Journal articles on the topic 'Aboriginal community councils'

The high prevalence and health effect of tobacco smoking and secondhand smoke exposure among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people is well known. Due to its significance, the responsibility of tackling smoking among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people should not remain solely with health service providers. The creation of supportive environments and collaboration beyond the health sector are critical elements of comprehensive primary health care practised by Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services. This paper discusses how Apunipima Cape York Health Council worked with three Aboriginal Shire Councils to create more smoke-free places, using local working groups, information sessions and community-based health promotion. The flexibility and the time allocated to the engagement process with councils, community leaders, organisations and community members were important. All three communities acknowledged the benefits of role modelling and working together to improve health, with addressing tobacco smoking seen as ‘everyone’s business’ and ‘not just service providers’. Aboriginal Shire Councils can play a critical role, in partnership with Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services, in creating healthy places that enable healthy choices.

The aim was to systematically assess the evidence on whether cultural safety affects breast cancer outcomes with regards to care for Indigenous women in high income countries. We conducted a systematic review in accordance with PRISMA guidelines of peer-reviewed articles in Medline, EMBASE, CINAHL, Scopus, Web of Science, Proquest Sociology and Informit Rural health database and Indigenous collection databases. Key inclusion criteria were: adult female patients with breast cancer; high income country setting; outcome measure, including screening, diagnosis, treatment and follow up care. A total of 15 were selected. We developed a Community Engagement assessment tool in consultation with aboriginal researchers, based on the National Health and Medical Research Councils’ community engagement guidelines, against which studies were appraised. This novel element allowed us to evaluate the literature from a new and highly relevant perspective. Thematic analysis of all 15 studies was also undertaken. Despite limited literature there are evidence-based strategies that are likely to improve outcomes for Indigenous women with breast cancer in high income countries and indicate that culture makes a positive difference. It is also clear that strong Indigenous community leadership and governance at all stages of the research including design is an imperative for feasibility.

The 20th Century has witnessed the consolidation of global industry and finance. It has also seen the growth of criticism of some developments associated with globalisation. This has been particularly the case with the resource extraction industries and their downstream counterparts. These industries now have to consider a range of factors as central to the management of risk and of reputation that would not have been necessary 30 years ago. One of these factors is the need for community consultation regarding the nature of specific resource development and often some form of compensation for the impacts of development.Central to the Australian formulation of community consultation and development in the context of land use and natural resource development have been the Northern Territory Aboriginal Land Rights Act (ALRA) and the Native Title Act (NTA) as well as the setting up of Land Councils and representative bodies. These laws have been crucial, not just to the administration of land, but to the concept of aboriginality and citizenship as a whole. Like the ALRA, the Native Title Act has had a fundamental impact on the relationship between Aboriginal land interests and resource development. It has often, however, been mired in uncertainty, conflict, and amendments. This has contributed to a climate of legalism that has not necessary always been to the benefit of on-the-ground agreement processes.In Indonesia there is no basis in law for native title issues and a high level of risk exists as a result of social and political transition. As a result some companies operating in Indonesia have begun to develop new approaches to issues of community relations and development. A new understanding of the necessity of carefully planned partnerships in the context of resource development has begun to emerge in Indonesia. The BP Tangguh project in the Bintuni Bay area of West Papua has set high standards for consultative practices relating to community consultation and community development practices. Whatever the commercial success of the Tangguh project, the processes and systems developed for that project indicate the likely future direction of other best-practice resource development projects in Indonesia and elsewhere.In the past, development in Indonesia has been heavily influenced by rent capitalism, which has tended to emphasise the giving of permission over effective business and development practice. While the proponents of Native Title in Australia have often seen Australia as setting an international standard for development practice, this is belied by the actual results of Native Title and what is being undertaken in other international contexts. Native Title also often seems to act as a form of rent capitalism. As such it may be that Native Title does not necessarily define best practice, and, in the international context, may be under-performing in terms of risk and reputation management.Rather than assuming that emerging practices in either Indonesia or Australia are somehow occupying the higher ground in terms of best-practice development, it is suggested that Native Title and international practice can usefully be cross-fertilised in a critical manner. This process can be beneficial to companies and to stakeholders alike, particularly in the context of transparent consultation and negotiation practices that focus on the possibilities for cooperation in development, rather than conflict.

The La Grange Aboriginal Language Program grew out of a strongly expressed need at our first school council meeting earlier this year [1985]. The Bidyadanga Community Aboriginal Council Chairman, Mr Jack Mulardy, and Vice-Chairman, Mr John Dodo, wanted an Aboriginal language program for some time, as they are very concerned that their people’s language will be forgotten.

Tackling smoking is an integral component of efforts to improve health outcomes in Aboriginal communities. Social marketing is an effective strategy for promoting healthy attitudes and influencing behaviours; however, there is little evidence for its success in reducing smoking rates in Aboriginal communities. This paper outlines the development, implementation and evaluation of Kick the Habit Phase 2, an innovative tobacco control social marketing campaign in Aboriginal communities in New South Wales (NSW). The Aboriginal Health & Medical Research Council worked with three Aboriginal communities and a creative agency to develop locally tailored, culturally relevant social marketing campaigns. Each community determined the target audience and main messages, and identified appropriate local champions and marketing tools. Mixed methods were used to evaluate the campaign, including surveys and interviews with community members and Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Service staff. Community survey participants demonstrated high recall of smoking cessation messages, particularly for messages and images specific to the Kick the Habit campaign. Staff participating in interviews reported an increased level of interest from community members in smoking cessation programs, as well as increased confidence and skills in developing further social marketing campaigns. Aboriginal community-driven social marketing campaigns in tobacco control can build capacity, are culturally relevant and lead to high rates of recall in Aboriginal communities.

AbstractThe Queensland Aboriginal and Islander Health Council (QAIHC) lead and govern the Centre for Clinical Research Excellence (CCRE), which has a focus on circulatory and associated conditions in urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. The CCRE is a partnership between QAIHC and Monash University, the Queensland University of Technology, the University of Queensland, James Cook University, the National Heart Foundation, and the University of Wollongong. The establishment of the CCRE under the community-controlled model of governance is unique and presents both opportunities and challenges for innovative partnerships between universities and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community organisations. This paper outlines the processes and strategies used to establish a multi-institutional research centre that is governed by the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-controlled health sector.

Recent ethical guidelines developed by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research along with the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans stress the importance of Aboriginal community engagement in research. Although these are positive changes meant to ensure respectful and responsive research relationships between communities and researchers, the understanding of 'community' employed by the new guidelines is problematic. In this sense, the guidelines rely on hegemonic understandings of what it is to be an Aboriginal person in Canada, as well as white spatial imaginaries of Aboriginal geographies. In this way, the guidelines codify Aboriginality and its spatiality as that of well-structured, landed, bounded and distinct rural communities. However, the contemporary Métis communities with whom the authors have worked rarely fit into hegemonic imaginaries of Aboriginality and its geographies in Canada. Rather, Métis communities are often institutionally weak, geographically dispersed and sociologically complex. Thus, we argue that the guidelines instantiate a territorialisation of society and space that risks re-marginalising Métis communities.

In 2012, the remote Aboriginal community of Wilcannia in western NSW hosted the first Australian pilot of a Cuban mass adult literacy campaign model known as Yes I Can. The aim was to investigate the appropriateness of this model in Aboriginal Australia. Building on an intensive community development process of ‘socialisation and mobilisation’, sixteen community members with very low literacy graduated from the basic literacy course, with the majority continuing on into post-literacy activities, further training and/or employment. The pilot was initiated by the National Aboriginal Adult Literacy Campaign Steering Committee (NAALCSC) consisting of Aboriginal leaders from the education and health sectors, and managed by the University of New England (UNE), working in partnership with the Wilcannia Local Aboriginal Land Council as the local lead agency. The pilot was supported by a Cuban academic who came to Australia for this purpose, and included a Participatory Action Research (PAR) evaluation led by the UNE Project Manager. In this paper, members of the project team and the NAALCSC describe the pilot and reflect on its outcomes.

The participation of the First Nations in Canadian forestry is a growing and irreversible phenomenon. There is a lack of information on forestry initiatives in Aboriginal communities, particularly regarding factors contributing to entrepreneurial development within Aboriginal communities. It is in this context that we present a case study that allowed us to draw a portrait of forestry entrepreneurs within the Ilnu community of Mashteuiatsh. Our results reveal the determinant but delicate role played by the band council in developing forestry entrepreneurship in the community. Our research also indicates that it is essential to define the roles of various economic and political stakeholders in order to promote private forestry initiatives. Key words: Aboriginal people, forestry, economic development, entrepreneurship

This article explores a project at the Koori Centre, University of Sydney, funded by the Australian Learning and Teaching Council (ALTC) in 2011, titled ‘Indigenous On-Line Cultural Teaching and Sharing’. One of the team members (Kutay) was also a project team member on the ALTC-funded project ‘Exploring PBL in Indigenous Australian Studies’, which has developed a teaching and learning process (PEARL) for Indigenous Australian studies. In this article, we present the ‘Indigenous On-Line Cultural Teaching and Sharing’ project as an exemplar of this teaching process. The project turns a highly successful interactive kinship workshop into an interactive online experience for all students and staff of the University of Sydney. The project is developing a sharing portal for Aboriginal people in New South Wales (NSW) to incorporate their stories and experiences of cultural, historical and educational issues within a knowledge-sharing workshop. The site will use voices of Aboriginal participants to express the knowledge of their culture in a comparative and affirmative context. An interface for uploading audio and video has been generated to combine example stories from different perspectives. The interactive kinship workshop and Aboriginal voices will then be used in an online game, embedding Aboriginal knowledge and values within different professional learning contexts, such as law, social policy, health, and education.

The following discussion presents findings from a National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) study that documents the importance to Indigenous people of including the network of extended family and community in health care communication. In particular the discussion explores the data relating to the importance of communicating through family meetings with Aboriginal people during end-of-life care. The data was collected through a series of open-ended, qualitative interviews (n=72) conducted with a cross-section of members of the Aboriginal community and health professionals within the Northern Territory, Australia. Acknowledging Aboriginal peoples' relationship rules and communicating through family meetings are practices that demonstrate respect for Indigenous cultural processes of information sharing. Anger on the part of Aboriginal people about lack of information can be the outcome when such processes are ignored or not understood. Respecting the need to "share the story" broadly with appropriate people in the extended family and community network through family meetings is noted as vitally important in health care, especially during the dying trajectory. The discussion explores the practical issues associated with, the different reasons for, and the positive outcomes from, incorporating family meetings for Indigenous people along the illness trajectory.

The Centre of Clinical Research Excellence (CCRE) in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health was established in late 2003 through a major National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) grant involving collaboration between the Aboriginal Health Council of South Australia (AHCSA), Flinders University, and Aboriginal Health Services. Our foundation research communities are the Aboriginal communities served by these Aboriginal Health Services in the Spencer Gulf / Eyre Peninsula region. In recent years a number of collaborative research programs involving chronic illness management, self-management and coordinated care have been implemented in these communities and this work is the basis of the initial CCRE activities. Key objectives of the CCRE are to improve the health status of Indigenous people through conducting relevant and meaningful Aboriginal controlled health research, providing formal training for Indigenous health researchers and developing innovative approaches to health care that can be readily translated and applied to support communities. The inclusion, empowerment and engagement of Indigenous people in the process of managing community health represent tangible strategies for achieving more equitable health outcomes for Aboriginal people. This paper outlines the CCRE operational rationale and presents early activities and outcomes across the three strategic areas of CCRE operations: research, education and training, and translation. Some critical reflections are offered on the progress and experience of the CCRE thus far. A common obstacle this CCRE has encountered is that the limited (especially staff) resources available to the Aboriginal Health Services with which we are collaborating make it difficult for them to engage with and progress the projects we are pursuing.

The 2014 Wilson review of Indigenous Education in the Northern Territory recommended boarding school models as the preferred secondary education option for very remote Aboriginal students. This study considers boarding uptake by Aboriginal students from the Central Land Council region of the Northern Territory. An examination of boarding programs available to Aboriginal students in this region found that scholarship access is largely determined by socioeducational advantage and the perceived social stability of the family and student. To increase access and participation in boarding, more flexible funding assistance programs are needed. An expanded role for brokering could also increase retention and completion rates. Ultimately, more investment is also required in remote community schools, and in the development of ‘both ways’ capital if the social and educational aspirations of young Aboriginal students and their families in this region are to be realised through a boarding school model.

In recognition of the recent achievements of the Close the Gap campaign, this issue of AHR contains a set of papers focusing on Aboriginal health. At the national Indigenous Health Equality Summit in Canberra in March 2008, the Close the Gap Statement of Intent was signed. This Statement of Intent requires the government, health and social service agencies and the Aboriginal communities to work together to achieve equality in health status and life expectancy between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians by the year 2030. (See http:// www.hreoc.gov.au/Social_Justice/health/statement_ intent.html) The first three papers present important policy lessons. Matthews and her colleagues stress the need to strengthen the link between policy formulation and implementation (page 613). Their study found that the lack of progress in improving Aboriginal health may be the result of lack of Indigenous involvement in policy formulation at the senior Australian Government level, limited participation of Indigenous community controlled health organisations in the policy making process and insufficient resources for implementation. Anderson, Anderson and Smylie outline the achievements of the National Indigenous Health Performance Measurement System (page 626), and change management lessons from Aboriginal community controlled health organisations are discussed by Leanne Coombe from the Apunipima Cape York Health Council (page 639). Other papers with a focus on Aboriginal health include a review of emergency department access (page 648), overseas-trained doctors working in rural and remote Aboriginal health settings (page 655) and eye health programs within remote Aboriginal communities (page 664).

