supports the grand purpose of section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982—reconciliation. The author discusses the principle of respect by considering both non-Indigenous and Indigenous theories to propose a robust conception of respect to guide Aboriginal law jurisprudence. She then suggests three ways to implement the principle of respect in the intercultural relationship: (1) making interdependence and relationships primary; (2) rejecting colonial attitudes and stereotypes of Indigenous peoples; and (3) creating political and legal space for the expression and flourishing of cultural difference.

The academic difficulties experienced by many Aboriginal (First Nations, Métis, Inuit) students in Canada have been well-documented. Indicators such as school persistence and post-secondary enrollment are typically far lower for Aboriginal students as a group compared to non-Aboriginal students. Identifying facilitators of success is key to improving the academic experiences of Aboriginal students. Accordingly, the objective of the current study was to identify influential factors related to the educational success of Aboriginal students, from the perspective of students and teachers, through the lens of Bronfenbrenner’s (1995) “Bioecological Model.” The insights of participants spoke to the importance of relationships, self-concept and academic expectations, the relevance of the school curriculum, and academic aspirations as factors influencing educational success.

Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and adult mental health were explored in a sample of urban Aboriginal ( n = 83) and non-Aboriginal ( n = 89) women. Childhood sexual abuse (CSA) was associated with negative home environments, teenage pregnancy, lifetime suicide attempts, and treatment seeking. Aboriginal women with CSA witnessed higher levels of physical/sexual abuse of family members. The severity of current psychological distress was associated with a history of childhood neglect. The results indicate that CSA rarely occurs in isolation, and that multiple ACEs are strongly associated with suicide attempts and treatment seeking in adulthood. Future studies should focus on the role of CSA in suicidality, as well as familial, community, and cultural protective factors.

This paper begins by discussing Sue Campbell's account of memory as she first developed it in Relational Remembering: Rethinking the Memory Wars and applied it to the context of the false memory debates. In more recent work, Campbell was working on expanding her account of relational remembering from an analysis of personal rememberings to activities of public rememberings in contexts of historic harms and, specifically, harms to Aboriginals and their communities in Canada. The goal of this paper is to draw out the moral and political implications of Campbell's account of relational remembering and thereby to extend its reach and application. As applied to Aboriginal communities, Campbell's account of relational remembering confirms but also explains the important role that Canada's Indian Residential Schools Truth and Reconciliation Commission (IRS TRC) is poised to play. It holds this promise and potential, however, only if all Canadians, Aboriginal and non‐Aboriginal, engage in a process of remembering that is relational and has the goal of building and rebuilding relationships. The paper ends by drawing attention to what relational remembering can teach us about oppression more generally.

This paper reviews the advocacy role of Aboriginal community controlled health services (ACCHSs) in the development of Aboriginal health policy over the past 30 years, with a specific focus on the recent changes in Commonwealth funding and administrative responsibility - the transfer of Aboriginal health service funding from the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) to the Office of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Services (OATSIHS) within the Commonwealth Department of Health and Ageing (DoHA), and the development of policies aimed at Aboriginal health services accessing mainstream (Medical Benefits Scheme [MBS]) funds. The outcomes of this policy change include a significant increase in funding to Aboriginal primary health care (PHC), the inclusion of ACCHSs in collaborative strategic relationships, and the development of new arrangements involving regional planning and access to per capita funds based on MBS equivalents. However, the community sector remains significantly disadvantaged in participating in this collaborative effort, and imposed bureaucratic processes have resulted in serious delays in releasing funds for actual services in communities. Government agencies need to take greater heed of community advocacy, and provide appropriate resourcing to enable community organisations to better direct government effort, especially at the implementation phase. These remain major concerns and should be considered by non-health sectors in the development of new funding and program development mechanisms in the wake of the abolition of ATSIC.

Background. Although effective partnerships between Aboriginal and mainstream health services are critical to improve Aboriginal health outcomes, many factors can cause these partnerships to be tenuous and unproductive. Understanding the elements of best practice for successful partnerships is essential. Methods. A literature review was conducted in 2009 using keyword searches of electronic databases. Sourced literature was assessed for relevance regarding the benefits, challenges, lessons learnt and factors contributing to successful Aboriginal and mainstream partnerships. Key themes were collated. Results. Although there is much literature regarding general partnerships generally, few specifically examine Aboriginal and mainstream health service partnerships. Twenty-four sources were reviewed in detail. Benefits include broadening service capacity and improving the cultural security of healthcare. Challenges include the legacy of Australia’s colonial history, different approaches to servicing clients and resource limitations. Recommendations for success include workshopping tensions early, building trust and leadership. Conclusion. Although successful partnerships are crucial to optimise Aboriginal health outcomes, failed collaborations risk inflaming sensitive Aboriginal–non-Aboriginal relationships. Factors supporting successful partnerships remind us to develop genuine, trusting relationships that are tangibly linked to the Aboriginal community. Failure to invest in this relational process and push forward with ‘business as usual’ can ultimately have negative ramifications on client outcomes. What is known about the topic? Partnerships between different health services have long been recognised as beneficial for broadening service capacity and using resources more effectively to improve client care. The current policy climate particularly recognises partnerships between Aboriginal and mainstream services as offering multiple benefits for improving the cultural and clinical capacity of health service delivery to Aboriginal clients. Yet many challenges face these arrangements, including tensions stemming from historical and current race relations, different ways of working and ongoing Aboriginal disadvantage. What does this paper add? Although partnerships between Aboriginal and mainstream services are strongly advocated for, there is a paucity of research on the challenges in these arrangements and practical suggestions on how to make such partnerships genuinely successful. This paper analyses the results from research, case studies, reports and reviews to identify the factors that challenge and enhance partnerships between Aboriginal and mainstream health services. The collation of this information also enables indicators of best practice to be presented. What are the implications for practitioners? Although there are considerable challenges for Aboriginal and mainstream health services entering into partnerships, this paper offers health service practitioners and managers a summary of lessons learnt and a ‘checklist’ of best practice indicators to assist them in developing, implementing and sustaining a successful collaborative arrangement.

Introduction The assessment of social and emotional wellbeing (SEWB) among Aboriginal people in Australia and elsewhere is complex and challenging task. A culturally appropriate tool for screening SEWB among Aboriginal adults known as the Here and Now Aboriginal Assessment (HANAA) has been developed and evaluated. The HANAA is based on exploring key domains of Aboriginal concept of SEWB and is based on a yarning process aimed to initiate a semi-structured interview that covers each domain. Over the last ten years the HANAA has been widely used by Aboriginal mental health service providers around Australia and elsewhere. Objectives There have been multiple requests by service providers for a similar tool to be developed for young Aboriginal people. The aim of this study was to develop a youth version of the HANAA. Methods A Working Group was established to guide the development of the youth HANAA. This work included discussion of assessment domains, prompt words and other adolescent specific considerations that were needed. The evlauation process was also discussed. Results The adult version of HANAA was well accepted by participants. Reliability was good with kappa agreements between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal interviewers ranging from 0.5 to 1.0. Agreement between interviewers and treating clinicians on ecommended course of action was good. Conclusions Based on the previous field test results, it is expected that the youth HANAA will also be a culturally appropriate and useful tool which can be used by a range of service providers with differing levels of mental health training to assess SEWB among young Aboriginal people. Disclosure No significant relationships.

The risk for many chronic diseases appears to be mediated in part by birth weight. Among Aboriginal Canadians, the prevalence of end-stage renal disease and cardiovascular disease risk is disproportionately high, largely because of elevated diabetes prevalence. The relationships between birth weight (and other potential risk factors) and diabetes, hypertension, proteinuria and overweight/obesity were explored in 1439 rural Albertans (Canada), of whom 67.3% were Aboriginal. At voluntary outreach screening programs, demographic and clinical data were measured and recalled birth weights recorded. Statistical modeling using logistic regression was used to evaluate the relationships. In the final adjusted models, associations remained for low birth weight and proteinuria [odds ratio (OR) 2.36; 95% CI 1.24–4.49], as well as for high birth weight and overweight/obesity (OR 1.58; 95% CI 1.00–2.53). These findings emphasize the need to strive for healthy pregnancies, with appropriate weight gains in these and other disadvantaged populations around the world.

