Journal articles: 'Aboriginal Languages'

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Fesl, E. "Language Death and Language Maintenance: Action Needed to Save Aboriginal Languages." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 13, no. 5 (November 1985): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0310582200014061.

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Language death can occur naturally, and in different ways, or it can be caused by deliberate policy. This is how deliberate practices and policies brought it about in Australia. •Diverse linguistic groups of Aborigines were forced into small missions or reserves to live together; consequently languages that were numerically stronger squeezed the others out of use.•Anxious to ‘Christianise’ the Aborigines, missionaries enforced harsh penalties on users of Aboriginal languages, even to the point of snatching babies from their mothers and institutionalising them, so they would not hear their parental languages.•Aboriginal religious ceremonies were banned; initiations did not take place, and so liturgical, ceremonial and secret languages were unable to be passed on. As old people died, their languages died with them.•Assimilationist/integrationist policies were enforced which required Aborigines to attend schools where English-only was the medium of instruction.•Finally, denigration of the Aboriginal languages set the seal on their fate in Victoria (within forty years of white settlement, all Gippsland languages had become extinct), most of New South Wales, South Australia and Queensland. Labelling the languages “rubbish”, “heathen jargon”, “primitive jibberish”, and so on, made Aboriginal people reluctant to use their normal means of communication.

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Darnell, Regna. "Quebec's Aboriginal Languages.:Quebec's Aboriginal Languages." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 8, no. 1 (June 1998): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.1998.8.1.117.

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Gale, Mary-Anne. "Dhangu Djorra'wuy Dhäwu: A Brief History of Writing in Aboriginal Language." Aboriginal Child at School 22, no. 1 (April 1994): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0310582200006015.

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Since leaving ‘the bush’ I have been continually surprised at the ignorance that still exists about Aboriginal people and their languages. When people chat to me, and it is revealed that I used to work in Aboriginal schools in the Northern Territory, they say things like “Do you speak Aboriginal then?… Maybe you could make a sign for us saying ‘Welcome to our Kindergarten’ in Aboriginal?” I then have to explain that there are many, many different Aboriginal languages, not just one, and to say or write such things in any one of these languages requires a lot more than a mere literal translation. When I began doing research on the topic of writing in Aboriginal languages. I was again surprised at the sorts of comments people made to me. Comments like “How can you do research on writing in Aboriginal languages; I thought the Aborigines didn't even have an alphabet!”

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Gale, Mary-Anne. "Dhangum Djorra'wuy Dhäwu: A Brief History of Writing in Aboriginal Languages." Aboriginal Child at School 22, no. 2 (August 1994): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s031058220000612x.

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Since leaving ‘the bush’ I have been continually surprised at the ignorance that still exists about Aboriginal people and their languages. When people chat to me, and it is revealed that I used to work in Aboriginal schools in the Northern Territory, they say things like “Do you speak Aboriginal then?… Maybe you could make a sign for us saying ‘Welcome to our Kindergarten’ in Aboriginal?” I then have to explain that there are many, many different Aboriginal languages, not just one, and to say or write such things in any one of these languages requires a lot more than a mere literal translation. When I began doing research on the topic of writing in Aboriginal languages. I was again surprised at the sorts of comments people made to me. Comments like “How can you do research on writing in Aboriginal languages: I thought the Aborigines didn't even have an alphabet!”

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5

Harris, Stephen. "Parables in Language Maintenance." Aboriginal Child at School 18, no. 4 (September 1990): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100600352.

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The maintenance, or in some cases revival, of Aboriginal languages has become an important issue to Aboriginal people, and should be an important issue in Aboriginal schools if local people show concern about it. There is good reason for this concern. Predictions vary among linguists about how vulnerable Aboriginal languages are. There are about fifty Aboriginal languages spoken today. One informed estimate is that by the year 2000 a dozen of these will still be naturally reproducing themselves, that is, still spoken spontaneously by young children. Another informed estimate is that by that time only about three languages will be vigorous and spoken by children. These three are the related Yolngu languages in North East Arnhem Land, the related Western Desert languages of which Pitjantjatjara is the best known, and Kriol which is a new Aboriginal language and the largest, and growing rapidly.Our assumption that there is a best way to go about language maintenance is not supported by a well established theory that can be applied in all contexts. Even though a good deal is known about language shift there is not agreement among linguists about what causes it in different situations. For example, it is assumed that isolation would help Aboriginal languages to stay strong, and that closeness to a large town would cause an Aboriginal language to weaken under pressure from English. But linguists have pointed out that some really isolated Aboriginal communities seem to be losing their language and that the language of some groups living near towns is staying stronger. It has also been assumed that if a community has one dominant Aboriginal language then it will remain stronger than those languages in a community where there are a number of different languages in use. Again linguists have observed that that is not always the case.

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McKay, Graham R. "Aboriginal languages and language training in the Northern Territory." Communication and Translation in Aboriginal Contexts 5 (January 1, 1990): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aralss.5.02mck.