The aim of this study was to examine the effects of an action research partnership between the Tweed Valley Health Service (TVHS) and the Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander community for the development and delivery of Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Mental Health Services. This partnership was based upon Labonte's (1989) view of empowerment where it is suggested that to be empowered means to have increased capacity to define, analyse and act upon one's problems. It was proposed that the establishment of a 'partnership' based upon these principles would assist in operationalising Indigenous community participation in TVHS planning. To achieve this type of 'partnership', the health service had to be willing to enter the partnership and to give the authority to the Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Health Outcome Council to seek and trial solutions on Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Mental Health matters. Key outcomes were defined as the extent to which the re-organised services proved to be acceptable and utilised by the local Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander population. Outcomes were operationalised through measures of service utilisation and consumer satisfaction with accessibility, process and outcomes. The study trialed participatory action research as a method for Indigenous participation in Mental Health Service planning and development and concludes that it is a valid model for cross cultural research and health service development in a complex medical setting.

Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services deliver holistic and culturally appropriate primary health care to over 150 communities in Australia. Health promotion is a core function of comprehensive primary health care; however, little has been published on what enables or challenges health promotion practice in an Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Service. Apunipima Cape York Health Council (Apunipima) delivers primary health care to 11 remote north Queensland communities. The workforce includes medical, allied health, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health workers and health practitioners and corporate support staff. This study aimed to identify current health promotion practices at Apunipima, and the enablers and challenges identified by the workforce, which support or hinder health promotion practice. Sixty-three staff from across this workforce completed an online survey in February 2015 (42% response rate). Key findings were: (1) health promotion is delivered across a continuum of one-on-one approaches through to population advocacy and policy change efforts; (2) the attitude towards health promotion was very positive; and (3) health promotion capacity can be enhanced at both individual and organisational levels. Workforce insights have identified areas for continued support and areas that, now identified, can be targeted to strengthen the health promotion capacity of Apunipima.

Strong and healthy futures for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people requires engagement in meaningful decision making which is supported by evidence-based approaches. While a significant number of research publications state the research is co-designed, few describe the research process in relation to Indigenous ethical values. Improving the health and wellbeing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mothers and babies is crucial to the continuation of the oldest living culture in the world. Developing meaningful supports to empower Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mothers to quit smoking during pregnancy is paramount to addressing a range of health and wellbeing outcomes. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women have called for non-pharmacological approaches to smoking cessation during pregnancy. We describe a culturally responsive research protocol that has been co-designed and is co-owned with urban and regional Aboriginal communities in New South Wales. The project has been developed in line with the AH&MRC’s (Aboriginal Health & Medical Research Council) updated guidelines for ethical research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. Ethics approvals have been granted by AH&MRC #14541662 University of Newcastle HREC H-2020-0092 and the Local Health District ethics committee 2020/ETH02095. Results will be disseminated through peer reviewed articles, community reports, infographics, and online social media content.

IntroductionThe age-adjusted rate of potentially preventable hospitalisations for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people is almost five times the rate of other Australians. Quality use of medicines has an important role in alleviating these differences. This requires strengthening existing medication reviewing services through collaboration between community pharmacists and health workers, and ensuring services are culturally appropriate. This Indigenous Medication Review Service (IMeRSe) study aims to develop and evaluate the feasibility of a culturally appropriate medication management service delivered by community pharmacists in collaboration with Aboriginal health workers.Methods and analysisThis study will be conducted in nine Aboriginal health services (AHSs) and their associated community pharmacies in three Australian states over 12 months. Community pharmacists will be trained to improve their awareness and understanding of Indigenous health and cultural issues, to communicate the quality use of medicines effectively, and to strengthen interprofessional relationships with AHSs and their staff. Sixty consumers (with a chronic condition/pregnant/within 2 years post partum and at risk of medication-related problems (MRPs) per site will be recruited, with data collection at baseline and 6 months. The primary outcome is the difference in cumulative incidence of serious MRPs in the 6 months after IMeRSe introduction compared with the 6 months prior. Secondary outcomes include potentially preventable medication-related hospitalisations, medication adherence, total MRPs, psychological and social empowerment, beliefs about medication, treatment satisfaction and health expenditure.Ethics and disseminationThe protocol received approval from Griffith University (HREC/2018/251), Queensland Health Metro South (HREC/18/QPAH/109), Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council of New South Wales (1381/18), Far North Queensland (HREC/18/QCH/86-1256) and the Central Australian HREC (CA-18-3090). Dissemination to Indigenous people and communities will be a priority. Results will be available on the Australian Sixth Community Pharmacy Agreement website and published in peer-reviewed journals.Trial registration numberACTRN12618000188235; Pre-results.

Objectives. To describe health professionals’ perceptions of Aboriginal people’s access to cardiac rehabilitation (CR) services and the role of institutional barriers in implementing the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) guidelines Strengthening Cardiac Rehabilitation and Secondary Prevention for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Design. Qualitative study. Setting. Metropolitan and rural tertiary and community-based public CR services and Aboriginal health services in WA. Participants. Thirty-eight health professionals working in the CR setting. Method. Semistructured interviews were undertaken with 28 health professionals at public CR services and 10 health professionals from Aboriginal Medical Services in WA. The participants represented 17 services (10 rural, 7 metropolitan) listed in the WA Directory of CR services. Results. Emergent themes included (1) a lack of awareness of Aboriginal CR patients’ needs; (2) needs related to cultural awareness training for health professionals; and (3) Aboriginal health staff facilitate access for Aboriginal patients. Conclusions. Understanding the institutional barriers to Aboriginal participation in CR is necessary to recommend viable solutions. Promoting cultural awareness training, recruiting Aboriginal health workers and monitoring participation rates are important in improving health outcomes. What is already known about this subject? Significant health and social inequity exists for Aboriginal Australians. Despite the persisting high rates of morbidity and mortality related to cardiovascular disease in Aboriginal Australians, participation rates in cardiac rehabilitation remain low. What does this paper add? Despite widespread dissemination of NHMRC guidelines, there remains a disconnect between CR health professionals’ understandings and practices and the needs of Aboriginal people in WA. Increasing the volume and quality of cultural awareness training as well as access to Aboriginal health professionals are crucial in addressing this disparity. What are the implications for practitioners? Increasing the number and support of Aboriginal people trained as health professionals will assist the system to respond better to the needs of communities. Collaborative partnership models where Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal health professionals work together to increase mutual understanding are warranted.

IntroductionIndigenous peoples who have experienced colonisation or oppression can have a higher prevalence of alcohol-related harms. In Australia, Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services (ACCHSs) offer culturally accessible care to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (Indigenous) peoples. However there are many competing health, socioeconomic and cultural client needs.Methods and analysisA randomised cluster wait-control trial will test the effectiveness of a model of tailored and collaborative support for ACCHSs in increasing use of alcohol screening (with Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test-Consumption (AUDIT-C)) and of treatment provision (brief intervention, counselling or relapse prevention medicines).SettingTwenty-two ACCHSs across Australia.RandomisationServices will be stratified by remoteness, then randomised into two groups. Half receive support soon after the trial starts (intervention or ‘early support’); half receive support 2 years later (wait-control or ‘late support’).The supportCore support elements will be tailored to local needs and include: support to nominate two staff as champions for increasing alcohol care; a national training workshop and bimonthly teleconferences for service champions to share knowledge; onsite training, and bimonthly feedback on routinely collected data on screening and treatment provision.Outcomes and analysisPrimary outcome is use of screening using AUDIT-C as routinely recorded on practice software. Secondary outcomes are recording of brief intervention, counselling, relapse prevention medicines; and blood pressure, gamma glutamyltransferase and HbA1c. Multi-level logistic regression will be used to test the effectiveness of support.Ethics and disseminationEthical approval has been obtained from eight ethics committees: the Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council of New South Wales (1217/16); Central Australian Human Research Ethics Committee (CA-17-2842); Northern Territory Department of Health and Menzies School of Health Research (2017-2737); Central Queensland Hospital and Health Service (17/QCQ/9); Far North Queensland (17/QCH/45-1143); Aboriginal Health Research Ethics Committee, South Australia (04-16-694); St Vincent’s Hospital (Melbourne) Human Research Ethics Committee (LRR 036/17); and Western Australian Aboriginal Health Ethics Committee (779).Trial registration numberACTRN12618001892202; Pre-results.

IntroductionProcess evaluations are conducted alongside research projects to identify the context, impact and consequences of research, determine whether it was conducted per protocol and to understand how, why and for whom an intervention is effective. We present a process evaluation protocol for the Getting it Right research project, which aims to determine validity of a culturally adapted depression screening tool for use by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. In this process evaluation, we aim to: (1) explore the context, impact and consequences of conducting Getting It Right, (2) explore primary healthcare staff and community representatives’ experiences with the research project, (3) determine if it was conducted per protocol and (4) explore experiences with the depression screening tool, including perceptions about how it could be implemented into practice (if found to be valid). We also describe the partnerships established to conduct this process evaluation and how the nationalValues and Ethics: Guidelines for Ethical Conduct in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Researchis met.Methods and analysisRealist and grounded theory approaches are used. Qualitative data include semistructured interviews with primary healthcare staff and community representatives involved with Getting it Right. Iterative data collection and analysis will inform a coding framework. Interviews will continue until saturation of themes is reached, or all participants are considered. Data will be triangulated against administrative data and patient feedback. An Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Advisory Group guides this research. Researchers will be blinded from validation data outcomes for as long as is feasible.Ethics and disseminationThe University of Sydney Human Research Ethics Committee, Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council of New South Wales and six state ethics committees have approved this research. Findings will be submitted to academic journals and presented at conferences.Trial registration numberACTRN12614000705684.

Abstract Objectives There is a growing crisis of hunger and food inequality among Indigenous people in Australia who are increasingly urbanized. They experience substantially higher rates of food insecurity than the general population which impacts on diet-sensitive chronic disease risk and life expectancy. This project aimed to apply systems tools to identify systemic challenges to achieving food security and possible local actions to address the problem in two large Aboriginal communities. Methods A qualitative system dynamics method used group model building (GMB) in two regional and outer urban communities involving participants from Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services, food relief charities, council, educational groups and some food industry partners in the two local areas. The GMB enabled the participants to consider all the connections between contributing factors, feedback and reinforcing loops to produce a map of food insecurity linked to the local food system. This project was done in collaboration with the Study of Environment of Aboriginal Resilience and Child Health (SEARCH), Australia's largest cohort study into the health of urban Aboriginal children. Results The GMB workshops resulted in causal loop diagrams that mapped the complexities of the food insecurity challenge. The maps highlighted the impact of low incomes and unemployment that influenced the communities’ ability to budget and afford healthy food, thereby leading to a reliance on convenience food outlets. This, in turn, influenced communities’ healthy food preferences, which negatively impacted on food security. Additionally, community education around healthy food choices, meal planning and financial literacy were factors that also directly impacted food security. A distinct loop reflected that a lack of coordination between agencies was leading to duplication and confusion about available food relief services and the ability to access these services. Conclusions These analyses elicited local understanding of the potential levers within the system to address food insecurity in Indigenous people. They are being used to develop community-level workplans to shift the high prevalence of food insecurity and its longer-term impact on preventable chronic disease. Funding Sources This work was funded by the Australian Prevention Partnership Centre and the Sax Institute, Sydney.

Health service delivery model reforms are currently underway in Cape York in an effort to improve health outcomes for the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. These reforms include the transition of the Apunipima Cape York Health Council from an advocacy agency to a community-controlled health service provider. This paper investigates the literature on existing community governance models and communitycontrolled health service delivery models, to guide the choice of the most appropriate model for the Cape York health reforms. The evidence collected suggests a new innovative health service delivery model is emerging that will not only improve Indigenous health status, but may also present a more appropriate model for the health care sector than the existing mainstream health service delivery model provided for other sections of the collective Australian population.

IntroductionChild maltreatment and other traumatic events can have serious long-term physical, social and emotional effects, including a cluster of distress symptoms recognised as ‘complex trauma’. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (Aboriginal) people are also affected by legacies of historical trauma and loss. Trauma responses may be triggered during the transition to parenting in the perinatal period. Conversely, becoming a parent offers a unique life-course opportunity for healing and prevention of intergenerational transmission of trauma. This paper outlines a conceptual framework and protocol for an Aboriginal-led, community-based participatory action research (action research) project which aims to co-design safe, acceptable and feasible perinatalawareness, recognition, assessmentandsupportstrategies for Aboriginal parents experiencing complex trauma.Methods and analysisThis formative research project is being conducted in three Australian jurisdictions (Northern Territory, South Australia and Victoria) with key stakeholders from all national jurisdictions. Four action research cycles incorporate mixed methods research activities including evidence reviews, parent and service provider discussion groups, development and psychometric evaluation of a recognition and assessment process and drafting proposals for pilot, implementation and evaluation. Reflection and planning stages of four action research cycles will be undertaken in four key stakeholder workshops aligned with the first four Intervention Mapping steps to prepare programme plans.Ethics and disseminationEthics and dissemination protocols are consistent with the National Health and Medical Research Council Indigenous Research Excellence criteria of engagement, benefit, transferability and capacity-building. A conceptual framework has been developed to promote the application of core values of safety, trustworthiness, empowerment, collaboration, culture, holism, compassion and reciprocity. These include related principles and accompanying reflective questions to guide research decisions.

In 2014 Indigenous theatre director Wesley Enoch announced in an interview that ‘the aim of Indigenous theatre is to write into the public record neglected or forgotten stories’. He also spoke about the aims of a new Australian play, Black Diggers, as ‘honouring and preserving’ these stories. For Enoch, Black Diggers (re)addresses a great silence in Australia’s history, that of the Aboriginal experience of war. Also in 2014, the memorial sculpture Yininmadyemi Thou Didst Let Fall, commissioned by the City of Sydney Council, aimed to place in memoriam the story of forgotten Aboriginal soldiers who served during international conflicts, notably the two world wars. Both Black Diggers and the Yininmadyemi memorial sculpture are counter-hegemonic artefacts and a powerful commentary of a time of pseudo-nationalist memorialization. Both challenge the validity of many of Australia’s socio-political and historical accounts of war, including the frontier wars that took place between Aboriginal people and European settlers. Both unsettle Australia’s fascination with a memorialized past constructed from a culture of silence and forgetfulness. Liza-Mare Syron is a descendant of the Birripi people of the mid-north coast of New South Wales in Australia. An actor, director, dramaturg, and founding member of Moogahlin Performing Arts, a Sydney-based Aboriginal company, she is currently the Indigenous Research Fellow at the Department of Media, Music, Communication, and Cultural Studies at Macquarie University, Sydney. She has published widely on actor training, indigenous theatre practice, inter-cultural performance, and theatre and community development.