In this personal memoir of three years teaching at the First Nations University of Canada, the author reflects on what she learned, in applying internally and externally, an Aboriginal model of social work education. As a person of non-Aboriginal ancestry, she explores how her own struggle with the imbalances inherent in academia spurred her search in grounding her teaching in holism, healing, reciprocal relationships, empowerment, liberation, and pleasure, and how the integration of these practices strengthened her relationships with her own spirit, but also with ‘all my relations’.

This article highlights the personal journey of reflective development that a non-Aboriginal White researcher and health professional underwent to be “fully positioned” in the everyday lives of a rural Australian Aboriginal community in Western Australia. The article explains the researcher’s personal development in areas important to building respect, building relationships, and ensuring reciprocity while undertaking Aboriginal research. The researcher reports on the reflective evaluation of her worldview. Understanding that judgment is a natural tendency, the researcher used reflexivity as a tool to examine and contextualize her judgments, presumptions, and preconceptions, which positioned her to be open to differing viewpoints and actively explore alternate perspectives. The researcher explores her evolutionary understanding that cultural competence is not a destination but a continual journey, and she details her knowledge development regarding the Aboriginal research paradigm, which requires that all the learning, sharing, and growth taking place is reciprocal and engages all parties actively.

Abstract Drawing on the oral narratives of Okanagan storyteller Harry Robinson (1900-1990), this article challenges historians, folklorists, and others to consider how the early Boasian ethnographic archive has shaped our understanding of Aboriginal historical consciousness. At every turn, Robinson challenges the archive’s fixation on a static Golden Age Past. Robinson’s Coyote, for example, is important not for what he represents in the deep past, but for his fluid relationships with non-Aboriginal peoples from the beginning of time to the present. Taking its lead from scholars such as Charles Briggs and Richard Bauman, the article argues for the need to refocus attention on Aboriginal interpretations of the recent past, paying close attention to what ethnographic discourse has excluded and why. It concludes that what we have inherited from the Boasian archive may reveal more about dominant discourses of imperial accommodation and material power than about the living Aboriginal discourses of its times.

I have tried to show how criticism of aboriginal orthodoxy in discourse and measures taken by the current Conservative government and private commentators have set in motion a process of contempt, risking the harm associated with colonialism. Another critique of aboriginal orthodoxy, as presented by Jean-Jacques Simard, claims that First Nations are entitled to a certain level of self-government in defence of the rights of the abstract person: “it is first and foremost simply as human beings that all Amerindians possess the same rights as anyone else….” Yet this option ignores the history of First Nations’ relationships with French Canadians, English Canadians and the British. While appeal to the abstract person can protect people from a threat, it cannot eliminate that threat. It seems clear that contempt towards aboriginals is still present and that their emancipation without an honourable historical justification would also lead to the exacerbation of racism against aboriginals. To make mutual recognition possible between aboriginal and non-aboriginal, we need to have shared criteria for evaluation. It would seem, therefore, that if we were willing to integrate First Nations into the Canadian constitutional order by fully recognizing them, we must find a common project. If the Canadian government were to move more in the direction of an ecological vision of development rather than in the direction of a predatory capitalism based on infinite economic growth, I believe it would be easier to secure First Nations’ sense of belonging to Canada and to agree on models for joint territorial management. That awakening rings a bell we must hear: if seniority on the land and the role played by national groups in the founding of Canada are erased by a unitary, multicultural and monarchist vision of the country, the odds are high that Canadians of diverse origins will eventually suffer the blows of renewed authoritarianism and contempt.

Secure attachment has been consistently associated with positive outcomes for children. The complex and intergenerational trauma resulting from colonialism that Aboriginal people in Canada have suffered may threaten the development of secure attachment. Using a case example drawn from social work practice, this paper proposes that Aboriginal children who are insecurely attached and traumatized present particular treatment needs. There is little prior research addressing the treatment needs of insecurely attached Aboriginal children in out-of-home care. Further, in provincial and territorial child welfare agencies Aboriginal children are overwhelmingly in the substitute care of non-Aboriginal caregivers. This paper looks to attachment theory for a treatment approach within these cross-cultural relationships. Attachment theory has shown that the attachment styles of children can be reliably predicted at a rate of 75 percent by looking to those of their caregivers. Additionally, children have been shown to be capable of developing multiple attachment styles in response to the attachment styles of the adults with whom they are in caregiving relationships. Thus, given the stronginfluence of caregiver attachment on the attachment styles of children, it is compelling to look at the potential impact of the attachment styles of substitute caregivers on the children in their care. This paper proposes that in provincial or territorial child welfare it may be necessary to promote substitute caregivers who are securely attached and to acknowledge the context of trauma within which these children and caregivers are striving for well-being.

ObjectiveThe aim of this study was to identify the hepatitis C treatment intentions of Aboriginal people living with hepatitis C virus (HCV) in Western Australia. MethodsThis study used a mixed-methods design. In the cross-sectional survey, 123 Aboriginal people who inject drugs and self-report as living with hepatitis C completed a purpose-designed questionnaire. In the qualitative phase, 10 participants were interviewed about the factors influencing their future intentions to undertake hepatitis C treatment. ResultsAnalysis of the survey data revealed significant associations between an intention to undertake hepatitis C treatment and support, community attachment, stable housing and stigma. In addition, there was a high overall level of expressed intention to undertake HCV treatment, with 54% of participants responding positively. Analysis of the qualitative data supported quantitative findings, revealing concerns about stigma, lack of social support and unstable housing as factors affecting the intention to undertake hepatitis C treatment. ConclusionThis mixed methods study with Aboriginal people living with self-reported HCV indicates interventions focused on reducing stigma and unstable housing could positively affect hepatitis C treatment intentions. These findings have implications for developing holistic programs to promote and support people on hepatitis C treatment. What is known about the topic?Substantial knowledge gaps need to be resolved if HCV elimination among Aboriginal Australians is to be achieved. Current research has prioritised non-Aboriginal communities. What does this paper add?This study found that stigma and unstable housing require attention if Aboriginal Australians are to obtain the full benefits of direct acting antiviral (DAA) hepatitis C treatment. What are the implications for practitioners?Reducing stigma (in the primary healthcare setting) and providing access to stable housing are vital components of supportive, non-judgemental and culturally appropriate care for Aboriginal people. This study highlights the importance of education for nurses and other primary care providers to increase engagement in the hepatitis cascade of care. To achieve this, scaling-up of HCV treatment engagement, trained Aboriginal community healthcare workers and HCV treatment advocates must mobilise and support Aboriginal people to avoid the negative effects of stigma, build positive and enabling relationships and reinforce positive attitudes towards DAA hepatitis C treatment.

Objective: To develop an understanding of parenting strategies used by Aboriginal Australian parents impacted by colonisation and other forms of adversity to break cycles of trauma within families. Design: “Yarning circles” involving qualitative interviews with six Aboriginal parents were conducted. Parents who identified as having experienced childhood histories of trauma and historical loss were asked about parenting strategies that helped them to break cycles of intergenerational trauma. Interviews were transcribed and independently coded by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal psychologists who worked for an Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation. Results: Parents identified over 100 strategies associated with parenting and breaking cycles of trauma. Some strategies aligned well with research on the protective effects of safe, stable, nurturing relationships. Other strategies focused upon domains of culture, community, and history, and addressed issues such as family violence, colonisation, and the intergenerational links between trauma and parenting. The strategies were collated into a community resource that could be used by other Aboriginal parents. Conclusion: Parental histories of colonisation and interpersonal and intergenerational trauma can have a significant impact on kinship networks and community environments that Aboriginal parenting practices are embedded within. Parents who identified with having managed to break cycles of trauma reported using a wide range of successful parenting strategies. These strategies serve a diversity of functions, such as parenting approaches that aim to directly influence children’s behaviour and foster wellbeing, manage family and community conflict, and manage parental histories of trauma and trauma responses in ways that mitigate the impact on their children.

