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Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Aboriginal Australians. Politics and government.'
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Journal articles on the topic "Aboriginal Australians. Politics and government":
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Fisher, Daniel T. "An Urban Frontier: Respatializing Government in Remote Northern Australia." Cultural Anthropology 30, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca30.1.08.
This essay draws on ethnographic research with Aboriginal Australians living in the parks and bush spaces of a Northern Australian city to analyze some new governmental measures by which remoteness comes to irrupt within urban space and to adhere to particular categories of people who live in and move through this space. To address this question in contemporary Northern Australia is also to address the changing character of the Australian government of Aboriginal people as it moves away from issues of redress and justice toward a state of emergency ostensibly built on settler Australian compassion and humanitarian concern. It also means engaging with the mediatization of politics and its relation to the broader, discursive shaping of such spatial categories as remote and urban. I suggest that remoteness forms part of the armory of recent political efforts to reshape Aboriginal policy in Northern Australia. These efforts leverage remoteness to diagnose the ills of contemporary Aboriginal society, while producing remoteness itself as a constitutive feature of urban space.
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Morgan, George. "Assimilation and resistance: housing indigenous Australians in the 1970s." Journal of Sociology 36, no. 2 (August 2000): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078330003600204.
During the early 1970s, large numbers of Aboriginal people became tenants of the Housing Commission of New South Wales under the Housing for Aborigines program. Most moved from government reserves or dilapidated and overcrowded private rental dwellings to broadacre suburban estates. As public housing tenants, they encountered considerable pressures to become 'respectable' citizens, to build their lives around privacy, sobriety, moral restraint, the nuclear family, conventional gender roles and wage labour. For many indigenous Australians, these expectations-which were based as much on class relations as on colonialism— represented a threat to their conventional ways of life and their obligations to extended family and community. This paper explores the patterns of conformity and resistance amongst Aboriginal tenants. It draws on the sociological and cultural studies literature on youth subcultural resistance and compares anthropological theory about indigenous responses to the pressures of modernity.
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Adams, Mick, Kootsy (Justin) Canuto, Neil Drew, and Jesse John Fleay. "Postcolonial Traumatic Stresses among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians." ab-Original 3, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 233–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/aboriginal.3.2.233.
Abstract The mental health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males in Australia is often misunderstood, mainly because it has been poorly researched. When analyzing the quality of life of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males, it is crucial to consider the associated factors that have directly and indirectly contributed to their poor health and wellbeing, that is, the effects of colonization, the interruption of cultural practices, displacement of societies, taking away of traditional homelands and forceful removal of children (assimilation and other policies). The displacement of families and tribal groups from their country broke up family groups and caused conflict between the original inhabitants of the lands and dislocated Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander tribal groups. These dislocated Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were forced to reside on the allocated government institutions where they would be (allegedly) protected. Whilst in the institutions they were made to comply with the authority rules and were forbidden to practice or participate in their traditional rituals or customs or speak their own tribal languages. Additionally, the dispossession from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander traditional lands and the destruction of culture and political, economic, and social structures have caused many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to have a pervading sense of hopelessness for the future. The traditional customs and life cycles of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males were permanently affected by colonization adversely contributing to mental health problems in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. In this article we aim to provide a better understanding of the processes impacting on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males' social and emotional wellbeing.
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Rademaker, Laura. "Mission, Politics and Linguistic Research." Historiographia Linguistica 42, no. 2-3 (December 31, 2015): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.42.2-3.06rad.