Abstract Between 1987 and 1997, through an impressive coalition of Nordic governments, the Government of Canada, scientists, environmentalists, foundations and Indigenous groups, the world witnessed the creation of a new body, the Arctic Council, a breakthrough in co-operative Arctic governance. Impressive for the relative speed of its creation, the Council – made up of eight states, six Permanent Participants and several observers – has continued to evolve at a steady pace, and recently became the primary forum for negotiating an Arctic search and rescue treaty. Many contributed to the creation of the Arctic Council, but insofar as a Canadian contribution, one of the leading drivers of the effort was a skilled group of Indigenous leaders. Aboriginal leaders like Mary Simon, supported by foundations, became the advocates of an Arctic Council that gave unprecedented status to Indigenous representatives to sit at the same table as foreign ministers through the innovation of a Permanent Participant category. This victory for the Indigenous community in the creation of the Arctic Council was an early indication of the growing presence and sophistication of the world’s Indigenous populations. Their current importance, as highlighted by the U.N. Declaration of Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, has as a precedent the invention of the Permanent Participant membership category of the Arctic Council a decade earlier.

“The Minister directs that you take up duties at X school.” Ye gods and little fishes! What does a teacher new to a school like this do?The school concerned in this paper is in a small, isolated, North Queensland town with a population of about 200. The racial mix is about 75% Aboriginal descent. The “best” jobs are mainly confined to the European sector, with the high profile occupations being held by itinerants, (teachers, nurses, and police). The local council is the main employer in the town, but there is still a high level of unemployment. Low socio-economic and educational standards and high alcohol consumption are prevalent throughout the community.

The social organisation of work, management styles and social relationships in the workplace all matter for health. It is now well recognised that people who have control over their work have better health and that stress in the workplace increases the level of disease. In the context of organisational change, the potential benefits of empowerment strategies are two-fold: a positive impact on the organisation’s effectiveness and enhancements in staff health, wellbeing and sense of control. This case study describes the University of Queensland Empowerment Research Program’s experience working with the Apunipima Cape York Health Council in a change management process. Participatory action research and empowerment strategies were utilised to facilitate shifts in work culture and group cohesion towards achieving Apunipima’s vision of being an effective lead agency for Indigenous health reform in Cape York. As part of the project, staff morale and confidence were monitored using a pictorial tool, Change Curve, which outlined the phases of organisational change. The project findings indicated that organisational change did not follow a clear linear trajectory. In some ways the dynamics mapped over a period of 18 months mirror the type of struggles individuals commonly encounter as a part of personal growth and development. In this case, one of the factors which influenced the program’s success was the willingness of executive employees to actively support and participate in the change management process. What is known about the topic? The pivotal role of community controlled organisations in the development of community based services and policy issues affecting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians is well recognised. The presence and activities of these organisations reflects and contributes to community empowerment and self determination. Although it is possible to observe the effects of these organisations in communities, less attention has been given to empowerment as a concept to be utilised internally and as a resource to support wellbeing in the workplace. What does this paper add?In Australia, empowerment strategies are now accepted as an effective approach to health promotion and community development initiatives. This paper adds to this body of knowledge by considering the concept within the context of organisations in which an Indigenous worldview forms the foundation for action. What are the implications for practitioners?This article provides some preliminary insights into the how the concept of empowerment might be instigated in community controlled organisations. It also identifies some of the likely challenges and methodological issues to be considered in designing change management strategies in this context.

AbstractIn 1991, the Australian Parliament implemented a formal 10-year process of reconciliation. The aim of the process was to reconcile Indigenous and non-Indigenous people by the end of 2000. The Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation (CAR) was established to promote the process. The process had three broad goals: improving education, addressing Indigenous socio-economic disadvantage and developing a document of reconciliation. This 10-year process achieved several successful outcomes, including the “People’s Movement” and the “Walks for Reconciliation”. The outcomes were predominately linked to the broad education goal and occurred due to the involvement of the Australian community in the reconciliation process.In this paper, I explore two inter-related programmes developed by CAR - community consultations and encouraging community involvement - that encouraged the involvement of the Australian community in reconciliation and were significantly responsible for the success obtained by the education goal. However, I also argue there were two issues involving many non-Indigenous people - their ignorance of reconciliation and Indigenous issues and their nationalist understandings of reconciliation - that ensured that overall the goals, despite some successful outcomes, were not fully achieved by the conclusion of the formal reconciliation process.

Background and context: I Care for Palliative Care Campaign was developed and delivered by the Cancer Council NSW between November 2015 and July 2017. This advocacy campaign was developed in recognition of the fact that the state had fewer palliative physicians and palliative care nurses than were needed to meet the palliative care demands of the NSW community. This meant that some people with life-limiting cancer were being denied quality of life and were unable to die in the place of their choosing. Moreover, Aboriginal people remained disadvantaged by limited access to specialist palliative care that fits with their community values, beliefs, rituals, heritage and place. Aim: The primary aim of the campaign was to secure additional funding from the NSW Government for an additional 10 FTE palliative physician positions; an extra 129 FTE palliative care nurse positions; and provision of culturally-appropriate specialist palliative care services to Aboriginal people. Strategy/Tactics: Various tactics were used, including collection and sharing of engaging community stories via media and online channels, mobilizing community support via training and events, and targeted engagement of key decision-makers and members of parliament (MPs), which took into consideration marginal electorates, personal experiences with cancer, and geography, noting the issue disproportionally impacts regional and rural communities. An online and offline “pledge” activity was also used, providing both the public and MPs with an opportunity to support the campaign. Program/Policy process: Meetings, the pledge activity, collection and presentation of stories and community-events were all incorporated into a program of activities over the campaign period to engage decision-makers and ultimately influence the policy-making process. Outcomes: An independent qualitative evaluation confirmed that the campaign was undoubtedly a success. It noted that the campaign created an environment in which the NSW government made a historic decision to provide an additional $100 million in funding for palliative care services over four years. Without the campaign, palliative care could well have lost out to other healthcare and government spending priorities. What was learned: The campaign confirmed the power of personal stories as an effective campaign tactic to influence decision-makers. Empowering volunteers to generate local media coverage also resulted in significantly greater coverage for the campaign. The “pledge” activity for MPs was also an effective tactic that brought together the issue, the politician and our brand. Aspects to be improved include simplifying our policy ask, evaluating the resources we invest in key decision makers versus less influential MPs, and assessing how we better integrate political context and political experts into our campaign planning and governance.

In 2008, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami and Inuit Tuttarvingat of the National Aboriginal Health Organization collaborated to provide input to national discussions of research ethics and processes in the Canadian Arctic. This paper describes the work of Inuit Nipingit (National Inuit Committee on Ethics and Research) during two years from 2008 to 2010. The Inuit Nipingit committee was concerned with research and its ethics environment as faced by Inuit as research participants, researchers, and those being consulted on research proposals. Members of this national committee discussed Canada’s ethical guidelines for research and responded to a call for input into the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans. In an effort to support capacity building, Inuit Nipingit also produced reference materials for Inuit community members and anyone concerned in research involving Inuit.

It seems somehow appropriate that the final issue of QAR in this millennium departs a little from what has gone before and perhaps epitomizes the future shape of archaeological practice and product in this country. QAR 11 not only happens to fall just as the twentieth-century ticks over but it also happens to represent a positive and timely outcome of a lengthy and often-fraught reconciliation process between the scientific interests of Australian archaeologists and the cultural property interests of indigenous Australians. All articles in this issue concern the wide-ranging and multidisciplinary Gooreng Gooreng Cultural Heritage Project which is being carried out by the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies Unit at the University of Queensland in collaboration with the Gurang Land Council and members of the Gooreng Gooreng Aboriginal community. This joint investigation of the Aboriginal heritage of the Burnett-Curtis area of Central Queensland began in the early 1990s and has gathered momentum as early research results triggered more detailed higher-level studies. As this region was little understood archaeologically prior to the project’s initiation, the substantive articles herein represent a significant addition to knowledge both for archaeology and the Gooreng Gooreng community – as well as a promise of much more to come. As we cross the Y2K boundary, I feel sure that this project will help signal a new level in cooperative and mutually beneficial heritage research ventures between Aboriginal traditional owners and archaeologists.This volume is distinctive for two other reasons, both of which represent a departure from past practice. It is the first to be guest-edited and is the first to be dedicated to a particular regional research project. When I was approached by Ian Lilley over a year ago to consider publishing the manuscripts being prepared on the early fieldwork results of the GGCHP as a single guest-edited volume, I relished the opportunities that this notion presented. In making available under one cover a number of related studies of a circumscribed study region it offers ready access to researchers within a coherent research design while underscoring the growing regional trend of archaeological research in this country. In line with QAR philosophy from the outset, it contains data-rich substantive articles that are, in this case, largely the distilled outcome of postgraduate thesis research. This promotion of the work of younger scholars provides the kind of recognition and encouragement that students need early in their careers. Importantly, this largely postgraduate student output within a multidisciplinary and intercultural research team highlights the positive outcomes of a healthy working relationship between campus-based Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander units and archaeology/anthropology departments. In this case the guiding hand has been that of Michael Williams, Director of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies Unit at the University of Queensland, who has fought long and hard for such academic links. His appointment of Ian Lilley and Sean Ulm led to the development of a robust research program within which numerous UQ archaeology students have participated at various levels. The production of this group of papers on the GGCHP by joint editors Lilley, Ulm and Williams is testimony to both the strength and durability of this inter-departmental relationship and to just what can be achieved with good will and cooperation between universities and Aboriginal communities. The product stands as a useful model for others to emulate. As a final note, following the success of this issue, QAR would welcome the submission of other project-based and guest-edited collections of manuscripts.Jay Hall – Editor

AbstractThis paper presents an analysis of the classroom discourse and strategies of Marcia, an early childhood teacher of a class with a high percentage of Indigenous Australian students. These students have been demonstrably successful on standardised literacy tests, which is not the case for Indigenous students in general in Australia (e.g., MCEETYA, 200). It will be suggested here that Marcia’s approach and relationships with the students, as constructed in her discourse, have been a large contributing factor in this success. Marcia’s discourse can be described as both inclusive and empowering and, as such, it will be proposed that awareness of her techniques may be of benefit to teachers who are working with groups whom education systems tend to marginalise and disempower. Marcia’s lessons were observed as part of the project, “Teaching Indigenous Students with Conductive Hearing Loss in Remote and Urban Schools of Western Australia”. This project was based in Kurongkurl Katitjin, School of Indigenous Studies, at Edith Cowan University, Perth, Western Australia, and was funded by an Australian Research Council Strategic Partnerships with Industry [SPIRT] Grant and the industry partners: Department of Education of Western Australia, Catholic Education Commission of Western Australia and Aboriginal Independent Community Schools, Western Australia.

This paper provides an overview of discourses of the movement for national reconciliation prevailing within the Australian socio-political context since the inception of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation in 1991, to the national apology delivered by the Prime Minister Kevin Rudd on 13th February 2008. It provides an framework for the various discourses of reconciliation, by exploring and analysing the accrued meanings to such terms such as ‘genuine’, substantive or ‘true’ reconciliation; the Howard’s Government’s ‘practical reconciliation’ and the Rudd government’s great attempt at ‘symbolic’ reconciliation in the national apology to Indigenous Australians. In the changing political context in Australia today this paper revisits the debates on reconciliation, and endeavours to locate the movement solidly within a human rights framework that includes first nation rights. This requires an examination of the roots of the reconciliation movement including community attitudes to reconciliation and the nature of the peoples’ movement as well as the differing perspectives of policy makers, politicians and of course, Indigenous peoples. It asks crucial questions about the progress of reconciliation and the type of reconciliation mainstream Australians will accept. In truth therefore, was the ‘National Apology’ a grand symbolic gesture by mainstream Australia to maintain the status quo and divert our eyes from the more searching questions of the ‘unfinished business’ of ‘substantive’ reconciliation which encompasses first nations rights for Indigenous peoples.

IntroductionThe rising rate of incarceration in Australia, driven by high reoffending, is a major public health problem. Problematic drug use is associated with increasing rates of reoffending and return to custody of individuals. Throughcare provides support to individuals during imprisonment through to post-release, improving both the transition to community and health outcomes post-incarceration. The aim of this study is to evaluate the Connections Programme (CP) that utilises a throughcare approach for release planning of people in prison with a history of problematic drug use. The study protocol is described.Methods and analysisPopulation-based retrospective cohort study. The study will use record linkage of the Connections dataset with 10 other New South Wales (NSW) population datasets on offending, health service utilisation, opioid substitution therapy, pregnancy, birth and mortality. The study includes all patients who were eligible to participate in the CP between January 2008 and December 2015 stratified by patients who were offered CP and eligible patients who were not offered the programme (non-CP (NCP)). Propensity-score matching will be used to appropriately adjust for the observable differences between CP and NCP. The differences between two groups will be examined using appropriate univariate and multivariate analyses. A generalised estimating equation approach, which can deal with repeat outcomes for individuals will be used to examine recidivism, mortality and other health outcomes, including perinatal and infant outcomes. Survival analysis techniques will be used to examine the effect of the CP by sex and Indigenous status on the ‘time-to’ health-related outcomes after adjusting for potential confounders.Ethics and disseminationEthical approval was received from the NSW Population and Health Services Research Ethics Committee, the Justice Health and Forensic Mental Health Network Human Research Ethics Committee, the Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council Ethics Committee, the Corrective Services NSW Ethics Committee and the University of Technology Sydney Human Research Ethics Committee.