Objective: Translation of evidence into practice by health systems can be slow and incomplete and may disproportionately impact disadvantaged populations. Coronary heart disease is the leading cause of death among Aboriginal Australians. Timely access to effective medical care for acute coronary syndrome substantially improves survival. A quality-of-care audit conducted at a regional Western Australian hospital in 2011–2012 compared the Emergency Department management of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal acute coronary syndrome patients. This audit is used as a case study of translating knowledge processes in order to identify the factors that support equity-oriented knowledge translation. Methods: In-depth interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of the audit team and further key stakeholders with interest/experience in knowledge translation in the context of Aboriginal health. Interviews were analysed for alignment of the knowledge translation process with the thematic steps outlined in Tugwell’s cascade for equity-oriented knowledge translation framework. Results: In preparing the audit, groundwork helped shape management support to ensure receptivity to targeting Aboriginal cardiovascular outcomes. Reporting of audit findings and resulting advocacy were undertaken by the audit team with awareness of the institutional hierarchy, appropriate timing, personal relationships and recognising the importance of tailoring messages to specific audiences. These strategies were also acknowledged as important in the key stakeholder interviews. A follow-up audit documented a general improvement in treatment guideline adherence and a reduction in treatment inequalities for Aboriginal presentations. Conclusion: As well as identifying outcomes such as practice changes, a useful evaluation increases understanding of why and how an intervention worked. Case studies such as this enrich our understanding of the complex human factors, including individual attributes, experiences and relationships and systemic factors that shape equity-oriented knowledge translation. Given the potential that improving knowledge translation has to close the gap in Aboriginal health disparities, we must choose strategies that adequately take into account the unique contingencies of context across institutions and cultures.

<sec id="st1">Background Historically, Aboriginal health research in Australia has been non-participatory, misrepresentative, and has produced few measurable improvements to community health. The Study of Environment on Aboriginal Resilience and Child Health (SEARCH) was established to co-create and co-translate research. Over the past decade, SEARCH has built a sustainable partnership across policy, research, clinical and Aboriginal community sectors which has resulted in improvements in Aboriginal health through enhanced services, policies and programmes. </sec> <sec id="st2">Aims and objectives This study describes the critical success factors behind SEARCH, focusing on how SEARCH was established, and continues to build trusting co-creative relationships. It also explores some continuing challenges and considers how the partnership might be strengthened.</sec> <sec id="st3">Methods Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 26 stakeholders, purposively selected to obtain maximum diversity of roles and perspectives. Interview questions explored concepts that informed the development of SEARCH such as trust, transparency, leadership, governance, reciprocity and empowerment. Data was analysed thematically and written up using the qualitative description approach. </sec> <sec id="st4">Findings and discussion Nine critical success factors were identified: shared power; strong credible leadership; shared vision, shared goals; willingness to take risks; connecting across cultures; empowering the community; valuing local Aboriginal knowledge; ongoing investment and collaboration; and adaptability. While each of these factors has areas for ongoing improvement, this case example demonstrates that co-creation and co-translation of research in Aboriginal health is achievable and, indeed, necessary to improve health outcomes.</sec>

AbstractIndigenous conversation and voice are increasingly heard in the research literature but there needs to be more dialogue in order for it to be a two-way conversation. This paper contributes to research that attempts to redress this situation by reporting on conversations with Aboriginal parents and caregivers of students enrolled in a public secondary school in a large New South Wales country town. The conversations were conducted over a three-year period (2005-7) by a team non-Indigenous researchers working in collaboration with Indigenous researchers. In this paper, we describe the various approaches we developed to establish conversations with Aboriginal parents and caregivers, and the various themes that emerged over the course of the study. We also assess how this type of research is located within and contributes to, the existing research literature. Finally, we discuss the importance of ongoing conversations with Aboriginal parents and caregivers, and how schools and systems can better respond to well-established policy goals of productive parent-school relationships.

While Koori Liaison positions have existed in tertiary health settings in Victoria for some time, the employment of a Koori worker in a broad-based primary health care service is a relatively new initiative. The advantages of locating a Koori access worker in a community health service are numerous: the worker is well positioned to work very closely with the local Koori community at a grass-roots level, with multi-disciplinary health professionals within the organisation, and also with external agencies, both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal. The role of the access worker is to advocate for improved Koori access to Darebin Community Health services, local health and welfare agencies and local general practitioners. An early emphasis of the position was to establish a strong relationship with the local Koori community and to build effective working relationships with and referral pathways to health care providers.

Little is known of the quality of life (QoL) of cancer patients in the Northern Territory (NT) of Australia, where healthcare delivery is geographically challenged. This exploratory study describes QoL among Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal cancer patients in the NT, in the first year of diagnosis. Participants were recruited from the only cancer care centre in the NT and completed the Assessment of Quality-of-Life questionnaire (AQoL-4D). The results were descriptively analysed. The participants’ (n = 63; mean age 58.8 years) mean AQoL utility score was 0.72 (SD 0.26); patients scored lowest in the relationships and mental health dimensions of the questionnaire (mean 0.89, SD 0.19, and 0.89, SD 0.17, respectively). Participants living in remote and very remote areas (46%) reported higher QoL scores, compared with participants in the outer regional capital city of the NT in the overall (mean 0.76, SD 0.22 and 0.78, SD 0.20 vs. 0.67, SD 0.29, respectively), and mental health dimensions (mean 0.92, SD 0.09 and mean 0.94, SD 0.06 vs. 0.85, SD 0.22, respectively). The findings were suggestive of clinically meaningful differences across socioeconomic groups, cancer and treatment types, and comorbidity status. Mean QoL scores were consistent with previous reports in other Australian cancer cohorts. The findings suggest a need to support cancer patients’ mental health and relationships during the diagnosis and treatment phase of their cancer journey.

This case study centres on projects instigated by the University of Wollongong’s Batemans Bay campus which engaged other community entities in collaboration to produce a cultural and educational resource in book form. These projects occurred between 2017 and 2019 with more planned for the future. While this work is not a how-to guide, the analysis contained within will allow a broad application of principles in other contexts to increase community engagement and collaboration. The broad principles for success of such projects are identified as Place, Relationships, and Communication. These key elements are evaluated from a researcher/participant perspective and the inter-play between these crucial elements in an educational framework is described as Nourishing Pedagogy. The conceptualisation of Country as Teacher, a framework in which both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people can learn from Country, was a crucial element as the On Country Learning (OCL) experiences were the primary sites where the Nourishing Pedagogy practice was manifest. While there are many factors that contributed to the success of the projects it was clear that the privileging of Aboriginal perspectives and the yielding of institutional power, taking the form of the decampment of institutional buildings for the purpose of participating in the projects, was critical.

This article explores and extends one aspect of the research theories and methods defined by Lester-Irabinna Rigney (1999) as ‘Indigenist research’, namely, published sources. We view published sources broadly as incorporating poetry, life histories, community histories, creation stories, scholarly articles and books. This article seeks to operationalise Indigenist research in the context of the sources that are central to academic work and critically engage with how the ontologies that inform knowledges are valued in the academy. We aim to explore the relationships Aboriginal people create with the parts of their knowledges that have become translated into text. Whilst acknowledging that oral traditions and processes are fundamentally important, this article seeks to situate sources published by Aboriginal people as a key part of the ‘contestation of knowledge’ that lies at the heart of Indigenist research (Rigney 1999: 116). Our aim is to start the conversation about the issues that are raised in framing how primary and secondary sources might be constituted within Indigenist research. We are two Aboriginal scholars of the Palyku people, and one non-Indigenous scholar. Writing in this academic space requires openness, sharing and profound trust between collaborators, which we have had the privilege of developing together over many years.