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Aboriginal languages are still widely used in most parts of the Northern Territory, particularly in isolated communities. These languages and their associated patterns of communication and socio-cultural systems are very different from those of the mainstream Australian society. The contact between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal groups is characterized by extensive communication failure and by differences in status. Language related problems of intercultural contact exist within the formal education system and in general communication situations, giving rise to a variety of needs for education and training for both non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal groups.

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Bułat-Silva, Zuzanna. "Śpiące języki, czyli słów kilka o sytuacji językowej rdzennych mieszkańców Australii na przykładzie języka gamilaraay z Nowej Południowej Walii." Język a Kultura 26 (February 22, 2017): 337–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1232-9657.26.27.

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Sleeping languages, afew remarks on the linguistic situation of Aboriginal people in Australia through the specific case of Gamilaraay, an Aboriginal language of New South WalesThe main aim of this article is to investigate revival linguistics, anew branch of linguistics as yet little known in Poland, through the specific case of the recent revival of Gamilaraay, an Aboriginal language of New South Wales, Australia. After discussing the classification of the world’s languages according to their vitality, the author presents the language situation in Australia and offers adefinition of revival linguistics, justifying its relevance to the revitalization of Aboriginal languages, including some that have been extinct for up to two hundred years.

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Norris, Mary Jane. "From Generation to Generation: Survival and Maintenance of Canada's Aboriginal Languages, within Families, Communities and Cities." TESL Canada Journal 21, no. 2 (June 12, 2004): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18806/tesl.v21i2.171.

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The survival and maintenance of Aboriginal languages in Canada depend on their transmission from generation to generation. Children are the future speakers of a language. This paper demonstrates that the family and the community together play critical roles in the transmission of language from parent to child. On their own, neither family capacity nor community support is sufficient to ensure the adequate transmission of an Aboriginal language as a population's mother tongue from one generation to the next. Intergenerational transmission is maximized in Aboriginal communities among families where both parents have an Aboriginal mother tongue. Transmission can be best realized with the support of the community in those families with either both parents or the lone parent having an Aboriginal mother tongue. Outside of Aboriginal communities, particularly within large cities, transmission and continuity is significantly reduced even under ideal family conditions of linguistically endogamous parents. For exogamous families, it appears that community effect, while positive, is nevertheless limited in offsetting their low rate of mother tongue transmission. Trends indicate continuing declines in intergenerational transmission accompanied by a decreasing and ageing Aboriginal mother tongue population and a growing likelihood that Aboriginal languages will be learned increasingly as second languages.

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Shopen, Tim, Nicholas Reid, Glenda Shopen, and David Wilkins. "Ensuring the survival of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages into the 21st century." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 10, no. 1 (January 1, 1987): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.10.1.08sho.

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Abstract There were over 200 distinct languages in Australia at the time of European settlement. Today less than 40 of these are still being passed on to new generations, and all of these are under threat of extinction. Aboriginal people are struggling to adapt themselves to the massive European presence without losing their identity. The greatest threat to Aboriginal languages is the physical, economic and social situation in which their speakers find themselves. Language maintenance will not be possible without social maintenance and this in turn is a political issue. The most important factor will be the success of Aboriginal people in gaining control and self-reliance in their communities. The government can help by assisting in a program of self-determination where Aboriginal people participate at least equally with others in decisions concerning priorities and funding, and in addition by educating non-Aboriginal people to the value of the Aboriginal part of our cultural heritage. Aboriginal teacher education is of primary importance with the goal of schools with Aboriginal control where Aboriginal teachers develop the curriculum and the pedagogy. It is in this context that bilingual education can be put to best use. Bilingual education is of great importance but it must be used not just to assimilate Aboriginal children more easily into English and Western schooling but to have Aboriginal languages and English used together in a coherent educational program where the children become strong in two languages and in the academic and cultural skills they need for contemporary life. Like education, media has the potential for strengthening Aboriginal languages and oultures as well as for destroying them. The outcome will depend on the extent to which Aboriginal people themselves can control what is broadcast and printed.

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Jolly, Lesley. "Waving a Tattered Banner? Aboriginal Language Revitalisation." Aboriginal Child at School 23, no. 3 (September 1995): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0310582200004880.

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This paper examines the philosophy and practice of programs that aim to maintain, renew, or revive Aboriginal languages in Australia. I focus here on languages, mainly those of urban and rural rather than remote areas, for which there are few if any fluent speakers left. I will refer to them as dead or dying languages although I am aware that in the Aboriginal tradition people consider themselves to own languages that neither they themselves nor their dose kin speak, and that this ownership is very much a part of a living culture. I begin by reviewing some basic issues that arise in planning language programs for such languages. The final section considers some of the factors affecting the success of such programs.

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Meakins, Felicity, and Carmel O’Shannessy. "Typological constraints on verb integration in two Australian mixed languages,." Journal of Language Contact 5, no. 2 (2012): 216–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-006001001.