Objectives: The specific objectives of the study were to (a) identify current best practice in pathology specimen collection and assess the extent to which Australian pathology services currently satisfy best practice standards; and (b) identify training and other strategies that would mitigate any gaps between current and best practice. Methods: A total of 22 case studies were undertaken with pathology collector employers from public, not for profit and private pathology organisations andacross urban and rural locations and eight focus groups with pathology collection services consumers were conducted in December 2012 in four different cities. Results: The preferred minimum qualification of the majority of case study employers for pathology collectors is the nationally recognised Certificate III in Pathology. This qualification maps well to an accepted international best practice guideline for pathology collection competency standards but has some noted deficiencies identified which need to be rectified. These particularly include competencies related to communicating with consumers. The preferred way of training for this qualification is largely through structured and supervised on the job learning experiences supported by theoretical classroom instruction delivered in-house or in off the job settings. The study found a need to ensure a greater proportion of the pathology collection workforce is appropriately qualified. Conclusion: The most effective pathway to best practice pathology collection requires strong policies that define how pathology samples are to be collected, stored and transported and a pathology collection workforce that is competent and presents to consumers with a credible qualification and in a professional manner. Abbreviations: CHF – Consumer Health Forum of Australia; KIMMS – Key Incident Monitoring and Management Systems; NAACLS – National Accrediting Agency for Clinical Laboratory Sciences; NACCHO – National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation; NPAAC – National Pathology Accreditation Advisory Council; RCPA – Royal College of Pathology Australasia; RTO – Registered Training Organisation.

Рассматривается один из основных ландшафтных кодов культурной географии – «вода/река», его анализ позволит понять особенности формирования хозяйственной специфики и духовных ценностей бродячих охотничье-рыболовных племен Восточной Сибири. Территории кочевания этих племен за последние 2 тыс. лет существенно сократились, и в настоящее время Нелемнинский наслег – земли родовой общины «Тэки Одулок» в Верхнеколымском улусе Республики Саха (Якутия) – единственное в своем роде место компактного проживания потомков древнего населения. Для северных кочевников юкагиров (охотников и рыболовов) вода/река имела культурообразующее значение: она кормила, помогала перемещаться с места на место, служила ориентиром на местности. Важность водных ресурсов рассматривается в статье через призму этнической истории юкагирского народа. Показано, что современная уникальная культура северных номадов Верхней Колымы сложилась благодаря двум основным факторам: сохранности гомогенной «кормящей» территории и незначительной трансформации традиционного годового хозяйственного цикла. Природно-климатические условия и полукочевой уклад жизни выработали у этой группы юкагиров устойчивые стереотипы мышления и поведения и определенную систему ценностей и предпочтений. Их пространственные представления формировались под влиянием ландшафта, в частности водной системы территории кочевания. Традиционно в период промысла родовые группы лесных юкагиров длительное время находились в изоляции – такое положение сохранялось вплоть до начала XX в. Подобные условия предполагали разного рода опасности и риски, реальные и воображаемые. При отсутствии дорог в теплое время года и в силу большой заболоченности территории древний ландшафтный код «вода/река» определял номадический характер культуры юкагиров. Водная система в представлениях охотников и рыболовов Верхней Колымы запечатлена в духовной и материальной культуре как амбивалентная стихия. В геокультурном пространстве потомков аборигенных северных номадов концепт «водная стихия» традиционно построен на культурных смыслах, образах и символах. Сегодня присваивающий характер хозяйства лесных юкагиров и сохранение значимости ландшафтного кода «вода/река» позволяют говорить, что в обозримом будущем в культуре этого народа по-прежнему будут присутствовать элементы древних языческих религиозно-мифологических представлений. The article considers one of the main landscape codes of cultural geography – water/river, which in part determined the specifics of economy and spiritual values of the wandering hunting tribes of Eastern Siberia. The areas of nomadic hunting and fishing tribes of Eastern Siberia have significantly decreased over the past two thousand years, and currently the territory of the Nelemninsky National Council and the tribal community “Teki Odulok” in the Verkhnekolymsky region (ulus) of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) is the only place of compact residence of descendants of the ancient population. Among the northern nomads –Yukagirs-hunters and fishermen, the water/river landscape code was of a cultural-forming significance; water/river provided food, transport and served as a reference point in space. The significance of water resources is considered in diachronic and synchronous ranges against the background of the ethnic history of the Yukagir people with the involvement of archival and literary data. It is shown that the modern functioning of the unique culture of northern nomad dog breeders in the Upper Kolyma is due to the preservation of a homogeneous feeding territory and a minor transformation of the traditional annual economic cycle. The territorial community, the organization of living space in such climatic conditions and the semi-nomadic way of life have developed stable stereotypes of thinking and behavior, a system of values and preferences for this group of Yukagirs. The understanding of space of the nomad dog breeders reveals the mechanisms of formation and influence of the water/river discourse on various aspects of their activities. Traditionally from antiquity and to the beginning of the 20th century during the period of fishing and nomading on boats and rafts in the warm season, the tribal groups of forest Yukagirs were isolated for a long time. This situation implied various potential dangers and risks, real and mythologized. The ancient landscape code water / river in the absence of dirt roads in the warm season and a large bog area determined the nomadic nature of the culture. The figurative and geographical model of the water universe at the locus of the water hunters and fishermen of the Upper Kolyma is captured in the discourse of spiritual and material culture as an ambivalent element. In the geo-cultural area of the descendants of the aboriginal northern nomads, the concept of the water element is traditionally built on cultural meanings, images and symbols. The appropriating nature of the economy and the longstanding significance of one of the main landscape codes of water/river stimulate the continued exsistence of ancient pagan religious and mythological representations among the forest Yukagirs in the foreseeable future

Some Australian Aboriginal communities experience suicide rates that are among the highest in the world. They are also, however, avid social media users—approximately 20% higher than the national average. This article presents some preliminary findings from a current national study, funded by the Australian Research Council, titled Aboriginal identity and community online: a sociological exploration of Aboriginal peoples’ use of online social media. The purpose of the study is to gain insights into how Aboriginal peoples utilise and interact on social media, and how these technologies can assist with suicide prevention strategies. It found that Aboriginal people are engaging with Facebook to both seek and offer help for issues relating to suicide and self-harm. An existing continuum of suicide prevention strategies was evident—from light emotional support to direct suicide intervention involving health services. These strategies can be leveraged to implement effective and appropriate suicide prevention programs.