Full TextThe first law enacted in Canada to protect existing Aboriginal rights was section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982.2 The first law in Canada to recognize the rights of non-human animals as anything other than property has yet to be enacted. The first Supreme Court of Canada (hereafter referred to as the Court) case to interpret section 35 was R. v. Sparrow.3 The 1990 case confirmed an Aboriginal right of the Musqueam peoples of British Columbia to fish for food, social and ceremonial purposes. Since this precedent-setting case, many similar claims have been brought before the courts by way of the fluctuating legal space created by s.35. Many of these cases have been about establishing rights to fish4, hunt5, and trap non-human animals (hereafter referred to as animals). The Court has developed, and continues to develop tests to determine the existence and scope of Aboriginal rights. These tests primarily embody cultural, political and, to a surprisingly lesser degree, legal forces. One of the principal problems with these tests is that they privilege, through the western philosophical lens, the interests of humans. Animals are, at best, the resources over which ownership is being contested. The Euro-centric legal conceptualization of animals as 'resources' over which ownership can be exerted is problematic for at least two reasons. First, the relegation of animals solely to a utilitarian role is antithetical to Indigenous-animal relationships and therefore demonstrates one of the fundamental ways the Canadian legal system is ill equipped to give adequate consideration to Indigenous law. Second, failure to consider animals' inherent value and agency in this context reproduces the human-animal and culture-nature binaries that are at the root of many of western Euro-centric society's inequities. This paper argues that Aboriginal peoples' relationships with animals are a necessary, integral and distinctive part of their cultures6 and, therefore, these relationships and the actors within them are entitled to the aegis of s.35. Through the legal protection of these relationships, animals will gain significant protection as a corollary benefit. If the Court were to protect the cultural relationships between animals and Aboriginal groups, a precondition would be acceptance of Indigenous legal systems. Thus, this paper gives a brief answer to the question, what are Indigenous legal systems and why are animals integral to them? The Anishinabe (also known Ojibwe or Chippewa) are Indigenous peoples who have historically lived in the Great Lakes region. The Bruce Peninsula on Lake Huron is home to the Cape Croker Indian Reserve, where the Chippewas of Nawash First Nation live. The people of this First Nation identify as Anishinabe. The Anishinabek case of Nanabush v. Deer is a law among these people and is used throughout the paper as an example of Indigenous-animal relationships. Making the significant assumption that s.35 has the capacity to recognize Indigenous law, the subsequent section of the paper asks why we should protect these relationships and how that protection should be achieved. Finally, the paper concludes that both the ability of s.35 to recognize Indigenous-animal relationships, and the judicial and political will to grant such recognition, are unlikely. Indigenous-animal relationships are integral to the distinctive culture of the Anishinabek, however the courts would be hesitant to allow such an uncertain and potentially far-reaching right. This is not surprising given that such a claim by both Indigenous and animal groups would challenge the foundations upon which the Canadian legal system is based. There are many sensitive issues inherent in this topic. It should be noted the author is not of Indigenous ancestry, but is making every effort to learn about and respect the Indigenous legal systems discussed. While this paper focuses on a number of Anishinabek laws; it is neither a complete analysis of these practices, nor one that can be transferred, without adaptation, to other peoples. Finally, Indigenous peoples and animal rights and Indigenous law scholars, such as Tom Regan and Mary Ellen Turpel-Lafond, respectively, may insist on an abolitionist approach to animal 'use' or reject the legitimacy of s.35 itself.7 These perspectives are worthy and necessary. This paper positions itself amongst these and other sources in order to reflect upon the timely and important issue of the legal status of Indigenous-animal relationships. I:WHAT ARE INDIGENOUS LEGAL SYSTEMS? The Law Commission of Canada defines a legal tradition as “a set of deeply rooted, historically conditioned attitudes about the nature of law, the role of law in the society and the polity, the proper organization and operation of a legal system, and the way law is or should be made, applied, studied, perfected and taught.”8 Indigenous legal traditions fit this description. They are living systems of beliefs and practices, and have been recognized as such by the courts.9 Indigenous practices developed into systems of law that have guided communities in their governance, and in their relationships amongst their own and other cultures and with the Earth.10 These laws have developed through stories, historical events that may be viewed as ‘cases,’ and other lived experiences. Indigenous laws are generally non-prescriptive, non-adversarial and non-punitive and aim to promote respect and consensus, as well as close connection with the land, the Creator, and the community. Indigenous laws are a means through which vital knowledge of social order within the community is transmitted, revived and retained. After European ‘settlement’ the influence of Indigenous laws waned. This was due in part to the state’s policies of assimilation, relocation and enfranchisement. 11 Despite these assaults, Indigenous legal systems have persevered; they continue to provide guidance to many communities, and are being revived and re-learned in others. For example, the Nisga’a’s legal code, Ayuuk, guides their communities and strongly informs legislation enacted under the Nisga’a Final Agreement, the first modern treaty in British Columbia.12 The land and jurisdiction claims of the Wet’suwet’en and Gitxsan Nations ultimately resulted in the Court’s decision in Delgamuukw,13 a landmark case that established the existence of Aboriginal title. The (overturned) BC Supreme Court’s statement in Delgamuukw14 reveals two of the many challenges in demonstrating the validity of Indigenous laws: “what the Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en witnesses[es] describe as law is really a most uncertain and highly flexible set of customs which are frequently not followed by the Indians [sic] themselves.” The first challenge is that many laws are not in full practice, and therefore not as visible as they could be and once were. What the courts fail to acknowledge, however, is that the ongoing colonial project has served to stifle, extinguish and alter these laws. The second challenge is that the kind of law held and practiced by Indigenous peoples is quite foreign to most non-Indigenous people. Many Indigenous laws have animals as central figures. In Anishinabek traditional law, often the animals are the lawmakers15: they develop the legal principles and have agency as law givers. For instance, the Anishinabek case Nanabush v. Deer, Wolf , as outlined by Burrows, is imbued with legal principles, lessons on conduct and community governance, as well as ‘offenses’ and penalties. It is not a case that was adjudicated by an appointed judge in a courtroom, but rather one that has developed over time as a result of peoples’ relationships with the Earth and its inhabitants. An abbreviated summary of the case hints at these legal lessons: Nanabush plays a trick on a deer and deliberately puts the deer in a vulnerable position. In that moment of vulnerability, Nanabush kills the deer and then roasts its body for dinner. While he is sleeping and waiting for the deer to be cooked, the Wolf people come by and take the deer. Nanabush wakes up hungry, and out of desperation transforms into a snake and eats the brains out of the deer head. Once full, he is stuck inside the head and transforms back into his original shape, but with the deer head still stuck on. He is then chased and nearly killed by hunters who mistake him for a real deer. This case is set within the legal context of the Anishinabek’s treaty with deer. In signing the treaty, the people were reminded to respect beings in life and death and that gifts come when beings respect each other in interrelationships.16 Nanabush violated the rights of the deer and his peoples’ treaty with the deer. He violated the laws by taking things through trickery, and by causing harm to those he owed respect. Because his actions were not in accordance with Anishinabek legal principles, he was punished: Nanabush lost the thing he was so desperately searching for, and he ended up nearly being killed. This case establishes two lessons. The first is that, like statutory and common law, with which Canadians are familiar, Indigenous law does not exist in isolation. Principles are devised based on multiple teachings, pre- vious rules and the application of these rules to facts. That there are myriad sources of Indigenous law suggests that the learning of Indigenous law would require substantial effort on the part of Canadian law-makers.17 The second is that animals hold an important place in Indigenous law, and those relationships with animals – and the whole ‘natural’ world – strongly inform the way they relate to the Earth. II: CAN CANADIAN LAW ACCEPT INDIGENOUS LEGAL SYSTEMS? If there were a right recognized under s.35 concerning the Indigenous-animal relationship, what would it look like? Courts develop legal tests to which the facts of each case are applied, theoretically creating a degree of predictability as to how a matter will be judged. Introduced in Sparrow, and more fully developed in Van der Peet, a ‘test’ for how to assess a valid Aboriginal right has been set out by the Court. Summarized, the test is: “in order to be an Aboriginal right an activity must be an element of a practice, custom or tradition integral to the distinctive culture of the Aboriginal group claiming the right.”18 There are ten, differently weighted factors that a court will consider in making this assessment. The right being ‘tested’ in this discussion is the one exemplified in Nanabush v. Deer: the ability of Indigenous peoples to recognize and practice their laws, which govern relationships, including death, with deer and other animals. The courts have agreed that a generous, large and liberal construction should be given to Indigenous rights in order to give full effect to the constitutional recognition of the distinctiveness of Aboriginal culture. Still, it is the courts that hold the power to define rights as they conceive them best aligning with Canadian society19; this is one way that the Canadian state reproduces its systems of power over Indigenous peoples.20 The application of the Aboriginal right exemplified in Nanbush v. Deer to the Sparrow and Van der Peet tests would likely conclude that the Anishinabek do have an integral and distinctive relationship with animals. However, due to the significant discretion of the Court on a number of very subjective and politically sensitive factors, it is uncertain that the Nanabush v. Deer case would ‘pass’ Van der Peet’s required ten factors.21 This is indicative of the structural restraints that s.35 imposes. 22 The questions it asks impair its ability to capture and respect the interrelationships inherent in Indigenous peoples’ interactions with animals. For example, the Court will characterize hunting or fishing as solely subsistence, perhaps with a cultural element. Shin Imai contends these activities mean much more: “To many…subsistence is a means of reaffirming Aboriginal identity by passing on traditional knowledge to future generations. Subsistence in this sense moves beyond mere economics, encompassing the cultural, social and spiritual aspects for the communities.”23 Scholar Kent McNeil concludes that: “regardless of the strengths of legal arguments in favour of Indigenous peoples, there are limits to how far the courts […] are willing to go to correct the injustices caused by colonialism and dispossession.”24 It is often not the legal principles that determine outcomes, but rather the extent to which Indigenous rights can be reconciled with the history of settlement without disturbing the current economic and political structure of the dominant culture. III:WHY PROTECT THE ANIMAL-INDIGENOUS RELATIONSHIP? Legally protecting animal-Indigenous relationships offers symbiotic, mutually respectful benefits for animals and for the scope of Aboriginal rights that can be practiced. For instance, a protected relationship would have indirect benefits for animals’ habitat and right to life: it would necessitate protecting the means necessary, such as governance of the land, for realization of the right. This could include greater conservation measures, more contiguous habitat, enforcement of endangered species laws, and, ideally, a greater awareness and appreciation by humans of animals and their needs. Critical studies scholars have developed the argument that minority groups should not be subject to culturally biased laws of the mainstream polity.24 Law professor Maneesha Deckha points out that animals, despite the central role they play in a lot of ‘cultural defences,’ have been excluded from our ethical consideration. Certainly, the role of animals has been absent in judicial consideration of Aboriginal rights.26 Including animals, Deckha argues, allows for a complete analysis of these cultural issues and avoids many of the anthropocentric attitudes inherent in Euro-centric legal traditions. In Jack and Charlie27 two Coast Salish men were charged with hunting deer out of season. They argued that they needed to kill a deer in order to have raw meat for an Aboriginal religious ceremony. The Court found that killing the deer was not part of the ceremony and that there was insufficient evidence to establish that raw meat was required. This is a case where a more nuanced consideration of the laws and relationships with animals would have resulted in a more just application of the (Canadian) law and prevented the reproduction of imperialist attitudes. A criticism that could be lodged against practicing these relationships is that they conflict with the liberty and life interests of animals.28 Theoretically, if Indigenous laws are given the legal and political room to fully operate, a balance between the liberty of animals and the cultural and legal rights of Indigenous peoples can be struck.29 Indeed, Indigenous peoples’ cultural and legal concern for Earth is at its most rudimentary a concern for the land, which is at the heart of the challenge to the Canadian colonial system. If a negotiated treaty was reached, or anti-cruelty and conservation laws were assured in the Indigenous peoples’ self government system, then Canadian anti-cruelty30 and conservation laws,31 the effectiveness of which are already questionable, could be displaced in recognition of Indigenous governance.32 Indigenous peoples in Canada were – and are, subject to imposed limitations – close to the environment in ways that can seem foreign to non-Indigenous people.33 For example, some origin stories and oral histories explain how boundaries between humans and animals are at times absent: Animal-human beings like raven, coyote and rabbit created them [humans] and other beings. People …acted with respect toward many animals in expectation of reciprocity; or expressed kinship or alliance with them in narratives, songs, poems, parables, performances, rituals, and material objects. 34 Furthering or reviving these relationships can advance the understanding of both Indigenous legal systems and animal rights theory. Some animal rights theorists struggle with how to explain the cultural construction of species difference: Indigenous relationships with animals are long standing, lived examples of a different cultural conception of how to relate to animals and also of an arguably healthy, minimally problematic way to approach the debate concerning the species divide.35 A key tenet of animal-Indigenous relationships is respect. Shepard Krech posits that Indigenous peoples are motivated to obtain the necessary resources and goals in ‘proper’ ways: many believe that animals return to the Earth to be killed, provided that hunters demonstrate proper respect.36 This demonstrates a spiritual connection, but there is also a concrete connection between Indigenous peoples and animals. In providing themselves with food and security, they ‘manage’ what Canadian law calls ‘resources.’37 Because of the physical nature of these activities, and their practical similarity with modern ‘resource management,’ offering this as ‘proof’ of physical connection with animals and their habitat may be more successful than ‘proving’ a spiritual relationship. Finally, there are health reasons that make the Indigenous-animal relationship is important. Many cultures have come to depend on the nutrients they derive from particular hunted or fished animals. For example, nutrition and physical activity transitions related to hunting cycles have had negative impacts on individual and community health.38 This shows the multidimensionality of hunting, the significance of health, and, by extension, the need for animal ‘resources’ to be protected. IV: HOW SHOULD WE PROTECT THESE ABORIGINAL RIGHTS? If the Anishinabek and the deer ‘win’ the constitutional legal test (‘against’ the state) and establish a right to protect their relationships with animals, what, other than common law remedies,39 would follow? Below are ideas for legal measures that could be taken from the human or the animal perspective, or both, where benefits accrue to both parties. If animals had greater agency and legal status, their needs as species and as individuals could have a meaningful place in Canadian common and statutory law. In Nanabush v. Deer, this would mean that the deer would be given representation and that legal tests would need to be developed to determine the animals’ rights and interests. Currently the courts support the view that animals can be treated under the law as any other inanimate item of property. Such a legal stance is inconsistent with a rational, common-sense view of animals,40 and certainly with Anishinabek legal principles discussed herein.41 There are ongoing theoretical debates that inform the practical questions of how animal equality would be achieved: none of these in isolation offers a complete solution, but combined they contribute to the long term goal. Barsh and James Sákéj Youngblood Henderson advocate an adoption of the reasoning in the Australian case Mabo v. Queensland,42 where whole Aboriginal legal systems were imported intact into the common law. Some principles that Canada should be following can also be drawn from international treaties that Canada has or should have signed on to.43 Another way to seek protection from the human perspective is through the freedom of religion and conscience section of the Charter. Professor John Borrows constructs a full argument for this, and cites its challenges, in Living Law on a Living Earth: Aboriginal Religion, Law and the Constitution.44 The strongest, but perhaps most legally improbable, way to protect the animal- Indigenous relationship is for Canada to recognize a third, Indigenous order of government (in addition to provincial and federal), where all three orders are equal and inform one another’s laws. This way, Indigenous laws would have the legal space to fully function and be revived. Endowing Indigenous peoples with the right to govern their relationships would require a great acquiescence of power by governments and a commitment to the establishment and maintenance of healthy self-government in Indigenous communities. Louise Mandell offers some reasons why Canada should treat Aboriginal people in new ways, at least one of which is salient to the third order of government argument: To mend the [E]arth, which must be done, governments must reassess the information which the dominant culture has dismissed. Some of that valuable information is located in the oral histories of Aboriginal Peoples. This knowledge will become incorporated into decisions affecting the [E]arth’s landscape when Aboriginal Peoples are equal partners in decisions affecting their territories.45 V: CONCLUSION A legal system that does not have to justify its existence or defend its worth is less vulnerable to challenges.46 While it can be concluded that s.35 has offered some legal space for Indigenous laws and practices, it is too deeply couched in Euro-centric legal traditions and the anthropocentric cultural assumptions that they carry. The most effective strategy for advancing Indigenous laws and culture, that would also endow many animals with greater agency, and relax the culture-nature, human-animal binaries, is the formal recognition of a third order of government. Lisa Chartrand explains that recognition of legal pluralism would be a mere affirmation of legal systems that exist, but which are stifled: “…this country is a multijuridical state, where the distinct laws and rules of three systems come together within the geographic boundaries of one political territory.” 47 Revitalizing Indigenous legal systems is and will be a challenging undertaking. Indigenous communities must reclaim, define and understand their own traditions: “The loss of culture and traditions caused by the historic treatment of Aboriginal communities makes this a formidable challenge for some communities. Equally significant is the challenge for the Canadian state to create political and legal space to accommodate revitalized Indigenous legal traditions and Aboriginal law-making.”48 The project of revitalizing Indigenous legal traditions requires the commitment of resources sufficient for the task, and transformative change to procedural and substantive law. The operation of these laws within, or in addition to, Canadian law would of course cause widespread, but worthwhile controversy. In Animal Bodies, Cultural Justice49 Deckha argues that an ethical relationship with the animal Other must be established in order realize cultural and animal rights. This paper explores and demonstrates the value in finding legal space where cultural pluralism and respect for animals can give rise to the practice of Indigenous laws and the revitalization of animal-Indigenous relationships. As Borrows writes: “Anishinabek law provides guidance about how to theorize, practice and order our association with the [E]arth, and could do so in a way that produces answers that are very different from those found in other sources.”50 (see PDF for references)