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Abstract Gurindji Kriol and Light Warlpiri are two mixed languages spoken in northern Australia by Gurindji and Warlpiri people, respectively. Both languages are the outcome of the fusion of a contact variety of English (Kriol/Aboriginal English) with a traditional Australian Aboriginal language (Gurindji or Warlpiri). The end result is two languages which show remarkable structural similarity. In both mixed languages, pronouns, TMA auxiliaries and word order are derived from Kriol/Aboriginal English, and case-marking and other nominal morphology come from Gurindji or Warlpiri. These structural similarities are not surprising given that the mixed languages are derived from typologically similar languages, Gurindji and Warlpiri (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan), and share the Kriol/Aboriginal English component. Nonetheless, one of the more striking differences between the languages is the source of verbs. One third of the verbs in Gurindji Kriol is derived from Gurindji, whereas only seven verbs in Light Warlpiri are of Warlpiri origin. Additionally verbs of Gurindji origin in Gurindji Kriol are derived from coverbs, whereas the Warlpiri verbs in Light Warlpiri come from inflecting verbs. In this paper we claim that this difference is due to differences in the complex verb structure of Gurindji and Warlpiri, and the manner in which these complex verbs have interacted with the verb structure of Kriol/English in the formation of the mixed languages.

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Bedford, Patsy Ngalu, and Siobhan K. Casson. "Conflicting Knowledges: BarrierstoLanguage Continuationin theKimberley." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 39, S1 (2010): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/s1326011100001162.

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AbstractThe Kimberley Language Resource Centre (KLRC) earned its status over three decades as the representative body for Kimberley languages. In 2004, the organisation started to respond to grassroots concerns about the lack of language speakers in the younger generations. Aboriginal people are also connecting loss of languages to loss of bio-cultural knowledge. In 2006, the KLRC began promoting language continuation strategies such as Teaching On Country. The organisation uses a series of diagrams to assist with this work and is developing an Aboriginal oral curriculum. Lack of support from within government and education circles for these strategies led the organisation to reflect on the difference between Aboriginal and Western knowledge systems. This paper questions Western approaches to education and argues that Aboriginal holistic knowledge must be supported within appropriate teaching and learning contexts to ensure the survival of languages and knowledge. It makes a case for evidence based, community engaged research examining language and knowledge continuation. It asks that Western education providers, who segregate language knowledge from experience and from country, examine and revise their practices. In conclusion, it calls for a realistic dialogue with government which honours the intentions of former Prime Minister Rudd's Apology to the Stolen Generations.

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Battarbee, Keith. "Languages Canada: The Paradoxes of Linguistic Inclusivity – Colonial/ Founding, Aboriginal and Immigrant language rights." London Journal of Canadian Studies 34, no. 1 (November 14, 2019): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2019v34.005.

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This article approaches the question of inclusivity in contemporary Canadian society through the lens of official language policy. Although Canada has well-developed bilingual policies for English and French at the federal and provincial levels, the only jurisdictions which (at the time of writing) afford official language status to Aboriginal languages in addition to English and French are the Northwest Territories (nine First Nations and Inuit languages) and Nunavut (the Inuit language/s). The article situates the development of these territorial language policies within the contexts of Canadian history, the emergence of language policy more generally in Western societies, and the human rights revolution, and offers a tentative evaluation of them in terms of inclusivity, noting the paradox that inclusive recognition of the territories’ indigenous languages has not been extended to the immigrant languages, whose speakers partly outnumber the smaller Aboriginal-language communities, as well as the daunting problems faced in turning official recognition into practical implementation.

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Koch, Harold. "Language and communication in Aboriginal land claim hearings." Communication and Translation in Aboriginal Contexts 5 (January 1, 1990): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aralss.5.01koc.

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This paper discusses aspects of the intercultural communication processes involved in the quasi-legal presentation of claims to traditional land by Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory before the Aboriginal Land Commissioner. The findings are documented by means of selected extracts from the transcripts of proceedings. Although the proceedings took place predominantly in English, there was some use of interpreters, liberal use of words from Aboriginal languages, and even considerable usage of nonverbal gestures. Most of the Aboriginal witnesses spoke some form of non-standard English influenced by Kriol and traditional Australian languages. The most salient features of their non-standard English are described here. Aboriginal witnesses accommodated their language toward Standard English. Some of their non-standard utterances were clarified by others for the record. The court also accommodated somewhat to Aboriginal styles and forms of speech. Nevertheless there were numerous instances of communication failure, which had various specific causes but were not aided by the culturally alien general legal procedure of question-and-answer elicitation of information.

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Perdih, Anton. "Linguistic Distances Based on Counting of Equal Sounds in Numerals from 1 to 10 in Different Language Groups." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 5 (August 13, 2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i5.4451.

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The relative frequency of equal sounds in pairs of adjacent numerals from 1 to 10 in languages of eleven language groups is a basis for calculation of linguistic distances. By this criterion, the Slavic languages form a cluster separated from all other tested languages. Of other languages, Avestan and Sanskrit are the closest to them. The Germanic languages form another cluster but this cluster is within the space of other tested languages, which are widely dispersed. This is an additional indication that the aboriginal Proto-Indo-European was Proto-Slavic and their speakers were the aboriginal Europeans: mainly the Y Chromosome haplogroup I, mtDNA haplogroup U people. In contact with newcomers of other language groups either the newcomers turned to Proto-Slavic, or the previously Proto-Slavic speakers lost their Proto-Slavic at all, or they turned the non-Indo-European newcomers into Indo-European. A novel time line for Nostratic studies is proposed.