Each community’s title deed carries the indelible blood stains of our ancestors. (Watson, "Howard’s End" 2)IntroductionAccording to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term coalition comes from the Latin coalescere or ‘coalesce’, meaning “come or bring together to form one mass or whole”. Coalesce refers to the unity affirmed as something grows: co – “together”, alesce – “to grow up”. While coalition is commonly associated with formalised alliances and political strategy in the name of self-interest and common goals, this paper will draw as well on the broader etymological understanding of coalition as “growing together” in order to discuss the Australian government’s recent changes to land rights legislation, the 2007 Emergency Intervention into the Northern Territory, and its decision to use Indigenous land in the Northern Territory as a dumping ground for nuclear waste. What unites these distinct cases is the role of the Australian nation-state in asserting its sovereign right to decide, something Giorgio Agamben notes is the primary indicator of sovereign right and power (Agamben). As Fiona McAllan has argued in relation to the Northern Territory Intervention: “Various forces that had been coalescing and captivating the moral, imaginary centre were now contributing to a spectacular enactment of a sovereign rescue mission” (par. 18). Different visions of “growing together”, and different coalitional strategies, are played out in public debate and policy formation. This paper will argue that each of these cases represents an alliance between successive, oppositional governments - and the nourishment of neoliberal imperatives - over and against the interests of some of the Indigenous communities, especially with relation to land rights. A critical stance is taken in relation to the alterations to land rights laws over the past five years and with the Northern Territory Emergency Intervention, hereinafter referred to as the Intervention, firstly by the Howard Liberal Coalition Government and later continued, in what Anthony Lambert has usefully termed a “postcoalitional” fashion, by the Rudd Labor Government. By this, Lambert refers to the manner in which dominant relations of power continue despite the apparent collapse of old political coalitions and even in the face of seemingly progressive symbolic and material change. It is not the intention of this paper to locate Indigenous people in opposition to models of economic development aligned with neoliberalism. There are examples of productive relations between Indigenous communities and mining companies, in which Indigenous people retain control over decision-making and utilise Land Council’s to negotiate effectively. Major mining company Rio Tinto, for example, initiated an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders Policy platform in the mid-1990s (Rio Tinto). Moreover, there are diverse perspectives within the Indigenous community regarding social and economic reform governed by neoliberal agendas as well as government initiatives such as the Intervention, motivated by a concern for the abuse of children, as outlined in The Little Children Are Sacred Report (Wild & Anderson; hereinafter Little Children). Indeed, there is no agreement on whether or not the Intervention had anything to do with land rights. On the one hand, Noel Pearson has strongly opposed this assertion: “I've got as much objections as anybody to the ideological prejudices of the Howard Government in relation to land, but this question is not about a 'land grab'. The Anderson Wild Report tells us about the scale of Aboriginal children's neglect and abuse" (ABC). Marcia Langton has agreed with this stating that “There's a cynical view afoot that the emergency intervention was a political ploy - a Trojan Horse - to sneak through land grabs and some gratuitous black head-kicking disguised as concern for children. These conspiracy theories abound, and they are mostly ridiculous” (Langton). Patrick Dodson on the other hand, has argued that yes, of course, the children remain the highest priority, but that this “is undermined by the Government's heavy-handed authoritarian intervention and its ideological and deceptive land reform agenda” (Dodson). WhitenessOne way to frame this issue is to look at it through the lens of critical race and whiteness theory. Is it possible that the interests of whiteness are at play in the coalitions of corporate/private enterprise and political interests in the Northern Territory, in the coupling of social conservatism and economic rationalism? Using this framework allows us to identify the partial interests at play and the implications of this for discussions in Australia around sovereignty and self-determination, as well as providing a discursive framework through which to understand how these coalitional interests represent a specific understanding of progress, growth and development. Whiteness theory takes an empirically informed stance in order to critique the operation of unequal power relations and discriminatory practices imbued in racialised structures. Whiteness and critical race theory take the twin interests of racial privileging and racial discrimination and discuss their historical and on-going relevance for law, philosophy, representation, media, politics and policy. Foregrounding contemporary analysis in whiteness studies is the central role of race in the development of the Australian nation, most evident in the dispossession and destruction of Indigenous lands, cultures and lives, which occurred initially prior to Federation, as well as following. Cheryl Harris’s landmark paper “Whiteness as Property” argues, in the context of the US, that “the origins of property rights ... are rooted in racial domination” and that the “interaction between conceptions of race and property ... played a critical role in establishing and maintaining racial and economic subordination” (Harris 1716).Reiterating the logic of racial inferiority and the assumption of a lack of rationality and civility, Indigenous people were named in the Australian Constitution as “flora and fauna” – which was not overturned until a national referendum in 1967. This, coupled with the logic of terra nullius represents the racist foundational logic of Australian statehood. As is well known, terra nullius declared that the land belonged to no-one, denying Indigenous people property rights over land. Whiteness, Moreton-Robinson contends, “is constitutive of the epistemology of the West; it is an invisible regime of power that secures hegemony through discourse and has material effects in everyday life” (Whiteness 75).In addition to analysing racial power structures, critical race theory has presented studies into the link between race, whiteness and neoliberalism. Roberts and Mahtami argue that it is not just that neoliberalism has racialised effects, rather that neoliberalism and its underlying philosophy is “fundamentally raced and produces racialized bodies” (248; also see Goldberg Threat). The effect of the free market on state sovereignty has been hotly debated too. Aihwa Ong contends that neoliberalism produces particular relationships between the state and non-state corporations, as well as determining the role of individuals within the body-politic. Ong specifies:Market-driven logic induces the co-ordination of political policies with the corporate interests, so that developmental discussions favour the fragmentation of the national space into various contiguous zones, and promote the differential regulation of the populations who can be connected to or disconnected from global circuits of capital. (Ong, Neoliberalism 77)So how is whiteness relevant to a discussion of land reform, and to the changes to land rights passed along with Intervention legislation in 2007? Irene Watson cites the former Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Mal Brough, who opposed the progressive individual with what he termed the “failed collective.” Watson asserts that in the debates around land leasing and the Intervention, “Aboriginal law and traditional roles and responsibilities for caring and belonging to country are transformed into the cause for community violence” (Sovereign Spaces 34). The effects of this, I will argue, are twofold and move beyond a moral or social agenda in the strictest sense of the terms: firstly to promote, and make more accessible, the possibility of private and government coalitions in relation to Indigenous lands, and secondly, to reinforce the sovereignty of the state, recognised in the capacity to make decisions. It is here that the explicit reiteration of what Aileen Moreton-Robinson calls “white possession” is clearly evidenced (The Possessive Logic). Sovereign Interventions In the Northern Territory 50% of land is owned by Indigenous people under the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1976 (ALRA) (NT). This law gives Indigenous people control, mediated via land councils, over their lands. It is the contention of this paper that the rights enabled through this law have been eroded in recent times in the coalescing interests of government and private enterprise via, broadly, land rights reform measures. In August 2007 the government passed a number of laws that overturned aspects of the Racial Discrimination Act 197 5(RDA), including the Northern Territory National Emergency Response Bill 2007 and the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Amendment (Township Leasing) Bill 2007. Ostensibly these laws were a response to evidence of alarming levels of child abuse in remote Indigenous communities, which has been compiled in the special report Little Children, co-chaired by Rex Wild QC and Patricia Anderson. This report argued that urgent but culturally appropriate strategies were required in order to assist the local communities in tackling the issues. The recommendations of the report did not include military intervention, and instead prioritised the need to support and work in dialogue with local Indigenous people and organisations who were already attempting, with extremely limited resources, to challenge the problem. Specifically it stated that:The thrust of our recommendations, which are designed to advise the NT government on how it can help support communities to effectively prevent and tackle child sexual abuse, is for there to be consultation with, and ownership by the local communities, of these solutions. (Wild & Anderson 23) Instead, the Federal Coalition government, with support from the opposition Labor Party, initiated a large scale intervention, which included the deployment of the military, to install order and assist medical personnel to carry out compulsory health checks on minors. The intervention affected 73 communities with populations of over 200 Aboriginal men, women and children (Altman, Neo-Paternalism 8). The reality of high levels of domestic and sexual abuse in Indigenous communities requires urgent and diligent attention, but it is not the space of this paper to unpack the media spectacle or the politically determined response to these serious issues, or the considered and careful reports such as the one cited above. While the report specifies the need for local solutions and local control of the process and decision-making, the Federal Liberal Coalition government’s intervention, and the current Labor government’s faithfulness to these, has been centralised and external, imposed upon communities. Rebecca Stringer argues that the Trojan horse thesis indicates what is at stake in this Intervention, while also pinpointing its main weakness. That is, the counter-intuitive links its architects make between addressing child sexual abuse and re-litigating Indigenous land tenure and governance arrangements in a manner that undermines Aboriginal sovereignty and further opens Aboriginal lands to private interests among the mining, nuclear power, tourism, property development and labour brokerage industries. (par. 8)Alongside welfare quarantining for all Indigenous people, was a decision by parliament to overturn the “permit system”, a legal protocol provided by the ALRA and in place so as to enable Indigenous peoples the right to refuse and grant entry to strangers wanting to access their lands. To place this in a broader context of land rights reform, the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 2006, created the possibility of 99 year individual leases, at the expense of communal ownership. The legislation operates as a way of individualising the land arrangements in remote Indigenous communities by opening communal land up as private plots able to be bought by Aboriginal people or any other interested party. Indeed, according to Leon Terrill, land reform in Australia over the past 10 years reflects an attempt to return control of decision-making to government bureaucracy, even as governments have downplayed this aspect. Terrill argues that Township Leasing (enabled via the 2006 legislation), takes “wholesale decision-making about land use” away from Traditional Owners and instead places it in the hands of a government entity called the Executive Director of Township Leasing (3). With the passage of legislation around the Intervention, five year leases were created to enable the Commonwealth “administrative control” over the communities affected (Terrill 3). Finally, under the current changes it is unlikely that more than a small percentage of Aboriginal people will be able to access individual land leasing. Moreover, the argument has been presented that these reforms reflect a broader project aimed at replacing communal land ownership arrangements. This agenda has been justified at a rhetorical level via the demonization of communal land ownership arrangements. Helen Hughes and Jenness Warin, researchers at the rightwing think-tank, the Centre for Independent Studies (CIS), released a report entitled A New Deal for Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in Remote Communities, in which they argue that