The centrality of culture to Indigenous peoples’ health and wellbeing is becoming increasingly acknowledged in government policy. In Australia, the Indigenous Ranger program is a leading example of employment that supports increased cultural participation. In 2017, we demonstrated higher life satisfaction and family wellbeing among Indigenous Rangers compared to non-Rangers in Central Australia. Using an expanded national dataset, this present study aimed to: examine if associations between Ranger status and wellbeing continued to be observed in Central Australia; assess if these associations were observed among non-Central Australian Rangers; and, quantify the effect of mediating variables (Rangers status, cultural factors) on wellbeing outcomes. We analyzed Mayi Kuwayu baseline data (n = 9691 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people) and compared participants who identified as past or currently employed Rangers compared to non-Rangers across two geographic locations (Central Australia, non-Central Australia). Ranger participation was significantly associated with very high life satisfaction and family wellbeing in Central Australia (high life satisfaction PR 1.31, 95% CI 1.09–1.57, and family wellbeing (PR 1.17, 95% CI 1.01–1.36) and non-Central Australia (high life satisfaction PR 1.29, 95% CI 1.06–1.57), family wellbeing (PR 1.37, 95% CI 1.14–1.65). These findings concord with those observed in the 2017 proof-of-concept study. Additionally, we found that Ranger status partially mediated the relationships between existing cultural practices (first language as your Indigenous language and living on your country) and the two wellbeing outcomes. Current cultural practices, spending time on country and speaking your Aboriginal language, also partially mediated the associations between Ranger status and high life satisfaction, and between Ranger status and high family wellbeing. This analysis supports evidence that both Ranger employment and cultural participation are contributors to wellbeing. Ranger work is not only good for land, but it is good for people. As such, determining policies that mutually acknowledge and enhance culture, health and wellbeing will likely have additional benefits for the broader Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population.