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Munro, Jennifer, and Ilana Mushin. "Rethinking Australian Aboriginal English-based speech varieties." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 31, no. 1 (April 25, 2016): 82–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.31.1.04mun.

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The colonial history of Australia necessitated contact between nineteenth and twentieth century dialects of English and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island languages. This has resulted in the emergence of contact languages, some of which have been identified as creoles (e.g. Sandefur 1979, Shnukal 1983) while others have been hidden under the label of ‘Aboriginal English’, exacerbated by what Young (1997) described as a gap in our knowledge of historical analyses of individual speech varieties. In this paper we provide detailed sociohistorical data on the emergence of a contact language in Woorabinda, an ex-Government Reserve in Queensland. We propose that the data shows that the label ‘Aboriginal English’ previously applied (Alexander 1968) does not accurately identify the language. Here we compare the sociohistorical data for Woorabinda to similar data for both Kriol, a creole spoken in the Northern Territory of Australia and to Bajan, an ‘intermediate creole’ of Barbados, to argue that the language spoken in Woorabinda is most likely also an intermediate creole.

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Corson, David. "Norway's “Sámi Language Act”: Emancipatory implications for the world's aboriginal peoples." Language in Society 24, no. 4 (September 1995): 493–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018996.

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ABSTRACTThe Sámi (formerly called Lapps) are the indigenous people of Arctic Scandinavia and northwest Russia. Legislation giving major language and cultural rights to Norway's Sámi people was enacted in 1992. As an introduction to discussion of the impact of the Sámi Language Act on Norwegian education, this article begins with an outline of the schooling system in Norway. Its review of the act itself covers the following topics: the Sámi culture and the Sámi languages, social and political problems that affect the Sámi, the place of the Sámi languages in education, and recent educational changes that flow from the Sámi Language Act. Three research questions, covering the practice and organization of bilingual aboriginal education in Norway, are then addressed at length. The article concludes by drawing emancipatory implications from the Sámi experience for members of aboriginal cultures and for the future of aboriginal education generally. (Power and culture, Sámi culture, minority education, native language education, bilingual education)

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Reilly, Alexander. "Confusion of Tongues: Constitutional Recognition of Languages and Language Rights in Australia." Federal Law Review 41, no. 2 (June 2013): 333–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22145/flr.41.2.5.

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This article considers the YouMeUnity Report proposal for the inclusion of new language provisions in the Australian Constitution as part of a package of reforms for the constitutional recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The article outlines the important symbolic and substantive effects of recognising language rights in the Constitution. The article explains how the recognition of a national language and the recognition of minority languages are conceptually distinct — promoting a national language is aimed at promoting national unity and enhancing the political and economic participation of individuals in the state, whereas protecting minority languages is aimed at recognising linguistic diversity, enriching the cultural life of the State, maintaining connections with other nations, and recognising language choice as a basic human right. The article argues that there is a strong case for minority language recognition, and in particular, the recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages, in the Australian Constitution, but warns against the recognition of English as the national language.

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Stagg Peterson, Shelly, Laura Horton, and Jean Paul Restoule. "TOWARD A SHIFT IN EXPECTATIONS AND VALUES: WHAT WE’VE LEARNED FROM COLLABORATIVE ACTION RESEARCH IN NORTHERN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES." Canadian Journal of Action Research 17, no. 2 (September 6, 2016): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33524/cjar.v17i2.260.

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In this paper we propose that collaborative action research values, goals and practices have much in common with guiding principles for conducting research with educators and community members in First Nation, Inuit and Metis communities, as outlined in the Task Force on Aboriginal Languages and Cultures on Aboriginal Languages and Cultures’ (2005) document. We draw on experiences in the Northern Oral Language and Writing through Play Partnership project to make our case, and conclude by identifying needed shifts in expectations and values within the broader academic community for conducting educational research in Indigenous communities.

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Austin, Peter, and Joan Bresnan. "Non-configurationality in Australian aboriginal languages." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 14, no. 2 (May 1996): 215–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00133684.

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21

Gledhill, Ruth. "Structures of Discourse : Some implications for teachers of Aboriginal children." Aboriginal Child at School 17, no. 4 (September 1989): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s031058220000688x.

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The English language differs from others both in the patterns and the sociolinguistic conventions of its discourse. This paper uses forms of greeting as a specific reference as to how crosscultural communication can break down when Aboriginal people and English speakers interact.Since children often rely on the spoken word as a basis for writing, and Aboriginal children rarely learn to write successfully in English, referring to the structure of Aboriginal languages offers a possible explanation of one contributive factor to this inability.

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McGregor, William B. "Some issues in orthography design for Aboriginal languages." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 9, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.9.2.04mcg.