there is a direct casual link between communal ownership and economic underdevelopment: “Communal ownership of land, royalties and other resources is the principle cause of the lack of economic development in remote areas” (in Norberry & Gardiner-Garden 8). In 2005, then Prime Minister, John Howard, publicly introduced the government’s ambition to alter the structure of Indigenous land arrangements, couching his agenda in the language of “equal opportunity”. I believe there’s a case for reviewing the whole issue of Aboriginal land title in the sense of looking more towards private recognition …, I’m talking about giving them the same opportunities as the rest of their fellow Australians. (Watson, "Howard’s End" 1)Scholars of critical race theory have argued that the language of equality, usually tied to liberalism (though not always) masks racial inequality and even results in “camouflaged racism” (Davis 61). David Theo Goldberg notes that, “the racial status-quo - racial exclusions and privileges favouring for the most part middle - and upper class whites - is maintained by formalising equality through states of legal and administrative science” (Racial State 222). While Howard and his coalition of supporters have associated communal title with disadvantage and called for the equality to be found in individual leases (Dodson), Altman has argued that there is no logical link between forms of communal land ownership and incidences of sexual abuse, and indeed, the government’s use of sexual abuse disingenuously disguises it’s imperative to alter the land ownership arrangements: “Given the proposed changes to the ALRA are in no way associated with child sexual abuse in Aboriginal communities […] there is therefore no pressing urgency to pass the amendments.” (Altman National Emergency, 3) In the case of the Intervention, land rights reforms have affected the continued dispossession of Indigenous people in the interests of “commercial development” (Altman Neo-Paternalism 8). In light of this it can be argued that what is occurring conforms to what Aileen Moreton-Robinson has highlighted as the “possessive logic of patriarchal white sovereignty” (Possessive Logic). White sovereignty, under the banner of benevolent paternalism overturns the authority it has conceded to local Indigenous communities. This is realised via township leases, five year leases, housing leases and other measures, stripping them of the right to refuse the government and private enterprise entry into their lands (effectively the right of control and decision-making), and opening them up to, as Stringer argues, a range of commercial and government interests. Future Concerns and Concluding NotesThe etymological root of coalition is coalesce, inferring the broad ambition to “grow together”. In the issues outlined above, growing together is dominated by neoliberal interests, or what Stringer has termed “assimilatory neoliberation”. The issue extends beyond a social and economic assimilationism project and into a political and legal “land grab”, because, as Ong notes, the neoliberal agenda aligns itself with the nation-state. This coalitional arrangement of neoliberal and governmental interests reiterates “white possession” (Moreton-Robinson, The Possessive Logic). This is evidenced in the position of the current Labor government decision to uphold the nomination of Muckaty as a radioactive waste repository site in Australia (Stokes). In 2007, the Northern Land Council (NLC) nominated Muckaty Station to be the site for waste disposal. This decision cannot be read outside the context of Maralinga, in the South Australian desert, a site where experiments involving nuclear technology were conducted in the 1960s. As John Keane recounts, the Australian government permitted the British government to conduct tests, dispossessing the local Aboriginal group, the Tjarutja, and employing a single patrol officer “the job of monitoring the movements of the Aborigines and quarantining them in settlements” (Keane). Situated within this historical colonial context, in 2006, under a John Howard led Liberal Coalition, the government passed the Commonwealth Radioactive Waste Management Act (CRWMA), a law which effectively overrode the rulings of the Northern Territory government in relation decisions regarding nuclear waste disposal, as well as overriding the rights of traditional Aboriginal owners and the validity of sacred sites. The Australian Labor government has sought to alter the CRWMA in order to reinstate the importance of following due process in the nomination process of land. However, it left the proposed site of Muckaty as confirmed, and the new bill, titled National Radioactive Waste Management retains many of the same characteristics of the Howard government legislation. In 2010, 57 traditional owners from Muckaty and surrounding areas signed a petition stating their opposition to the disposal site (the case is currently in the Federal Court). At a time when nuclear power has come back onto the radar as a possible solution to the energy crisis and climate change, questions concerning the investments of government and its loyalties should be asked. As Malcolm Knox has written “the nuclear industry has become evangelical about the dangers of global warming” (Knox). While nuclear is a “cleaner” energy than coal, until better methods are designed for processing its waste, larger amounts of it will be produced, requiring lands that can hold it for the desired timeframes. For Australia, this demands attention to the politics and ethics of waste disposal. Such an issue is already being played out, before nuclear has even been signed off as a solution to climate change, with the need to find a disposal site to accommodate already existing uranium exported to Europe and destined to return as waste to Australia in 2014. The decision to go ahead with Muckaty against the wishes of the voices of local Indigenous people may open the way for the co-opting of a discourse of environmentalism by political and business groups to promote the development and expansion of nuclear power as an alternative to coal and oil for energy production; dumping waste on Indigenous lands becomes part of the solution to climate change. During the 2010 Australian election, Greens Leader Bob Brown played upon the word coalition to suggest that the Liberal National Party were in COALition with the mining industry over the proposed Mining Tax – the Liberal Coalition opposed any mining tax (Brown). Here Brown highlights the alliance of political agendas and business or corporate interests quite succinctly. Like Brown’s COALition, will government (of either major party) form a coalition with the nuclear power stakeholders?This paper has attempted to bring to light what Dodson has identified as “an alliance of established conservative forces...with more recent and strident ideological thinking associated with free market economics and notions of individual responsibility” and the implications of this alliance for land rights (Dodson). It is important to ask critical questions about the vision of “growing together” being promoted via the coalition of conservative, neoliberal, private and government interests.Acknowledgements Many thanks to the reviewers of this article for their useful suggestions. ReferencesAustralian Broadcasting Authority. “Noel Pearson Discusses the Issues Faced by Indigenous Communities.” Lateline 26 June 2007. 22 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.abc.net.au/lateline/content/2007/s1962844.htm>. Agamben, Giorgio. Homo Sacer. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1998. Altman, Jon. “The ‘National Emergency’ and Land Rights Reform: Separating Fact from Fiction.” A Briefing Paper for Oxfam Australia, 2007. 1 Aug. 2010 ‹http://www.oxfam.org.au/resources/filestore/originals/OAus-EmergencyLandRights-0807.pdf>. Altman, Jon. “The Howard Government’s Northern Territory Intervention: Are Neo-Paternalism and Indigenous Development Compatible?” Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research Topical Issue 16 (2007). 1 Aug. 2010 ‹http://caepr.anu.edu.au/system/files/Publications/topical/Altman_AIATSIS.pdf>. Brown, Bob. “Senator Bob Brown National Pre-Election Press Club Address.” 2010. 18 Aug. 2010 ‹http://greens.org.au/content/senator-bob-brown-pre-election-national-press-club-address>. Davis, Angela. The Angela Davis Reader. Ed. J. James, Oxford: Blackwell, 1998. Dodson, Patrick. “An Entire Culture Is at Stake.” Opinion. The Age, 14 July 2007: 4. Goldberg, David Theo. The Racial State. Massachusetts: Blackwell, 2002.———. The Threat of Race: Reflections on Neoliberalism. Massachusetts: Blackwell, 2008. Harris, Cheryl. “Whiteness as Property.” Harvard Law Review 106.8 (1993): 1709-1795. Keane, John. “Maralinga’s Afterlife.” Feature Article. The Age, 11 May 2003. 24 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2003/05/11/1052280486255.html>. Knox, Malcolm. “Nuclear Dawn.” The Monthly 56 (May 2010). Lambert, Anthony. “Rainbow Blindness: Same-Sex Partnerships in Post-Coalitional Australia.” M/C Journal 13.6 (2010). Langton, Marcia. “It’s Time to Stop Playing Politics with Vulnerable Lives.” Opinion. Sydney Morning Herald, 30 Nov. 2007: 2. McAllan, Fiona. “Customary Appropriations.” borderlands ejournal 6.3 (2007). 22 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.borderlands.net.au/vol6no3_2007/mcallan_appropriations.htm>. Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. “The Possessive Logic of Patriarchal White Sovereignty: The High Court and the Yorta Yorta Decision.” borderlands e-journal 3.2 (2004). 1 Aug. 2007 ‹http://www.borderlands.net.au/vol3no2_2004/moreton_possessive.htm>. ———. “Whiteness, Epistemology and Indigenous Representation.” Whitening Race. Ed. Aileen Moreton-Robinson. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press, 75-89. Norberry, J., and J. Gardiner-Garden. Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Amendment Bill 2006. Australian Parliamentary Library Bills Digest 158 (19 June 2006). Ong, Aihwa. Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty. Durham: Duke University Press, 2006. 75-97.Oxford English Dictionary. 3rd. ed. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005. Rio Tinto. "Rio Tinto Aboriginal Policy and Programme Briefing Note." June 2007. 22 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.aboriginalfund.riotinto.com/common/pdf/Aboriginal%20Policy%20and%20Programs%20-%20June%202007.pdf>. Roberts, David J., and Mielle Mahtami. “Neoliberalising Race, Racing Neoliberalism: Placing 'Race' in Neoliberal Discourses.” Antipode 42.2 (2010): 248-257. Stringer, Rebecca. “A Nightmare of the Neocolonial Kind: Politics of Suffering in Howard's Northern Territory Intervention.” borderlands ejournal 6.2 (2007). 22 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.borderlands.net.au/vol6no2_2007/stringer_intervention.htm>.Stokes, Dianne. "Muckaty." n.d. 1 Aug. 2010 ‹http://www.timbonham.com/slideshows/Muckaty/>. Terrill, Leon. “Indigenous Land Reform: What Is the Real Aim of Land Reform?” Edited version of a presentation provided at the 2010 National Native Title Conference, 2010. Watson, Irene. “Sovereign Spaces, Caring for Country and the Homeless Position of Aboriginal Peoples.” South Atlantic Quarterly 108.1 (2009): 27-51. Watson, Nicole. “Howard’s End: The Real Agenda behind the Proposed Review of Indigenous Land Titles.” Australian Indigenous Law Reporter 9.4 (2005). ‹http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/AILR/2005/64.html>.Wild, R., and P. Anderson. Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarie: The Little Children Are Sacred. Report of the Northern Territory Board of Inquiry into the Protection of Aboriginal Children from Sexual Abuse. Northern Territory: Northern Territory Government, 2007.

Abstract Background Aboriginal people face challenges on several fronts when it comes to the health and wellbeing of their community, compared to the rest of the Australian population. This is no different in urban areas such as Australia’s largest urban Aboriginal community located in Blacktown, NSW, where sexually transmitted infections (STIs) remain an issue of concern. Across Australia, rates of infectious syphilis, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), and hepatitis C infection have increased by 400, 260, and 15% respectively while gonorrhoea decreased 12% in the 5-year period from 2013 to 2017. This study explores how to address the barriers that prevent young Aboriginal people under 30 years of age from accessing STI treatment through Government Sexual Health Services. Methods This qualitative study will use purposeful sampling to recruit 20 male and 20 female health consumers, 10 Aboriginal elders and 10 sexual health clinicians. This recruitment will be undertaken with the assistance of the local Government Health Services and local Aboriginal organisations. One-on-one semi-structured interviews will be undertaken by someone of the same gender in order to address cultural preferences. Data will be entered into NVivo and thematically analysed. Discussion This study will seek to add to the literature that explores why young Aboriginal people do not access sexual health services. This study seeks to understand the experience of clinicians, Aboriginal elders and Aboriginal young people to provide practical policy and clinical redesign evidence that can be used to improve the experience and cultural safety of sexual health services in urban areas of Australia. The results of the qualitative research will be disseminated with the assistance of participating local Aboriginal organisations, and the findings will be published through peer-reviewed scientific journals and conference presentations. Trial registration The study is approved by the Western Sydney Local Health District Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC/16/WMEAD/449) and the New South Wales Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council’s Human Research Ethics Committee (1220/16).