Problem and its context: Indigenous peoples in many countries suffer poorer health and poorer access to good healthcare than their non-Indigenous counterparts. In Australia, enduring barriers to good health and good healthcare remain, in spite of long-standing policy priorities. These barriers include the ongoing reality of colonisation, and silence about its implications. People working in and using the health system need to relate across cultures, but they approach this endeavour witha complex mixture of goodwill, defensiveness, guilt and anxiety. Methods: We analysed what is known in Australia about differentials in access to good care, and the underlying factors that entrench them, as well as strategies for developing mainstream competence in care for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander patients and communities. Analysis and Conclusions: The available evidence of differentials in access and quality that are not explained by clinical or demographic variables is unequivocal. Official policy needs to be implemented at the system and organisation level through operational policies, programs and protocols, and through relationships with Aboriginal healthcare providers and community organisations. The concept of racism anxiety provides a way of making one important barrier visible, and moving beyond it can enable people of goodwill to ‘see’ where change is needed, and to see themselves as part of the solution. It is time to get beyond the barriers and attend to practical improvements in care, focused on the care system, not simply on the skills and knowledge of individuals within it. Abbreviations: ACCHO – Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation; CC – Cultural Competence.

Purpose – There is an increasing interest in using information and communication technologies to support health services. But the adoption and development of even basic ICT communications services in many health services is limited, leaving enormous gaps in the broad understanding of its role in health care delivery. The purpose of this paper is to address a specific (intercultural) area of healthcare communications consumer disadvantage; and it examines the potential for ICT exploitation through the lens of a conceptual framework. The opportunity to pursue a new solutions pathway has been amplified in recent times through the development of computer-based ontologies and the resultant knowledge from ontologist activity and consequential research publishing. Design/methodology/approach – A specific intercultural area of patient disadvantage arises from variations in meaning and understanding of patient and clinician words, phrases and non-verbal expression. Collection and localization of data concepts, their attributes and individual instances were gathered from an Aboriginal trainee nurse focus group and from a qualitative gap analysis (QGA) of 130 criteria-selected sources of literature. These concepts, their relationships and semantic interpretations populate the computer ontology. The ontology mapping involves two domains, namely, Aboriginal English (AE) and Type II diabetes care guidelines. This is preparatory to development of the Patient Practitioner Assistive Communications (PPAC) system for Aboriginal rural and remote patient primary care. Findings – The combined QGA and focus group output reported has served to illustrate the call for three important drivers of change. First, there is no evidence to contradict the hypothesis that patient-practitioner interview encounters for many Australian Aboriginal patients and wellbeing outcomes are unsatisfactory at best. Second, there is a potent need for cultural competence knowledge and practice uptake on the part of health care providers; and third, the key contributory component to determine success or failures within healthcare for ethnic minorities is communication. Communication, however, can only be of value in health care if in practice it supports shared cognition; and mutual cognition is rarely achievable when biopsychosocial and other cultural worldview differences go unchallenged. Research limitations/implications – There has been no direct engagement with remote Aboriginal communities in this work to date. The authors have initially been able to rely upon a cohort of both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people with relevant cultural expertise and extended family relationships. Among these advisers are health care practitioners, academics, trainers, Aboriginal education researchers and workshop attendees. It must therefore be acknowledged that as is the case with the QGA, the majority of the concept data is from third parties. The authors have also discovered that urban influences and cultural sensitivities tend to reduce the extent of, and opportunity to, witness AE usage, thereby limiting the ability to capture more examples of code-switching. Although the PPAC system concept is qualitatively well developed, pending future work planned for rural and remote community engagement the authors presently regard the work as mostly allied to a hypothesis on ontology-driven communications. The concept data population of the AE home talk/health talk ontology has not yet reached a quantitative critical mass to justify application design model engineering and real-world testing. Originality/value – Computer ontologies avail us of the opportunity to use assistive communications technology applications as a dynamic support system to elevate the pragmatic experience of health care consultations for both patients and practitioners. The human-machine interactive development and use of such applications is required just to keep pace with increasing demand for healthcare and the growing health knowledge transfer environment. In an age when the worldwide web, communications devices and social media avail us of opportunities to confront the barriers described the authors have begun the first construction of a merged schema for two domains that already have a seemingly intractable negative connection. Through the ontology discipline of building syntactically and semantically robust and accessible concepts; explicit conceptual relationships; and annotative context-oriented guidance; the authors are working towards addressing health literacy and wellbeing outcome deficiencies of benefit to the broader communities of disadvantage patients.

This research is a similar study to Gold’s (1998) study on the promotion of physical and mental health of mainstream female social workers in child welfare. Six First Nations women Child and Family Service (CFS) Social Workers (FNWCFSSW’s) who work in First Nations agencies gathered with me to share individual and collective stories about our CFS experiences. First Nations women and I discussed the impacts of our work on our holistic health, how we coped with the work, and strategies to deal with the issues that we face. This study outlines the research process that we engaged in, and, essentially weaves together the challenges, resilience, innovations, and unique experiences of First Nations women CFS Social Workers in a First Nations setting under a delegated authority model. As a result of these discussions five major themes were identified. The five themes that emerged from this study include the stress of dual accountability, the stresses of unrealistic expectations and multiple roles, the emotional costs and benefits of the intensity of the relationships, the fact that meaningful work gives strength and how the women coped and maintained their holistic health. This study reveals the important need for future participatory research to be conducted with FNWCFSSW and First Nations peoples. Ultimately, this paper speaks to the importance of changing the nature of along-term colonial relationship between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples within the child welfare system and in dominant mainstream research processes.

Indigenous peoples have long critiqued the harmful effects of Eurocentric research processes upon Indigenous cultures and communities. This paper—which is grounded in the author's knowledge and experience as an Aboriginal Australian academic—examines three threshold considerations relevant to non-Indigenous scholars who seek to enter into respectful research relationships with Indigenous peoples or knowledges. The first is the question of whether the research should be conducted at all. The second is positionality and how this affects research. The third is the need for scholars to comprehensively inform themselves about ethical research principles, including in relation to free, prior and informed consent, and Indigenous cultural and intellectual property.