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Abstract The appropriateness of the standard practical orthographies for Australian languages, recommended by e.g. Dixon (1980:xxi-xxii), and used in languages such as Warlpiri and Walmajarri, has recently been called to question by linguists and Aboriginal users. A non-phonemic English based orthography has been developed for at least one language (Gooniyandi). However, the issues surrounding orthography design have not been fully brought out and evaluated. My main aim in this paper is to remedy this situation, identify as many relevant issues as possible, and discuss them in the sociolinguistic context of the Kimberley Aboriginal speech communities. The paper is intended to provoke discussion and elicit feedback from others involved in orthography design, rather than make recommendations.

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Müller-Wille, Ludger. "Toponymies of lesser-used languages in the North: Issues of socio-linguistic conditions among Inuit and Sámi." Études/Inuit/Studies 28, no. 2 (July 7, 2006): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/013197ar.

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Abstract Both Inuit and Sámi have experienced the expansion of colonial state systems and immigrant populations from the south into their territories in Arctic Canada and northernmost Europe respectively. These historical processes have resulted, among other socio-economic conditions, in the superposition and often displacement of their aboriginal toponymy by external interests introducing other languages and place names. In the introduction this paper discusses the socio-linguistic conditions of aboriginal languages in Canada and in Europe. Both situations differ with regard to the legal protection of lesser-used, minority or aboriginal languages. In Europe the linguistic rights of minorities or aboriginal peoples are protected under conventions and by laws on the international and national level. In fact, the framework of the European Union has enhanced the position of languages in general. In the Canadian confederation, with English and French as official languages, specific legal provisions for aboriginal languages exist at the provincial and territorial levels. Still, the levels of protection are considerably weaker for these languages. As case studies the socio-linguistic conditions among the Inuit and Sámi are analyzed by focusing on the maintenance and development of their aboriginal toponymy as cultural and linguistic heritage and expression of human environmental relations. The paper explains recent practical efforts by both Inuit and Sámi to counteract the process of linguistic displacement by developing programs to enhance the development of their integral place name systems. Both Inuit and Sámi institutions have established programs to record and document their oral and historical toponymy, using modern technologies to produce maps and gazetteers. These programs are presented and discussed in the light of cultural self-determination and human and linguistic rights. In conclusion, the question is discussed if communities of lesser-used languages are able to maintain the functional space needed for the security of their languages within a multicultural and multilingual context.

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Pauwels, Anne. "Australia as a Multilingual Nation." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 6 (March 1985): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026719050000307x.

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For the benefit of readers unfamiliar with Australia's multilingual situation, the following statistics on language are provided, all derived from the 1976 Australian Census, the most recent one to provide detailed information on language use.lA wealth of languages is represented in Australia: depending on what is considered a language and what a dialect, the number of languages present in Australia is estimated at around 150 for the Aboriginal languages (100 of which are threatened by extinction) and between 75 and 100 for the immigrant languages.

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Lasorsa, Tricia. "An Analysis of the Aboriginal Education Policy Documents of Queensland." Aboriginal Child at School 18, no. 3 (July 1990): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100600662.

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The analysis examines how the documents approach – if at all – several different aspects of Aboriginal education as expressed in particular by Aboriginal women, the traditional educators of Aboriginal children (Gale, 1983). These aspects include:-– Aboriginal Learning Styles– Parental and Community Involvement– The Child as an Individual– Teaching Staff – Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal– Curriculum Content – Aboriginal History; Aboriginal Studies (general); Integration into Other Subjects: and Relevance of Content– Research-based Teaching– Languages– RacismMisinterpretation of Basic Aboriginal Philosophies– Resources

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Mailhammer, Robert, Stacey Sherwood, and Hywel Stoakes. "The inconspicuous substratum." English World-Wide 41, no. 2 (June 9, 2020): 162–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.00045.mai.

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Abstract Descriptions of Australian Aboriginal English list the neutralisation of the Standard English contrast between so-called voiced and voiceless stops as one characteristic feature. This paper reports on the results of an acoustic analysis of data collected in a production task by monolingual speakers of Standard Australian English in Sydney, of Aboriginal English on Croker Island, Northern Territory, and bilingual speakers of Iwaidja/Aboriginal English and Kunwinjku/Aboriginal English on Croker Island. The results show that average values for Voice Onset Time, the main correlate of the “stop voicing contrast” in English, and Closure Duration collected from Aboriginal speakers of English do not significantly differ from that of speakers of Standard Australian English, irrespective of language background. This result proves that the stop contrast is not neutralised by these Aboriginal speakers of English. However, it can be shown that phonetic voicing manifesting itself in Voice Termination Time is a prevalent and characteristic feature of Aboriginal English on Croker Island. This feature aligns Aboriginal English on Croker Island with local Aboriginal languages and differentiates it from Standard Australian English.

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Pauwels, Anne. "Language and gender research in Australia." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 10, no. 2 (January 1, 1987): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.10.2.13pau.

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Abstract In this article research on the relationship between language and gender in Australian society Is surveyed. Three main areas are discussed: gender differencies in the use of Australian English; the issue of sexism in Australian language use; and the role of gender in the maintenance of languages other than English (Aboriginal and immigrant languages). The paper concludes with a brief discussion of the recent developments in and further tasks for Australian language gender research.