The introduction of Ontario’s Far North Initiative in 2008 and resulting Far North Act (2010) set in motion efforts to create land use plans in the northern regions of the Canadian province. Ontario’s approach to reconciling Aboriginal and treaty rights with provincial planning was through a community-based land use planning process, to which Mushkegowuk Council responded with a regional process based on the Omushkegowuk nation. The paper argues that the goals and approach of Mushkegowuk Council were reflective of indigenous resurgence principles, to which Ontario’s community-based planning objectives were a significant obstacle. The paper will closely examine the challenges Mushkegowuk Council faced in their attempt to assert an alternative to Ontario’s Far North planning, and the implications for Mushkegowuk Council and other indigenous communities and organizations involved in land use planning. The paper will conclude with a discussion of how the case study exemplifies the broader difficulties of achieving indigenous driven planning as resurgence necessarily confronts the institutions and ambitions of Settler governments.

Acknowledgement of CountryIn the spirit of reconciliation the Australian Council of TESOL Associations (ACTA) acknowledges the Traditional Custodians of country throughout Australia and their connections to land, sea and community. We pay our respect to their elders past and present and extend that respect to all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples today. We acknowledge that the arrival of the English language to this continent impacted the traditional languages and cultures of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, and celebrate the work to reclaim or maintain these languages. ACTA members teach English in addition to supporting the maintenance and development of First Languages, and encourage the acquisition and use of other languages – including First Nations Languages.

Introduction In 2017, 250 Indigenous delegates from across the country convened at the National Constitution Convention at Uluru to discuss a strategy towards the implementation of constitutional reform and recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Referendum Council). Informed by community consultations arising out of 12 regional dialogues conducted by the government appointed Referendum Council, the resulting Uluru Statement from the Heart was unlike any constitutional reform previously proposed (Appleby & Synot). Within the Statement, the delegation outlined that to build a more equitable and reconciled nation, an enshrined Voice to Parliament was needed. Such a voice would embed Indigenous participation in parliamentary dialogues and debates while facilitating further discussion pertaining to truth telling and negotiating a Treaty between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. The reforms proposed are based on the collective input of Indigenous communities that were expressed in good faith during the consultation process. Arising out of a government appointed and funded initiative that directly sought Indigenous perspectives on constitutional reform, the trust and good faith invested by Indigenous people was quickly shut down when the Prime Minster, Malcolm Turnbull, rejected the reforms without parliamentary debate or taking them to the people via a referendum (Wahlquist Indigenous Voice Proposal; Appleby and McKinnon). In this article, we argue that through its dismissal the government treated the Uluru Statement from the Heart as a passing phase or mere “thought bubble” that was envisioned to disappear as quickly as it emerged. The Uluru Statement is a gift to the nation. One that genuinely offers new ways of envisioning and enacting reconciliation through equitable relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations. Indigenous voices lie at the heart of reconciliation but require constitutional enshrinement to ensure that Indigenous peoples and cultures are represented across all levels of government. Filter Bubbles of Distortion Constitutional change is often spoken of by politicians, its critics, and within the media as something unachievable. For example, in 2017, before even reading the accompanying report, MP Barnaby Joyce (in Fergus) publicly denounced the Uluru Statement as “unwinnable” and not “saleable”. He stated that “if you overreach in politics and ask for something that will not be supported by the Australian people such as another chamber in politics or something that sort of sits above or beside the Senate, that idea just won't fly”. Criticisms such as these are laced with paternalistic rhetoric that suggests its potential defeat at a referendum would be counterproductive and “self-defeating”, meaning that the proposed changes should be rejected for a more digestible version, ultimately saving the movement from itself. While efforts to communicate the necessity of the proposed reforms continues, presumptions that it does not have public support is simply unfounded. The Centre for Governance and Public Policy shows that 71 per cent of the public support constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians. Furthermore, an online survey conducted by Cox Inall Ridgeway found that the majority of those surveyed supported constitutional reform to curb racism; remove section 25 and references to race; establish an Indigenous Voice to Parliament; and formally recognise Indigenous peoples through a statement of acknowledgment (Referendum Council). In fact, public support for constitutional reform is growing, with Reconciliation Australia’s reconciliation barometer survey showing an increase from 77 per cent in 2018 to 88 per cent in 2020 (Reconciliation Australia). Media – whether news, social, databases, or search engines – undoubtedly shape the lens through which people come to encounter and understand the world. The information a person receives can be the result of what Eli Pariser has described as “filter bubbles”, in which digital algorithms determine what perspectives, outlooks, and sources of information are considered important, and those that are readily accessible. Misinformation towards constitutional reform, such as that commonly circulated within mainstream and social media and propelled by high profile voices, further creates what neuroscientist Don Vaughn calls “reinforcement bubbles” (Rose Gould). This propagates particular views and stunts informed debate. Despite public support, the reforms proposed in the Uluru Statement continue to be distorted within public and political discourses, with the media used as a means to spread misinformation that equates an Indigenous Voice to Parliament to the establishment of a new “third chamber” (Wahlquist ‘Barnaby’; Karp). In a 2018 interview, PM Scott Morrison suggested that advocates and commentators in favour of constitutional reform were engaging in spin by claiming that a Voice did not function as a third chamber (Prime Minister of Australia). Morrison claimed, “people can dress it up any way they like but I think two chambers is enough”. After a decade of consultative work, eight government reports and inquiries, and countless publications and commentaries, the Uluru Statement continues to be played down as if it were a mere thought bubble, a convoluted work in progress that is in need of refinement. In the same interview, Morrison went on to say that the proposal as it stands now is “unworkable”. Throughout the ongoing movement towards constitutional reform, extensive effort has been invested into ensuring that the reforms proposed are achievable and practical. The Uluru Statement from the Heart represents the culmination of decades of work and proposes clear, concise, and relatively minimal constitutional changes that would translate to potentially significant outcomes for Indigenous Australians (Fredericks & Bradfield). International examples demonstrate how such reforms can translate into parliamentary and governing structures. The Treaty of Waitangi (Palmer) for example seeks to inform Māori and Pākehā (non-Maori) relationships in New Zealand/Aotearoa, whilst designated “Māori Seats” ensure Indigenous representation in parliament (Webster & Cheyne). More recently, 17 of 155 seats were reserved for Indigenous delegates as Chile re-writes its own constitution (Bartlett; Reuters). Indigenous communities and its leaders are more than aware of the necessity of working within the realms of possibility and the need to exhibit caution when presenting such reforms to the public. An expert panel on constitutional reform (Dodson 73), before the conception of the Uluru Statement, acknowledged this, stating “any proposal relating to constitutional recognition of the sovereign status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples would be highly contested by many Australians, and likely to jeopardise broad public support for the Panel’s recommendations”. As outlined in the Joint Select Committee’s final report on Constitutional Recognition relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Referendum Council), the Voice to parliament would have no veto powers over parliamentary votes or decisions. It operates as a non-binding advisory body that remains external to parliamentary processes. Peak organisations such as the Law Council of Australia (Dolar) reiterate the fact that the proposed reforms are for a voice to Parliament rather than a voice in Parliament. Although not binding, the Voice should not be dismissed as symbolic or something that may be easily circumvented. Its effectiveness lies in its ability to place parliament in a position where they are forced to confront and address Indigenous questions, concerns, opinions, and suggestions within debates before decisions are made. Bursting the ‘Self-Referential Bubble’ Indigenous affairs continue to be one of the few areas where a rhetoric of bipartisan agreement is continuously referenced by both major parties. Disagreement, debate, and conflict is often avoided as governments seek to portray an image of unity, and in doing so, circumvent accusations of turning Indigenous peoples into the subjects of political point scoring. Within parliamentary debates, there is an understandable reservation and discomfort associated with discussions about what is often seen as an Indigenous “other” (Moreton-Robinson) and the policies that a predominantly white government enact over their lives. Yet, it is through rigorous, open, and informed debate that policies may be developed, challenged, and reformed. Although bipartisanship can portray an image of a united front in addressing a so-called “Indigenous problem”, it also stunts the conception of effective and culturally responsive policy. In other words, it often overlooks Indigenous voices. Whilst education and cultural competency plays a significant role within the reconciliation process, the most pressing obstacle is not necessarily non-Indigenous people’s inability to fully comprehend Indigenous lives and socio-cultural understandings. Even within an ideal world where non-Indigenous peoples attain a thorough understanding of Indigenous cultures, they will never truly comprehend what it means to be Indigenous (Fanon; de Sousa Santos). For non-Indigenous peoples, accepting one’s own limitations in fully comprehending Indigenous ontologies – and avoiding filling such gaps with one’s own interpretations and preconceptions – is a necessary component of decolonisation and the movement towards reconciliation (Grosfoguel; Mignolo). As parliament continues to be dominated by non-Indigenous representatives, structural changes are necessary to ensure that Indigenous voices are adequality represented. The structural reforms not only empower Indigenous voices through their inclusion within the parliamentary process but alleviates some of the pressures that arise out of non-Indigenous people having to make decisions in attempts to solve so-called Indigenous “problems”. Government response to constitutional reform, however, is ridden with symbolic piecemeal offerings that equate recognition to a form of acknowledgment without the structural changes necessary to protect and enshrine Indigenous Voices and parliamentary participation. Davis and her colleagues (Davis et al. “The Uluru Statement”) note how the Referendum Council’s recommendations were rejected by the then minister of Indigenous affairs Nigel Scullion on account that it privileged Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander voices. They note that, until the Referendum Council's report, the nation had no real assessment of what communities wanted. Yet by all accounts, the government had spent too much time talking to elites who have regular access to them and purport to speak on the mob's behalf. If he [Scullion] got the sense constitutional symbolism and minimalism was going to fly, then it says a lot about the self-referential bubble in which the Canberra elites live. The Uluru Statement from the Heart stands as testament to Indigenous people’s refusal to be the passive recipients of the decisions of the non-Indigenous political elite. As suggested, “symbolism and minimalism was not going to fly”. Ken Wyatt, Scullion’s replacement, reiterated the importance of co-design, the limitations of government bureaucracy, and the necessity of moving beyond the “Canberra bubble”. Wyatt stated that the Voice is saying clearly that government and the bureaucracy does not know best. It can not be a Canberra-designed approach in the bubble of Canberra. We have to co-design with Aboriginal communities in the same way that we do with state and territory governments and the corporate sector. The Voice would be the mechanism through which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander interests and perspectives may be strategically placed within parliamentary dialogues. Despite accusations of it operating as a “third chamber”, Indigenous representatives have no interest in functioning in a similar manner to a political party. The language associated with our current parliamentary system demonstrates the constrictive nature of political debate. Ministers are expected to “toe the party line”, “crossing the floor” is presented as an act of defiance, and members must be granted permission to enter a “conscience vote”. An Indigenous Voice to Parliament would be an advisory body that works alongside, but remains external to political ideologies. Their priority is to seek and implement the best outcome for their communities. Negotiations would be fluid, with no floor to cross, whilst a conscience vote would be reflected in every perspective gifted to the parliament. In the 2020 Australia and the World Annual Lecture, Pat Turner described the Voice’s co-design process as convoluted and a continuing example of the government’s neglect to hear and respond to Indigenous peoples’ interests. In the address, Turner points to the Coalition of the Peaks as an exemplar of how co-design negotiations may be facilitated by and through organisations entirely formed and run by Indigenous peoples. The Coalition of the Peaks comprises of fifty Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-controlled peak organisations and was established to address concerns relating to closing the gap targets. As Indigenous peak organisations are accountable to their membership and reliant on government funding, some have questioned whether they are appropriate representative bodies; cautioning that they could potentially compromise the Voice as a community-centric body free from political interference. While there is some debate over which Indigenous representatives should facilitate the co-design of a treaty and Makarrata (truth-telling), there remains a unanimous call for a constitutionally enshrined Voice to Parliament that may lead negotiations and secure its place within decision-making processes. Makarrata, Garma, and the Bubbling of New Possibilities An Indigenous Voice to Parliament can be seen as the bubbling spring that provides the source for greater growth and further reform. The Uluru Statement from the Heart calls for a three-staged approach comprising of establishing an Indigenous Voice, followed by Treaty, and then Truth-Telling. This sequence has been criticised by some who prioritise Truth and Treaty as the foundation for reform and reconciliation. Their argument is based on the notion that Indigenous Sovereignty must first be acknowledged in Parliament through an agreement-making process and signing of a Treaty. While the Uluru Statement has never lost sight of treaty, the agreement-making process must begin with the acknowledgment of Indigenous people’s inherent right to participate in the conversation. This very basic and foundational right is yet to be acknowledged within Australia’s constitution. The Uluru Statement sets the Voice as its first priority as the Voice establishes the structural foundation on which the conversation pertaining to treaty may take place. It is through the Voice that a Makarrata Commission can be formed and Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples may “come together after a struggle” – the translation of the word’s Yolngu origins (Gaykamangu; Pearson). Only then may we engage in truth telling and forge new paths towards agreement-making and treaty. This however raises the question as to how a Voice to Parliament may look and what outcomes it aims to achieve. As discussed in the previous section, it is a question that is often distorted by disinformation and conjecture within public, political, and news-media discourses. In order to unpack what a Voice to Parliament may entail, we turn to another Yolngu word, Garma. Garma refers to an epistemic and ontological positioning in which knowledge is attained from a point where differences converge and new insights arise. For Yolngu people, Garma is the place where salt and fresh water intersect within the sea. Fresh and Salt water are the embodiments of two Yolngu clans, the Dhuwa and Yirritja, with Garma referring to the point where the knowledge and laws of each clan come into contact, seeking harmonious balance. When the ebb and flow of the tides are in balance, it causes the water to foam and bubble taking on new form and representing innovative ideas and possibilities. Yolngu embrace this phenomenon as an epistemology that teaches responsibility and obligations towards the care of Country. It acknowledges the autonomy of others and finds a space where all may mutually benefit. When the properties of either water type, or the knowledge belonging a single clan dominates, ecological, social, political, and cosmological balance is overthrown. Raymattja Marika-Munungguritj (5) describes Garma as a dynamic interaction of knowledge traditions. Fresh water from the land, bubbling up in fresh water springs to make waterholes, and salt water from the sea are interacting with each other with the energy of the tide and the energy of the bubbling spring. When the tide is high the water rises to its full. When the tide goes out the water reduces its capacity. In the same way Milngurr ebbs and flows. In this way the Dhuwa and Yirritja sides of Yolngu life work together. And in this way Balanda and Yolngu traditions can work together. There must be balance, if not either one will be stronger and will harm the other. The Ganma Theory is Yirritja, the Milngurr Theory is Dhuwa. Like the current push for constitutional change and its rejection of symbolic reforms, Indigenous peoples have demanded real-action and “not just talk” (Synott “The Uluru statement”). In doing so, they implored that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples be involved in all decision-making processes, for they are most knowledgeable of their community’s needs and the most effective methods of service delivery and policy. Indigenous peoples have repeatedly expressed this mandate, which is also legislated under international law through the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Coming together after a struggle does not mean that conflict and disagreement between and amongst Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities will cease. In fact, in alignment with political theories such as agonism and pluralism, coming together within a democratic system necessitates a constructive and responsive embrace of different, competing, and in some cases incommensurable views. A Voice to Parliament will operate in a manner where Indigenous perspectives and truths, as well as disagreements, may be included within negotiations and debates (Larkin & Galloway). Governments and non-Indigenous representatives will no longer speak for or on behalf of Indigenous peoples, for an Indigenous body will enact its own autonomous voice. Indigenous input therefore will not be reduced to reactionary responses and calls for reforms after the damage of mismanagement and policy failure has been caused. Indigenous voices will be permanently documented within parliamentary records and governments forced to respond to the agendas that Indigenous peoples set. Collectively, this amounts to greater participation within the democratic process and facilitates a space where “salt water” and the “bubbling springs” of fresh water may meet, mitigating the risk of harm, and bringing forth new possibilities. Conclusion When salt and fresh water combine during Garma, it begins to take on new form, eventually materialising as foam. Appearing as a singular solid object from afar, foam is but a cluster of interlocking bubbles that gain increased stability and equilibrium through sticking together. When a bubble stands alone, or a person remains within a figurative bubble that is isolated from its surroundings and other ways of knowing, doing, and being, its vulnerabilities and insecurities are exposed. Similarly, when one bubble bursts the collective cluster becomes weaker and unstable. The Uluru Statement from the Heart is a vision conceived and presented by Indigenous peoples in good faith. It offers a path forward for not only Indigenous peoples and their future generations but the entire nation (Synott “Constitutional Reform”). It is a gift and an invitation “to walk with us in a movement of the Australian people for a better future”. Through calling for the establishment of an Indigenous Voice to Parliament, a Makarrata Commission, and seeking Truth, Indigenous advocates for constitutional reform are looking to secure their own foothold and self-determination. The Uluru Statement from the Heart is more than a “thought bubble”, for it is the culmination of Indigenous people’s diverse lived experiences, outlooks, perspectives, and priorities. When the delegates met at Uluru in 2017, the thoughts, experiences, memories, and hopes of Indigenous peoples converged in a manner that created a unified front and collectively called for Voice, Treaty, and Truth. Indigenous people will never cease to pursue self-determination and the best outcomes for their peoples and all Australians. As an offering and gift, the Uluru Statement from the Heart provides the structural foundations needed to achieve this. It just requires governments and the wider public to move beyond their own bubbles and avail themselves of different outlooks and new possibilities. References Anderson, Pat, Megan Davis, and Noel Pearson. “Don’t Silence Our Voice, Minister: Uluru Leaders Condemn Backward Step.” Sydney Morning Herald 20 Oct. 2017. <https://www.smh.com.au/national/don-t-silence-our-voice-minister-uluru-leaders-condemn-backward-step-20191020-p532h0.html>. Appleby, Gabrielle, and Megan Davis. “The Uluru Statement and the Promises of Truth.” Australian Historical Studies 49.4 (2018): 501–9. Appleby, Gabrielle, and Gemma Mckinnon. “Indigenous Recognition: The Uluru Statement.” LSJ: Law Society of NSW Journal 37.36 (2017): 36-39. Appleby, Gabrielle, and Eddie Synot. “A First Nations Voice: Institutionalising Political Listening. Federal Law Review 48.4 (2020): 529-542. Bailes, Morry. “Why the Law Council Backs an Indigenous Voice to Parliament.” InDaily 31 July 2018. <https://indaily.com.au/opinion/2018/07/31/why-the-law-council-backs-an-indigenous-voice-to-parliament/>. Bartlett, John. "Chile’s Largest Indigenous Group Sees Opportunity in a New Constitution." New York Times, 16 Sep. 2020. 19 Nov. 2020 <https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/16/world/americas/chile-mapuche-constitution.html>. Brennan, Bridget. “Indigenous Leaders Enraged as Advisory Board Referendum is Rejected by Malcolm Turnbull.” ABC News 27 Oct. 2017. <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-10-27/indigenous-leaders-enraged-by-pms-referendum-rejection/9090762>. Centre for Governance and Public Policy. OmniPoll Australian Constitutional Values Survey 2017. 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But Together Our Voices Are Powerful.” The Guardian 13 Aug. 2020. <https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/aug/13/some-say-a-voice-to-parliament-is-toothless-but-together-our-voices-are-powerful>. ———. “No Time for the Meek.” The Monthly Oct. 2019. <https://www.themonthly.com.au/issue/2019/october/1569370776/megan-davis/no-time-meek>. ———. “Moment of Truth.” Quarterly Essay 69 (2019). <https://www.quarterlyessay.com.au/content/correspondence-megan-davis>. ———. “The Long Road to Uluru – Truth before Justice.” Griffith Review 2018. <https://www.griffithreview.com/articles/long-road-uluru-walking-together-truth-before-justice-megan-davis/>. ———. “The Status Quo Ain’t Working: The Uluru Statement from the Heart Is the Blueprint for an Australian Republic.” The Monthly 7 June 2018. <https://www.themonthly.com.au/blog/megan-davis/2018/07/2018/1528335353/status-quo-ain-t-working>. 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Abstract Aims: To collaboratively explore the cultural acceptance of the Pepi-Pod® program as an alternate safe sleep space and to explore the process of implementing the Pepi-Pod® program in a mainstream health service for Aboriginal families living in urban South Australia. Background: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infants continue to die from sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) and sudden unexpected death in infancy (SUDI) at rates three to four times greater than other infants born in Australia despite Council of Australian Governments commitment to halve the gap in the Indigenous infant mortality rate by 2018. The Pepi-Pod® program is evidenced in New Zealand and Queensland to provide a culturally appropriate safe sleep alternative that contributes to the reduction of SIDS and SUDI. We have no evidence of acceptability or feasibility when offered through mainstream services in metropolitan South Australia. Methods: With a focus on decolonizing the research process through a two-way process for mutual learning between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal team members and community, a novel qualitative design was employed including photo elicited yarning sessions (n = 7), focus groups (n = 2), and field notes (n = 15). Results: Four themes emerged: ‘you don’t have to worry’; ‘a way of sharing knowledge’; ‘it looks like a bread box?’ and ‘need for consistent safe sleep messages’. The findings suggest that participants believe the Pepi-Pod® program may enrich Aboriginal families’ lives evoking feelings of comfort and safety; however, the design could be improved to make them more culturally appropriate. There was confusion around safe sleep processes and education with a call for streamlining safe sleep messaging.