Indigenous Australian studies, also called Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander studies, is an expanding discipline in universities across Australia (Nakata, 2004). As a discipline in its own right, Indigenous Australian studies plays an important role in teaching students about Australia's colonial history and benefits both non-Indigenous and Indigenous students by teaching them about Australia's rich and shared cultural heritage (Craven, 1999, pp. 23–25). Such teaching and learning seeks to actively discuss and deconstruct historical and contemporary entanglements between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians and, in doing so, help build better working relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. As educators in this discipline, it is important for us to find pedagogical approaches which make space for these topics to be accessed, understood, discussed and engaged with in meaningful ways.

Although Aboriginal offenders are overrepresented in Canadian prisons, there is limited research examining the extent to which commonly used risk factors and risk scales are applicable to Aboriginals. Aboriginal ( n = 88) and non-Aboriginal ( n = 509) sex offenders on community supervision were compared on the dynamic risk factors of STABLE-2007. Data on sexual, violent, any crime, and any recidivism (including breaches) were collected with an average follow-up of 3.4 years. Aboriginal offenders scored significantly higher than non-Aboriginal offenders on STABLE-2007 total scores and on several items measuring general criminality. STABLE-2007 did not significantly predict recidivism with Aboriginal offenders (although it did for non-Aboriginals). The general antisociality items were generally significantly less predictive for Aboriginals than non-Aboriginals, whereas items assessing sexual self-regulation and relationship stability predicted similarly for both groups. These exploratory results suggest that Aboriginal sex offenders are a higher-needs group but that some STABLE-2007 items are not predictive with this population.

The health inequities of Indigenous peoples compared with non-Indigenous peoples are significant and long-standing across many countries. Colonisation and dispossession of land and culture has led to profound and devastating consequences on the health of Indigenous peoples. A lack of trust and cultural security of health services remains a barrier to participation in health care services. Similarly, engagement in research activities is also hindered by a history of unethical research practices. Creating partnerships between researchers and Indigenous communities is key in developing research studies that are culturally appropriate, acceptable and relevant to the needs of Indigenous peoples. Baby Teeth Talk was a randomised controlled trial conducted with Indigenous children and their mothers in South Australia that tested an intervention involving dental care, anticipatory guidance on oral health and dietary intake, and motivational interviewing. The study was developed in consultation and partnership with local Indigenous communities in South Australia and overseen by the study’s Aboriginal reference group. The recruitment and retention of participants in the study has been strong over numerous waves of follow-up. The purpose of this paper is to describe the strategies employed in the study that contributed to the successful and sustained engagement of the participants. These strategies included the establishment of an Aboriginal reference group, building relationships with organisations and community, flexibility of appointment scheduling and allocating adequate time, reimbursement for participant time, developing rapport with participants, encouraging participant self-determination, and adaptation of dietary data collection to better suit participants.

This extended abstract discusses local content opportunities in economic development for the Aboriginal community. Local content requirements have become a strategic community development consideration during the past few years. This abstract links the topics of local content commitments and indigenous economic development via leveraging relationships with indigenous contractors in Australia. The creation of indigenous businesses that strive to succeed in the market and compete with non-indigenous companies is key in developing sustainable working opportunities for indigenous Australians. Many oil and gas players have publicly committed to contribute to indigenous business participation offering contractual opportunities and designing capacity-building programs and initiatives. The market for indigenous contractors services is, therefore, rapidly growing and presents considerable opportunities for existing and new players providing services to the resources industry in Australia. The specific demand is driven by corporate social responsibility policies and by the limited capacity of suppliers to deliver what is required by large new and expansion projects in the resource (both mining/oil and gas) sectors in Australia to maintain their social licence to operate. We present the results of a survey about policies and practices of some of the leading oil and gas operators in Australia, highlighting best practices in indigenous business engagement. We also analyse (from interviews with indigenous enterprises) barriers and issues encountered so far in indigenous contracting. International examples about the impact that indigenous enterprises can have on local community social and economic development complement the survey. Note: the term indigenous as used in this extended abstract refers to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians.

Aimititau ! Parlons-nous ! (2008) propose un projet de correspondances littéraires entre écrivains/es autochtones et non autochtones créant ainsi « une nouvelle langue appartenant au territoire de l’amitié et de la création ». Cet article considère l’échange épistolaire en lien avec le territoire physique et le contexte social. L’auteure explore certaines des tensions entre les discours qui promeuvent un partage d’humanité, au-delà des différences, et les conditions matérielles des injustices qui se perpétuent. Elle propose l’analyse de deux correspondances, celles entre Denise Brassard et Rita Mestokosho, et entre Nahka Bertrand et Jean Désy, qui mettent de l’avant un lieu commun d’où établir le dialogue, soit le lien avec la nature et le métissage. Couture-Grondin suggère alors que les discours interculturels doivent tenir compte de la matérialité du racisme, qui continue d’affecter nos relations, et de la matérialité de l’écriture, qui permet de reconnaître la positionalité des discours et la particularité des traditions intellectuelles et de création autochtones. Aimititau ! Parlons-nous ! (2008) proposes a project of correspondences between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal writers from Quebec that creates “a new language which belongs to the territory of friendship and creativity”. This paper considers the relationship between the epistolary genre, the physical territory, and the social context. The author explores some of the tensions between discourses that promote the idea of sharing humanity, beyond differences, and the material conditions of ongoing injustices. She analyzes two correspondences, between Denise Brassard and Rita Mestokosho, and between Nahka Bertrand and Jean Désy, which uses a common ground to establish their dialogue, either the relation to nature or the definition of a common identity. Couture-Grondin argues that intercultural discourses must take into account the materiality of racism, which continues to affect current relationships, and the materiality of writing, in a way that acknowledges the positionality of discourses and the particularity of Indigenous intellectual and creative traditions.

Aboriginal/Indigenous peoples, cultures and works of literature (in the broadest sense) play a crucial role in the continuous growth of world literary and cultural studies. Indigenous writers advocate indigenous rights and address their concerns in works of fiction and non-fiction. Focusing on the correlation between the dominant (center) and the subordinate (margin) in Thomas King’s The Colour of Walls (2013), the present paper aims to specifically investigate the dominant-subordinate interplay in the colonial discourse. So as to elucidate this labyrinthine network of relationships, Homi Bhabha’s critical concept of hybridity is employed throughout the analysis process. The results indicate the unstable nature of dominant-subordinate dichotomy in the story, where power-based relationships are subject to constant change. Accordingly, this process of cultural struggle provides a site for the subordinate to change their marginal position and to resist the dominant’s influence; ultimately, this process assists the subordinate to reclaim their own independent identity.

Participation of aboriginal people in Canadian forestry is a requirement of sustainable management. We proposed a culturally adapted process to integrate Cree and scientific knowledge in Eeyou Istchee (northern Quebec) that could contribute to a better mutual understanding between Cree and non-Cree, and eventually favour the social acceptability of forest management strategies. We studied moose ( Alces alces L.), the Cree featured species and the main forestry issue for the past 40 years. Cree and non-Cree have culturally differing visions for the management of moose habitat. In a previous article, we documented Cree knowledge about moose–habitat relationships. Here, we evaluated some hypotheses built from Cree knowledge by studying the behaviour of moose equipped with GPS collars. In general, results from our habitat use and selection analyses agreed with Cree observations and improved our understanding of moose–habitat relationships in northern Quebec. We jointly demonstrated the importance of mature mixedwoods, balsam fir ( Abies balsamea (L.) Mill.) stands, and riparian areas for moose in the northern black spruce ( Picea mariana (Mill.) BSP) forest. In these specific areas, management approaches other than clear-cutting should be developed to preserve moose habitat quality. Such an alternative would potentially be more acceptable for the Cree people.