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McGrath, Pam, and Hamish Holewa. "End-of-life Care of Aboriginal Peoples in Remote Locations: Language Issues." Australian Journal of Primary Health 13, no. 1 (2007): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py07003.

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To date, there is scant research literature that explores the provision of end-of-life care to Aboriginal peoples in Australia. In particular, there is a lack of published research available on issues at the interface of Aboriginal languages and English during palliative care. The complexity and importance of the issue for palliative care provision, however, is demonstrated by the fact that in Australia, Aboriginality is itself a very broad category, containing many distinct language groups and subcultures. Thus, although to date there is some mention of the problems associated with language in the literature, there is scant research on the topic of the provision of palliative care to Aboriginal peoples in remote areas. The following findings from a recent two-year National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) study are provided to address this hiatus. The findings provide insights on the impact of language difference on palliative care practice for Aboriginal peoples in the Northern Territory of Australia.

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Hamilton, Philip. "Vowel Phonotactic Positions in Australian Aboriginal Languages." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 21, no. 1 (June 25, 1995): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v21i1.1428.

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Proceedings of the Twenty-First Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Historical Issues in Sociolinguistics/Social Issues in Historical Linguistics (1995)

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Wigglesworth, Gillian. "Remote Indigenous education and translanguaging." TESOL in Context 29, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/tesol2020vol29no1art1443.

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Indigenous1 children living in the more remote areas of Australia where Indigenous languages continue to be spoken often come to school with only minimal knowledge of English, but they may speak two or more local languages. Others come to school speaking either a creole, or Aboriginal English, non-standard varieties which may sound similar to English, which gives them their vocabulary, while differing in terms of structure, phonology and semantics and pragmatics. This paper begins with a discussion of the linguistic contexts the children come from and the school contexts the children enter into before moving on to discuss a potential role for some use of translanguaging techniques in the classroom and discussing the potential benefits and advantages these may have. 1The term Indigenous is used respectfully to refer to all people of Australian Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander descent. Indigenous languages and Australian Indigenous languages are used to refer to the languages of both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders following NILS3 (2020).

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Garusova, Larisa. "Canada’s contemporary policy on Aboriginal education." SHS Web of Conferences 134 (2022): 00013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213400013.

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The article analyzes the process of transformation of the educational system of the Indigenous peoples, the key factor of which is the policy of the Canadian government. Based on the analysis of documents and materials of the federal government of Canada and regional authorities, qantitative and qualitative characteristics of the modern educational status of Aboriginal peoples have been identified. Canada's Aboriginal education system has gone through a difficult path from destructive forms of education for culture, family and personality, to humane and careful attitude towards students, their national roots and traditions. The policy of compensating for the damage done in the past and supporting the Indigenous peoples in the field of education goes in several directions. Among them there are payments to those Aborigines who have suffered physically or mentally in boarding schools in the past; equalization of education levels of Indigenous peoples and other Canadians, support of Aboriginal languages and culture. The main tools in the implementation of modern government policy are increased funding for the education of the Indigenous population and the collaboration of the authorities with public organizations and Aboriginal communities.

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Dench, Alan. "Pidgin Ngarluma." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 13, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 1–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.13.1.02den.

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This paper discusses evidence of an early pidgin in use amongst Aboriginal people of the north west coast of Western Australia. The crucial evidence comes from an Italian manuscript describing the rescue, by local Aborigines, of two castaways wrecked on North West Cape in 1875. The data reveals that the local Aborigines attempted to communicate with the Italian-speaking survivors using what appears to be an Australian language spoken some 300 kilometers further along the coast, around the emerging center of the new Pilbara pearling industry. I present an analysis of the material, showing that it differs from Australian languages of the area in significant ways and can be considered a reduced variety. I conclude that this variety is an indigenous pidgin — the first to be described for Australia.

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Radley, Anjilkurri, Caroline Jones, Jose Hanham, and Mark Richards. "Matjarr Djuyal: How Using Gesture in Teaching Gathang Helps Preschoolers Learn Nouns." Languages 6, no. 2 (June 7, 2021): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6020103.

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There are important efforts being made to revitalise Aboriginal languages in Australia, which are both pedagogically and culturally appropriate. This research seeks to expand the current knowledge of the effectiveness of gesturing as a teaching strategy for young children learning the Gathang language. An experimental method was used to investigate the effectiveness of gesture by employing a context in which other variables (e.g., other teaching pedagogies) could be held constant. Participants, age range 4–5.2 years, were taught Gathang nouns with gesture and without gesture, alongside verbal and pictorial instruction. After the teaching sessions, each child was assessed for their receptive and expressive knowledge of the Gathang nouns, at two time points, two days after instruction (post-test 1) and one week after (post-test 2). At post-test 2, children had stronger receptive knowledge for words they had learned with gesture than without. These findings contribute to a growing body of research attesting to the effectiveness of gesture for improving knowledge acquisition amongst learners. In the context of Aboriginal language revitalisation, gesture also aligns with traditional teaching practices and offers a relatively low-cost strategy for helping teachers assist their students in acquiring Aboriginal languages.