Special Care Notice This article contains images of deceased people that might cause sadness or distress to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers. Introduction Like many cities, Perth was founded on wetlands that have been integral to its history and culture (Seddon 226–32). However, in order to promote a settlement agenda, early mapmakers sought to erase the city’s wetlands from cartographic depictions (Giblett, Cities). Since the colonial era, inner-Perth’s swamps and lakes have been drained, filled, significantly reduced in size, or otherwise reclaimed for urban expansion (Bekle). Not only have the swamps and lakes physically disappeared, the memories of their presence and influence on the city’s development over time are also largely forgotten. What was the site of Perth, specifically its wetlands, like before British settlement? In 2014, an interdisciplinary team at Edith Cowan University developed a digital visualisation process to re-imagine Perth prior to colonisation. This was based on early maps of the Swan River Colony and a range of archival information. The images depicted the city’s topography, hydrology, and vegetation and became the centerpiece of a physical exhibition entitled Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands and a virtual exhibition hosted by the Western Australian Museum. Alongside historic maps, paintings, photographs, and writings, the visual reconstruction of Perth aimed to foster appreciation of the pre-settlement environment—the homeland of the Whadjuck Nyoongar, or Bibbulmun, people (Carter and Nutter). The exhibition included the narrative of Fanny Balbuk, a Nyoongar woman who voiced her indignation over the “usurping of her beloved home ground” (Bates, The Passing 69) by flouting property lines and walking through private residences to reach places of cultural significance. Beginning with Balbuk’s story and the digital tracing of her walking route through colonial Perth, this article discusses the project in the context of contemporary pressures on the city’s extant wetlands. The re-imagining of Perth through historically, culturally, and geographically-grounded digital visualisation approaches can inspire the conservation of its wetlands heritage. Balbuk’s Walk through the City For many who grew up in Perth, Fanny Balbuk’s perambulations have achieved legendary status in the collective cultural imagination. In his memoir, David Whish-Wilson mentions Balbuk’s defiant walks and the lighting up of the city for astronaut John Glenn in 1962 as the two stories that had the most impact on his Perth childhood. From Gordon Stephenson House, Whish-Wilson visualises her journey in his mind’s eye, past Government House on St Georges Terrace (the main thoroughfare through the city centre), then north on Barrack Street towards the railway station, the site of Lake Kingsford where Balbuk once gathered bush tucker (4). He considers the footpaths “beneath the geometric frame of the modern city […] worn smooth over millennia that snake up through the sheoak and marri woodland and into the city’s heart” (Whish-Wilson 4). Balbuk’s story embodies the intertwined culture and nature of Perth—a city of wetlands. Born in 1840 on Heirisson Island, Balbuk (also known as Yooreel) (Figure 1) had ancestral bonds to the urban landscape. According to Daisy Bates, writing in the early 1900s, the Nyoongar term Matagarup, or “leg deep,” denotes the passage of shallow water near Heirisson Island where Balbuk would have forded the Swan River (“Oldest” 16). Yoonderup was recorded as the Nyoongar name for Heirisson Island (Bates, “Oldest” 16) and the birthplace of Balbuk’s mother (Bates, “Aboriginal”). In the suburb of Shenton Park near present-day Lake Jualbup, her father bequeathed to her a red ochre (or wilgi) pit that she guarded fervently throughout her life (Bates, “Aboriginal”).Figure 1. Group of Aboriginal Women at Perth, including Fanny Balbuk (far right) (c. 1900). Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: 44c). Balbuk’s grandparents were culturally linked to the site. At his favourite camp beside the freshwater spring near Kings Park on Mounts Bay Road, her grandfather witnessed the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Irwin, cousin of James Stirling (Bates, “Fanny”). In 1879, colonial entrepreneurs established the Swan Brewery at this significant locale (Welborn). Her grandmother’s gravesite later became Government House (Bates, “Fanny”) and she protested vociferously outside “the stone gates guarded by a sentry [that] enclosed her grandmother’s burial ground” (Bates, The Passing 70). Balbuk’s other grandmother was buried beneath Bishop’s Grove, the residence of the city’s first archibishop, now Terrace Hotel (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Historian Bob Reece observes that Balbuk was “the last full-descent woman of Kar’gatta (Karrakatta), the Bibbulmun name for the Mount Eliza [Kings Park] area of Perth” (134). According to accounts drawn from Bates, her home ground traversed the area between Heirisson Island and Perth’s north-western limits. In Kings Park, one of her relatives was buried near a large, hollow tree used by Nyoongar people like a cistern to capture water and which later became the site of the Queen Victoria Statue (Bates, “Aboriginal”). On the slopes of Mount Eliza, the highest point of Kings Park, at the western end of St Georges Terrace, she harvested plant foods, including zamia fruits (Macrozamia riedlei) (Bates, “Fanny”). Fanny Balbuk’s knowledge contributed to the native title claim lodged by Nyoongar people in 2006 as Bennell v. State of Western Australia—the first of its kind to acknowledge Aboriginal land rights in a capital city and part of the larger Single Nyoongar Claim (South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council et al.). Perth’s colonial administration perceived the city’s wetlands as impediments to progress and as insalubrious environments to be eradicated through reclamation practices. For Balbuk and other Nyoongar people, however, wetlands were “nourishing terrains” (Rose) that afforded sustenance seasonally and meaning perpetually (O’Connor, Quartermaine, and Bodney). Mary Graham, a Kombu-merri elder from Queensland, articulates the connection between land and culture, “because land is sacred and must be looked after, the relation between people and land becomes the template for society and social relations. Therefore all meaning comes from land.” Traditional, embodied reliance on Perth’s wetlands is evident in Bates’ documentation. For instance, Boojoormeup was a “big swamp full of all kinds of food, now turned into Palmerston and Lake streets” (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Considering her cultural values, Balbuk’s determination to maintain pathways through the increasingly colonial Perth environment is unsurprising (Figure 2). From Heirisson Island: a straight track had led to the place where once she had gathered jilgies [crayfish] and vegetable food with the women, in the swamp where Perth railway station now stands. Through fences and over them, Balbuk took the straight track to the end. When a house was built in the way, she broke its fence-palings with her digging stick and charged up the steps and through the rooms. (Bates, The Passing 70) One obstacle was Hooper’s Fence, which Balbuk broke repeatedly on her trips to areas between Kings Park and the railway station (Bates, “Hooper’s”). Her tenacious commitment to walking ancestral routes signifies the friction between settlement infrastructure and traditional Nyoongar livelihood during an era of rapid change. Figure 2. Determination of Fanny Balbuk’s Journey between Yoonderup (Heirisson Island) and Lake Kingsford, traversing what is now the central business district of Perth on the Swan River (2014). Image background prepared by Dimitri Fotev. Track interpolation by Jeff Murray. Project Background and Approach Inspired by Fanny Balbuk’s story, Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands began as an Australian response to the Mannahatta Project. Founded in 1999, that project used spatial analysis techniques and mapping software to visualise New York’s urbanised Manhattan Island—or Mannahatta as it was called by indigenous people—in the early 1600s (Sanderson). Based on research into the island’s original biogeography and the ecological practices of Native Americans, Mannahatta enabled the public to “peel back” the city’s strata, revealing the original composition of the New York site. The layers of visuals included rich details about the island’s landforms, water systems, and vegetation. Mannahatta compelled Rod Giblett, a cultural researcher at Edith Cowan University, to develop an analogous model for visualising Perth circa 1829. The idea attracted support from the City of Perth, Landgate, and the University. Using stories, artefacts, and maps, the team—comprising a cartographer, designer, three-dimensional modelling expert, and historical researchers—set out to generate visualisations of the landscape at the time of British colonisation. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup approved culturally sensitive material and contributed his perspective on Aboriginal content to include in the exhibition. The initiative’s context remains pressing. In many ways, Perth has become a template for development in the metropolitan area (Weller). While not unusual for a capital, the rate of transformation is perhaps unexpected in a city less than 200 years old (Forster). There also remains a persistent view of existing wetlands as obstructions to progress that, once removed, are soon forgotten (Urban Bushland Council). Digital visualisation can contribute to appreciating environments prior to colonisation but also to re-imagining possibilities for future human interactions with land, water, and space. Despite the rapid pace of change, many Perth area residents have memories of wetlands lost during their lifetimes (for example, Giblett, Forrestdale). However, as the clearing and drainage of the inner city occurred early in settlement, recollections of urban wetlands exist exclusively in historical records. In 1935, a local correspondent using the name “Sandgroper” reminisced about swamps, connecting them to Perth’s colonial heritage: But the Swamps were very real in fact, and in name in the [eighteen-] Nineties, and the Perth of my youth cannot be visualised without them. They were, of course, drying up apace, but they were swamps for all that, and they linked us directly with the earliest days of the Colony when our great-grandparents had founded this City of Perth on a sort of hog's-back, of which Hay-street was the ridge, and from which a succession of streamlets ran down its southern slope to the river, while land locked to the north of it lay a series of lakes which have long since been filled to and built over so that the only evidence that they have ever existed lies in the original street plans of Perth prepared by Roe and Hillman in the early eighteen-thirties. A salient consequence of the loss of ecological memory is the tendency to repeat the miscues of the past, especially the blatant disregard for natural and cultural heritage, as suburbanisation engulfs the area. While the swamps of inner Perth remain only in the names of streets, existing wetlands in the metropolitan area are still being threatened, as the Roe Highway (Roe 8) Campaign demonstrates. To re-imagine Perth’s lost landscape, we used several colonial survey maps to plot the location of the original lakes and swamps. At this time, a series of interconnecting waterbodies, known as the Perth Great Lakes, spread across the north of the city (Bekle and Gentilli). This phase required the earliest cartographic sources (Figure 3) because, by 1855, city maps no longer depicted wetlands. We synthesised contextual information, such as well depths, geological and botanical maps, settlers’ accounts, Nyoongar oral histories, and colonial-era artists’ impressions, to produce renderings of Perth. This diverse collection of primary and secondary materials served as the basis for creating new images of the city. Team member Jeff Murray interpolated Balbuk’s route using historical mappings and accounts, topographical data, court records, and cartographic common sense. He determined that Balbuk would have camped on the high ground of the southern part of Lake Kingsford rather than the more inundated northern part (Figure 2). Furthermore, she would have followed a reasonably direct course north of St Georges Terrace (contrary to David Whish-Wilson’s imaginings) because she was barred from Government House for protesting. This easier route would have also avoided the springs and gullies that appear on early maps of Perth. Figure 3. Townsite of Perth in Western Australia by Colonial Draftsman A. Hillman and John Septimus Roe (1838). This map of Perth depicts the wetlands that existed overlaid by the geomentric grid of the new city. Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: BA1961/14). Additionally, we produced an animated display based on aerial photographs to show the historical extent of change. Prompted by the build up to World War II, the earliest aerial photography of Perth dates from the late 1930s (Dixon 148–54). As “Sandgroper” noted, by this time, most of the urban wetlands had been drained or substantially modified. The animation revealed considerable alterations to the formerly swampy Swan River shoreline. Most prominent was the transformation of the Matagarup shallows across the Swan River, originally consisting of small islands. Now traversed by a causeway, this area was transformed into a single island, Heirisson—the general site of Balbuk’s birth. The animation and accompanying materials (maps, images, and writings) enabled viewers to apprehend the changes in real time and to imagine what the city was once like. Re-imagining Perth’s Urban Heart The physical environment of inner Perth includes virtually no trace of its wetland origins. Consequently, we considered whether a representation of Perth, as it existed previously, could enhance public understanding of natural heritage and thereby increase its value. For this reason, interpretive materials were exhibited centrally at Perth Town Hall. Built partly by convicts between 1867 and 1870, the venue is close to the site of the 1829 Foundation of Perth, depicted in George Pitt Morrison’s painting. Balbuk’s grandfather “camped somewhere in the city of Perth, not far from the Town Hall” (Bates, “Fanny”). The building lies one block from the site of the railway station on the site of Lake Kingsford, the subsistence grounds of Balbuk and her forebears: The old swamp which is now the Perth railway yards had been a favourite jilgi ground; a spring near the Town Hall had been a camping place of Maiago […] and others of her fathers' folk; and all around and about city and suburbs she had gathered roots and fished for crayfish in the days gone by. (Bates, “Derelicts” 55) Beginning in 1848, the draining of Lake Kingsford reached completion during the construction of the Town Hall. While the swamps of the city were not appreciated by many residents, some organisations, such as the Perth Town Trust, vigorously opposed the reclamation of the lake, alluding to its hydrological role: That, the soil being sand, it is not to be supposed that Lake Kingsford has in itself any material effect on the wells of Perth; but that, from this same reason of the sandy soil, it would be impossible to keep the lake dry without, by so doing, withdrawing the water from at least the adjacent parts of the townsite to the same depth. (Independent Journal of Politics and News 3) At the time of our exhibition, the Lake Kingsford site was again being reworked to sink the railway line and build Yagan Square, a public space named after a colonial-era Nyoongar leader. The project required specialised construction techniques due to the high water table—the remnants of the lake. People travelling to the exhibition by train in October 2014 could have seen the lake reasserting itself in partly-filled depressions, flush with winter rain (Figure 4).Figure 4. Rise of the Repressed (2014). Water Rising in the former site of Lake Kingsford/Irwin during construction, corner of Roe and Fitzgerald Streets, Northbridge, WA. Image Credit: Nandi Chinna (2014). The exhibition was situated in the Town Hall’s enclosed undercroft designed for markets and more recently for shops. While some visited after peering curiously through the glass walls of the undercroft, others hailed from local and state government organisations. Guest comments applauded the alternative view of Perth we presented. The content invited the public to re-imagine Perth as a city of wetlands that were both environmentally and culturally important. A display panel described how the city’s infrastructure presented a hindrance for Balbuk as she attempted to negotiate the once-familiar route between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford (Figure 2). Perth’s growth “restricted Balbuk’s wanderings; towns, trains, and farms came through her ‘line of march’; old landmarks were thus swept away, and year after year saw her less confident of the locality of one-time familiar spots” (Bates, “Fanny”). Conserving Wetlands: From Re-Claiming to Re-Valuing? Imagination, for philosopher Roger Scruton, involves “thinking of, and attending to, a present object (by thinking of it, or perceiving it, in terms of something absent)” (155). According to Scruton, the feelings aroused through imagination can prompt creative, transformative experiences. While environmental conservation tends to rely on data-driven empirical approaches, it appeals to imagination less commonly. We have found, however, that attending to the present object (the city) in terms of something absent (its wetlands) through evocative visual material can complement traditional conservation agendas focused on habitats and species. The actual extent of wetlands loss in the Swan Coastal Plain—the flat and sandy region extending from Jurien Bay south to Cape Naturaliste, including Perth—is contested. However, estimates suggest that 80 per cent of wetlands have been lost, with remaining habitats threatened by climate change, suburban development, agriculture, and industry (Department of Environment and Conservation). As with the swamps and lakes of the inner city, many regional wetlands were cleared, drained, or filled before they could be properly documented. Additionally, the seasonal fluctuations of swampy places have never been easily translatable to two-dimensional records. As Giblett notes, the creation of cartographic representations and the assignment of English names were attempts to fix the dynamic boundaries of wetlands, at least in the minds of settlers and administrators (Postmodern 72–73). Moreover, European colonists found the Western Australian landscape, including its wetlands, generally discomfiting. In a letter from 1833, metaphors failed George Fletcher Moore, the effusive colonial commentator, “I cannot compare these swamps to any marshes with which you are familiar” (220). The intermediate nature of wetlands—as neither land nor lake—is perhaps one reason for their cultural marginalisation (Giblett, Postmodern 39). The conviction that unsanitary, miasmic wetlands should be converted to more useful purposes largely prevailed (Giblett, Black 105–22). Felicity Morel-EdnieBrown’s research into land ownership records in colonial Perth demonstrated that town lots on swampland were often preferred. By layering records using geographic information systems (GIS), she revealed modifications to town plans to accommodate swampland frontages. The decline of wetlands in the region appears to have been driven initially by their exploitation for water and later for fertile soil. Northern market gardens supplied the needs of the early city. It is likely that the depletion of Nyoongar bush foods predated the flourishing of these gardens (Carter and Nutter). Engaging with the history of Perth’s swamps raises questions about the appreciation of wetlands today. In an era where numerous conservation strategies and alternatives have been developed (for example, Bobbink et al. 93–220), the exploitation of wetlands in service to population growth persists. On Perth’s north side, wetlands have long been subdued by controlling their water levels and landscaping their boundaries, as the suburban examples of Lake Monger and Hyde Park (formerly Third Swamp Reserve) reveal. Largely unmodified wetlands, such as Forrestdale Lake, exist south of Perth, but they too are in danger (Giblett, Black Swan). The Beeliar Wetlands near the suburb of Bibra Lake comprise an interconnected series of lakes and swamps that are vulnerable to a highway extension project first proposed in the 1950s. Just as the Perth Town Trust debated Lake Kingsford’s draining, local councils and the public are fiercely contesting the construction of the Roe Highway, which will bisect Beeliar Wetlands, destroying Roe Swamp (Chinna). The conservation value of wetlands still struggles to compete with traffic planning underpinned by a modernist ideology that associates cars and freeways with progress (Gregory). Outside of archives, the debate about Lake Kingsford is almost entirely forgotten and its physical presence has been erased. Despite the magnitude of loss, re-imagining the city’s swamplands, in the way that we have, calls attention to past indiscretions while invigorating future possibilities. We hope that the re-imagining of Perth’s wetlands stimulates public respect for ancestral tracks and songlines like Balbuk’s. Despite the accretions of settler history and colonial discourse, songlines endure as a fundamental cultural heritage. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup states, “as people, if we can get out there on our songlines, even though there may be farms or roads overlaying them, fences, whatever it is that might impede us from travelling directly upon them, if we can get close proximity, we can still keep our culture alive. That is why it is so important for us to have our songlines.” Just as Fanny Balbuk plied her songlines between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford, the traditional custodians of Beeliar and other wetlands around Perth walk the landscape as an act of resistance and solidarity, keeping the stories of place alive. Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge Rod Giblett (ECU), Nandi Chinna (ECU), Susanna Iuliano (ECU), Jeff Murray (Kareff Consulting), Dimitri Fotev (City of Perth), and Brendan McAtee (Landgate) for their contributions to this project. The authors also acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands upon which this paper was researched and written. 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Abstract Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, Australia's Indigenous peoples, make up three percent of the population of Australia. Like many other Indigenous peoples in colonised countries, they suffer the worst health and social status of any population group. Australian Indigenous people have a lower life expectancy (8.6 years lower for men and 7.8 years for women) compared with other Australians (ABS 2018a). The reasons for the poorer health outcomes are complex and include historical, political and social factors (AIHW 2015a). The health disparity has driven a high number of research projects with a focus on Australian Indigenous people or mainstream research projects where Australian Indigenous people are overrepresented. Given the uniqueness of Australian Indigenous cultures as well as the historical, political and social context, in 1998, the Aboriginal Health and Medical Research Council of New South Wales (AH&MRC) established an Australian Indigenous-specific human research ethics committee (HREC). The AH&MRC is the Indigenous peak health body of New South Wales. This presentation will outline the role and benefit of the AH&MRC HREC as a specialised HREC. The AH&MRC HREC is fully constituted and registered under the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC). The NHMRC is the leading expert body in health and medical research in Australia and develops health research guidelines. The AH&MRC HREC is one of three AHRECs in Australia. The AH&MRC Ethics Committee not only guarantees that research is conducted ethically but also ensures research involving Indigenous people is undertaken in a culturally appropriate manner. One of the key elements required by the AH&MRC is that researchers consult Indigenous communities across all stages of the project from the design, implementation, analysis and write up. The AH&MRC HREC is essential, ensuring the research is of benefit to the Indigenous community in NSW and is conducted in a culturally safe manner. Key messages Specialised Indigenous human resarch ethics committees are vital to enuring research is culturally appropriate. Spscialised human resarch ethics committees can be of benefit for other disctinct populations.

This article studies a community-based Indigenous teacher education program in Northwestern Ontario in Canada. This program, the result of a partnership between the Northern Nishnawbe Education Council and Brock University, was designed to prepare Nishnawbe Aski teachers able to teacher through a Two Worlds Orientation: unique Indigenous understandings combined with Western educational principles. The program characteristics and structure are outlined. The strengths of the program, as identified byteacher candidates and teacher educators, are explored. Impediments to success are also considered.