Purpose This paper aims to report on the findings of a qualitative study that explored the views of 53 service providers assisting Indigenous young people (known in Australia as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth) transitioning from out-of-home care (OOHC) in Australia. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative approach was adopted involving semi-structured interviews and focus groups with 53 representatives of state and territory government departments, non-government organisation service providers and Aboriginal community-controlled organisations (ACCOs) across Australia. The project was designed to gain the perspectives of those working within the system and their views on how it interacts with Indigenous care leavers. Interview questions aimed to ascertain the strengths and weaknesses of the leaving care support systems available to this cohort, as well as the key challenges facing service providers in supporting them. Finally, the study aimed to make recommendations for policy development in this area and identify potential best practice service responses. Findings The study found that the OOHC service systems continue to fail Indigenous care leavers, their families and communities. Study findings revealed that Indigenous care-leavers face substantial challenges and that the support systems for those leaving OOHC are often culturally insensitive and ineffective. Many Indigenous OOHC leavers lacked the supports they needed to develop safe and ongoing relationships with their traditional Country, family and communities. To promote more positive transitions and outcomes, effective practice responses were identified, including culturally safe programmes and proportional funding for ACCOs to advance greater self-determination. Originality/value This research is the first national study in Australia to examine the specific transition from care pathways and experiences of Indigenous young people. The findings add to the limited existing knowledge on Indigenous care leavers globally and should inform practice and policy innovations with this cohort in Australia and beyond.

AbstractA strong educator-learner relationship is continually identified as the most significant form of involvement affecting the student experience. Yet, within the current dominant higher-educational context, student-faculty interactions are also identified as an area in need of improvement. This paper explores the educator-learner relationship within a space created by “Indigenous pedagogy” and epistemology through a case study conducted with undergraduate students at The University of Western Australia. Within this context distinctions such as “inside” and “outside” the classroom are seen to inhibit interconnectedness within a holistic system of knowing. Extensive qualitative enquiry in the form of observations, non-Indigenous and Indigenous student focus groups and faculty interviews, informed a descriptive case study of the unit offered through the University of Western Australia titled “Aboriginal Ways of Knowing”. It was found that this space, as Indigenised, offered students the opportunity to connect spiritually and personally with themselves, one another and their educators. Furthermore, in reading this space as an “interface” between Western and Indigenous systems of knowing, a productive tension emerged in emulation of what Indigenous people experience throughout their daily lives. This research contributes to a growing body of literature indicating the potential of Indigenous pedagogy and epistemologies within the tertiary context.

Educational institutions, including schools of nursing, find themselves in significant times, as they work to Indigenize programs, and strive to repair and heal relationships with Indigenous peoples as recommended in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015). Educators question where to begin the process, how such Indigenization should occur, and what the curricular end result should look like. In response, the authors considered many aspects from the literature, specific to nursing programs. The following themes were explored: partnering with community, cultural relevance, and faculty development. Through the utilization of a “two-eyed seeing” approach, institutional administrators need to partner with Indigenous Elders and community members to facilitate relationships required to provide the knowledge necessary to bring about change within educational programs. It is through such an approach that nursing curricula can be designed to be culturally safe and relevant for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous learners, and faculty can be supported in their growth and development in Indigenous knowledge. The authors propose that through “two-eyed seeing” and the integration of the Aboriginal Nurses Association of Canada (2009) core competencies, Indigenization of nursing curricula may ultimately move forward in a culturally reciprocal and respectful way.

This article introduces readers to the Maltreatment and Adolescent Pathways (MAP) study. The MAP is a longitudinal study that follows active case files of mid-adolescents in a large urban child protective services (CPS) system. The MAP is a unique opportunity to collect information from teens about their physical health (e.g., sleep quality), mental health (e.g., posttraumatic stress disorder) and cognitive style (e.g., attention, memory). The MAP study samples the population of CPS teens on questions that are used in provincial teen surveys, allowing for points of comparison to non-CPS teens. The MAP tracks youth development over 2.5 years. Although the MAP currently has a very small number of Aboriginal teens, the responses of these teens may focus practitioner and researcher attention to priority areas for further research. This includes the investigation of how some research issues, such as maltreatment history, personal safety, relationship to primary CPS worker and suicidal ideation, may be cross-informative. It is known that teen risk behaviours cluster together, but it is important to understand the relationships among these variables. An understanding of these relationships can drive knowledge creation, as well as practice and policy change. Finally, the MAPstudy has succeeded given a successful collaborative partnership between hospital, university, and CPS partners who both strive to keep the youths’ best interests in the forefront.

In conceptualising the Canadian federation and the driving force behind the state’s development, Peter H. Russel frames it as the conciliation of interests in the relationship between the three founding nations – Aboriginals, Anglophones, and Francophones. As the recent nation-wide demonstrations against the Coastal Link pipeline trespassing on Wet’suwet’en land has demonstrated, they are far from equal partners. The incident is indicative of a broader trend of the non-Aboriginal nations creating an environment that obstructs and disincentives Aboriginal participation in the daily functioning of Canadian society, politics being no exception. This exclusion is much to the detriment to the strength of Canadian society. Accordingly, this paper examines Aboriginal absenteeism from Canadian politics as to identify the obstacles to their meaningful political participation with the wider aim of aiding the redefining of the relationship between the founding nations that recognises the Aboriginal nation as an equal partner.

Abstract Indigenous peoples in Canada often experience a greater burden of poor health and wellness relative to non-Indigenous Canadians due to a legacy of colonisation and racism. However, Indigenous mental wellness outcomes vary by community, and it is essential to understand how a community has been impacted by the determinants to improve mental wellness outcomes. This article shares insight from a research partnership with the Ki-Low-Na Friendship Society, an urban Indigenous community service organisation. The study used a decolonising, qualitative methodology in which urban Indigenous Elders shared their knowledge of mental wellness and experiences of services and supports. Elders described mental wellness holistically, connected to their relationships, land, language and culture. They described several determinants of wellness including identity, poverty, transportation, abuse and trauma. Elders shared experiences of culturally unsafe care and identified colonisation as root causes of poor mental wellness. They shared how some determinants affect urban Indigenous communities uniquely. This included limited transportation to cultural activities outside urban centres, such as medicine picking, the importance of urban organisations (such as Aboriginal Friendship Centres) in developing social support networks, and the role of discrimination, racism and inequitable care as barriers to accessing services in urban centres.

Abstract This paper presents findings from a large-scale, in-depth study of secondary schools in one Australian state that were achieving exceptional outcomes. The element of that study on which this paper focuses is equity and inclusion. We examine the Equity programs operating in seven sites where schools were including students experiencing some form of disadvantages significant enough to hinder their engagement with the school curriculum. These forms of disadvantage included students with intellectual disabilities as well as students from Aboriginal, non English-speaking and low socio-economic status backgrounds. At these sites, schools implemented equity programs targeting a range of student needs. It was noted that the success of those programs was largely dependent on the relationships between teachers and students and between teachers and their colleagues. Four themes emerged from analysis of interview and observational data; i) teachers focused on students' learning needs, ii) teachers worked collaboratively in effective teams in communities, iii) programs had adequate and well-managed resources and, iv) programs were developed to meet students' needs. Central to all of these themes was the learning needs of students. Rather than paying ‘lip service' to aspects of disadvantage, students in these schools were actually being included in the process of learning and programs had as their central focus the learning needs of individual students.

Introduction Indigenous children are twice as likely to be classified as obese and three times as likely to experience household food insecurity when compared with non-Indigenous Canadian children. The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between food insecurity and weight status among Métis and off-reserve First Nations children and youth across Canada. Methods We obtained data on children and youth aged 6 to 17 years (n = 6900) from the 2012 Aboriginal Peoples Survey. We tested bivariate relationships using Pearson chi-square tests and used nested binary logistic regressions to examine the food insecurity−weight status relationship, after controlling for geography, household and school characteristics and cultural factors. Results Approximately 22% of Métis and First Nations children and youth were overweight, and 15% were classified as obese. Over 80% of the sample was reported as food secure, 9% experienced low food security and 7% were severely food insecure. Off-reserve Indigenous children and youth from households with very low food security were at higher risk of overweight or obese status; however, this excess risk was not independent of household socioeconomic status, and was reduced by controlling for household income, adjusted for household size. Negative school environment was also a significant predictor of obesity risk, independent of demographic, household and geographic factors. Conclusion Both food insecurity and obesity were prevalent among the Indigenous groups studied, and our results suggest that a large proportion of children and youth who are food insecure are also overweight or obese. This study reinforces the importance of including social determinants of health, such as income, school environment and geography, in programs or policies targeting child obesity.