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McDougall, Jill. "Teaching Literacy Through Rhyme and Rhythm." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 24, no. 2 (1996): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100002489.

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Poems, songs and chants are excellent resources for developing competence in English for Aboriginal children who speak other languages at home. Children find rhythmic and repetitive language attractive and accessible. It is not unusual to hear children using the language over and over again in their play and, incidentally, teaching it to younger children in the community. As chunks of language are memorised, new language structures and vocabulary are also internalised. While there is very little commercial material available which is relevant to the interests and needs of remote Aboriginal children, it is a powerful learning activity for children to work with the teacher to create texts which reflect shared experiences.

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Malcolm, Ian G. "Embedding cultural conceptualization within an adopted language." Cultural Linguistic Contributions to World Englishes 4, no. 2 (December 14, 2017): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijolc.4.2.02mal.

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Abstract Although a minority of Indigenous Australians still use their heritage languages, English has been largely adopted by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as their medium of communication both within and beyond their communities. In the period since English first reached Australia in 1788, a dialect has emerged, drawing on English, contact language, and Indigenous language sources, to enable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander speakers to maintain cultural conceptual continuity while communicating in a dramatically changed environment. In the perspective of Cultural Linguistics it can be shown that many of the modifications in the lexicon, grammar, phonology, and discourse of English as used by Indigenous Australians can be related to cultural/conceptual principles, of which five are illustrated here: interconnectedness, embodiment, group reference, orientation to motion, and orientation to observation. This is demonstrated here with data from varieties of Aboriginal English spoken in diverse Australian locations.1 The understanding of Aboriginal English this gives has implications for cross-cultural communication and for education.

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McConvell, Patrick. "Aboriginal language programmes and language maintenance in the Kimberley." Volume 3 3 (January 1, 1986): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aralss.3.07mcc.

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Different types of language programmes for indigenous Australian languages should be developed to suit different language situations. Programmes are here divided into three types: Bilingual Education, Language Maintenance and Language Renewal. The Kija language of Warrmarn community, Western Australia is cited as an example of a situation requiring a Language Maintenance programme. In Language Maintenance programmes thought needs to be given to the intended function of the target language in the future. Consideration of this question tends to favour an approach which emphasizes cultural maintenance and the oral side of the programme.

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Prasannanshu. "Colonial History, Current Numerical Picture of Languages Spoken in Delhi and the National Capital Region of India, and a Look at the Ongoing Language Efforts." ab-Original 1, no. 2 (2018): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/aboriginal.1.2.0257.

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Zeegers, Margaret, Wayne Muir, and Zheng Lin. "the Primacy of the Mother Tongue: Aboriginal literacy and Non-Standard English." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 32 (2003): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100003823.

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AbstractThis article describes Indigenous Australian languages as having a history of pejoration dating from colonial times, which has masked the richness and complexity of mother tongues (and more recently developed kriols) of large numbers of Indigenous Australians.The paper rejects deficit theory representations of these languages as being inferior to imported dialects of English and explains how language issues embedded in teaching practices have served to restrict Indigenous Australian access to cultural capital most valued in modern socio-economic systems. We go on to describe ways in which alternative perspectives where acknowledgment of rich, complex and challenging features of Indigenous Australian languages may be used by educators as empowering resources for teacher education and teaching in schools. Our paper stresses the urgency of establishing frameworks for language success within which to develop other successful learning outcomes of Indigenous Australians.

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Harris, Stephen. "Indigenising Aboriginal Written Literatures?" Aboriginal Child at School 18, no. 1 (March 1990): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100600285.

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I think those of us who are interested in what is written in Aboriginal languages need to be much more open than we have been in the past to shifts of emphasis in the development of written Aboriginal literatures. Looking at the way the Northern Territory bilingual program developed is one way in to thinking about this issue.

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Neville, Maurice. "Developing an Orthography for Bardi: Some Problems." Aboriginal Child at School 19, no. 4 (September 1991): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0310582200007562.

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If you work in a school which has an Aboriginal language program, you may have heard a new teacher make a comment similar to the one above. You may even remember making such a comment yourself! Teachers often become confused and frustrated when they try to use school resources, books and other teaching materials, only to find that the Aboriginal language has not always been written in the same way. The development of an orthography, a way of writing a language, is not a simple matter. Many, if not most, Aboriginal languages have been written in various ways over the years as linguists and others have revised the work of those before them. In this article I look at some of the problems encountered when developing an orthography for the Bardi language, in order to give teachers, and particularly new teachers, some understanding of the complications that can be involved. These include practical linguistic problems, as well as broader social issues that arise with such linguistic work.

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Kitchen, Julian, Lorenzo Cherubini, Lyn Trudeau, and Janie M. Hodson. "Aboriginal Education as Cultural Brokerage: New Aboriginal Teachers Reflect on Language and Culture in the Classroom." Articles 44, no. 3 (June 8, 2010): 355–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/039945ar.

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Abstract This paper reports on a Talking Circle of six beginning Aboriginal teachers who discussed their roles as teachers. Participants criticized teacher education programs for not preparing them to teach in ways that are respectful of Aboriginal languages and culture. They discussed the importance of coming to know themselves and their culture. The paper concludes with suggestions for decolonizing teacher preparation so that Aboriginal teachers are enabled as protectors of Aboriginal culture and brokers with Euro-Canadian culture.

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Budrikis, Amy, and Clint Bracknell. "Indigenous Online Creative Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic Lockdown in Western Australia." Preservation, Digital Technology & Culture 51, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pdtc-2022-0002.

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Abstract In response to the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, many communities of endangered Indigenous languages have utilised digital technologies and created online language resources with renewed motivation. In this article we explore the ways that Noongar community members have shifted, adapted and persisted in creating new language revitalisation resources for their endangered Aboriginal language, describing three case studies of video content created and shared online through social media as localised responses to the pressing need for easily produced, accessible and engaging online approaches to support Indigenous communities and their languages.

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Bow, Catherine. "Sociotechnical assemblages in digital work with Aboriginal languages." Learning Communities: International Journal of Learning in Social Contexts 26 (November 2020): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18793/lcj2020.26.03.

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Brito, Lucinda Ferreira, D. Jean Umiker-Sebeok, and Thomas A. Sebeok. "Aboriginal Sign Languages of the Americas and Australia." American Indian Quarterly 9, no. 2 (1985): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184598.

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Kimball, Geoffrey, and Karen M. Booker. "Languages of the Aboriginal Southeast: An Annotated Bibliography." Ethnohistory 39, no. 4 (1992): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/481970.

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Mansfield, John Basil. "Consonant lenition as a sociophonetic variable in Murrinh Patha (Australia)." Language Variation and Change 27, no. 2 (June 8, 2015): 203–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394515000046.

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AbstractIn recent years, the typological and geographic range of languages subjected to sociophonetic study has been expanding, though until now Australian Aboriginal languages have been absent from this subdiscipline. This first sociophonetic study of an Australian language, Murrinh Patha, shows a type of consonant lenition that is notably distinct from the better known examples in Standard Average European languages, effecting /p/ and /k/ primarily in the onset of stressed, usually word-initial syllables. Young men lenite more frequently than older men do, and paternal heritage from the neighboring Marri language group also predicts more frequent lenition. The latter influence may be the result of intense language contact brought about by recent settlement of diverse language groups at the Catholic Mission of Port Keats.

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Graham, B. "The Implications of Statements by Aboriginal Leaders for Language Teaching in Aboriginal Schools." Aboriginal Child at School 18, no. 3 (July 1990): 3–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100600649.

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In the Plenary Address to the Cross Cultural Issues in Educational Linguistics Conference held at Batchelor in 1987, Mandawuy Yunupingu, Principal at Yirrkala Community School, expressed the hope that a school using ‘both-ways’ curriculum would help Aboriginal people regain control of their lives. Among other things he states, If you have control of both languages you have double power.(Yunupingu, 1987, p.4)

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Pozzo, María Isabel. "La enseñanza de lenguas extranjeras en Argentina." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 10, no. 15 (June 1, 2009): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v10i15.113584.

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This article seeks to present an overview of the currentsituation in foreign language teaching in Argentina, in acrucial moment in which the implementation of an educationalreform asks for an evaluation of achievements and difficultiesof previous legislation.As languages represent a heterogeneous group with diverseideological connotations, this study examines the most studiedforeign languages in the country. The revision comprises someaspects in common with native language teaching as well asthe situation of aboriginal language teaching.External conditions such as the monolingual context, the roleof Argentina in MERCOSUR and national linguistic policiesare also considered in this article as they are part of the foreignlanguage teaching scene.

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Wu, Jiawen. "Languages on the Signs in Burwood, Sydney." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 7, no. 2 (June 2021): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2021.7.2.287.

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Research shows that aboriginal people, the Wangal people, had been lived in the suburb of Burwood for 11,000 years since the British colony arrived in 1788. After the British came, this suburb started to develop as many other European cities did. Houses, roads and other different infrastructural facilities were built and population were getting larger and larger. English is the dominant language in Burwood and this essay is going to present a linguistic landscapes study which aims at exploring how the languages on the signs reflect or interact with the local people and communities.

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Bavin, Edith L., and Tim Shopen. "Innovations and neutralizations in the Warlpiri pronominal system." Journal of Linguistics 23, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700011075.

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The paradigm functions as a domain for certain processes of change. There can be changes in the number of grammatical categories or in the forms used to represent them. Thus, Benveniste (1968) contrasts change involving only the forms while the system remains the same (‘conservative’ change) with innovations in which there is change in the categories and the oppositions. In this paper, we will discuss both types of change in the Warlpiri pronominal system. Warlpiri is an Aboriginal language spoken in central Australia by about 3000 people. Our research has been carried out at Yuendumu, a remote community 300 km northwest of Alice Springs. While the majority of people in the community (about 750) have Warlpiri as their mother tongue, there are also about 65 non-Aboriginal people who speak English, and a few speakers of other Aboriginal languages closely related to Warlpiri. Although there is limited exposure to English, Warlpiri is the community language at Yuendumu.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Aboriginal Languages'

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