Summary This article investigates the ways local mission and national politics shaped linguistic research work in mid-20th century Australia through examining the case of the Church Missionary Society’s Angurugu Mission on Groote Eylandt in the Northern Territory and research into the Anindilyakwa language. The paper places missionary linguistics in the context of broader policies of assimilation and national visions for Aboriginal people. It reveals how this social and political climate made linguistic research, largely neglected in the 1950s (apart from some notable exceptions), not only possible, but necessary by the 1970s. Finally, it comments on the state of research into Aboriginal languages and the political climate of today. Until the 1950s, the demands of funding and commitment to a government policy of assimilation into white Australia meant that the CMS could not support linguistic research and opportunities for academic linguists to conduct research into Anindilyakwa were limited. By the 1960s, however, national consensus about the future of Aboriginal people and their place in the Australian nation shifted and governments reconsidered the nature of their support for Christian missions. As the ‘industrial mission’ model of the 1950s was no longer politically or economically viable, the CMS looked to reinvent itself, to find new ways of maintaining its evangelical influence on Groote Eylandt. Linguistics and research into Aboriginal cultures – including in partnership with secular academic agents – were a core component of this reinvention of mission, not only for the CMS but more broadly across missions to Aboriginal people. The resulting collaboration across organisations proved remarkably productive from a research perspective and enabled the continuance of a missionary presence and relevance. The political and financial limitations faced by missions shaped, therefore, not only their own practice with regards to linguistic research, but also the opportunities for linguists beyond the missionary fold. The article concludes that, in Australia, the two bodies of linguists – academic and missionary – have a shared history, dependent on similar political, social and financial forces.
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Power, Mary R. "Reconciliation, Restoration and Guilt: The Politics of Apologies." Media International Australia 95, no. 1 (May 2000): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009500117.
Current media emphasis recognises that politicians' apologies are powerful tools in the process of reconciliation with those who see themselves the victims of government policies. Through apologies, blame is managed, minorities are reconciled, lingering guilt is assuaged and the image of a government is restored. In this paper, Prime Minister Howard's refusal to apologise on behalf of the Australian government for the harm done to Aboriginal people, as described in the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission's Bringing Them Home report, is analysed in the light of theoretical writing about apologies and the effects of apologies by President Young-Sam Kim of Korea and President Clinton of the United States.
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Kumari, Pariksha. "Reconstructing Aboriginal History and Cultural Identity through Self Narrative: A Study of Ruby Langford’s Autobiography Don‘t Take Your Love to Town." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 12 (December 28, 2020): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i12.10866.
The last decades of previous century has witnessed the burgeoning of life narratives lending voice to the oppressed, dispossessed, and the colonized marginalities of race, class or gender across the world. A large number of autobiographical and biographical narratives that have appeared on the literary scene have started articulating their ordeals and their struggle for survival. The Aboriginals in Australia have started candidly articulating their side of story, exposing the harassment and oppression of their people in Australia. These oppressed communities find themselves sandwiched and strangled under the mainstream politics of multiculturalism, assimilation and secularism.
The present paper seeks to analyze how life writing serves the purpose of history in celebrated Australian novelist, Aboriginal historian and social activist Ruby Langford’s autobiographical narrative, Don’t Take Your Love to Town. The Colonial historiography of Australian settlement has never accepted the fact of displacement and eviction of the Aboriginals from their land and culture. The whites systematically transplanted Anglo-Celtic culture and identity in the land of Australia which was belonged to the indigenous for centuries. Don’t Take Your Love to Town reconstructs the debate on history of the colonial settlement and status of Aboriginals under subsequent government policies like reconciliation, assimilation and multiculturalism. The paper is an attempt to gaze the assimilation policy adopted by the state to bring the Aboriginals into the mainstream politics and society on the one hand, and the regular torture, exploitation and cultural degradation of the Aboriginals recorded in the text on the other. In this respect the paper sees how Langford encounters British history of Australian settlement and the perspectives of Australian state towards the Aboriginals. The politics of mainstream culture, religion, race and ethnicity, which is directly or indirectly responsible for the condition of the Aboriginals, is also the part of discussion in the paper.
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Ellinghaus, Katherine. "Strategies of Elimination: “Exempted” Aborigines, “Competent” Indians, and Twentieth-Century Assimilation Policies in Australia and the United States." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no. 2 (June 11, 2008): 202–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018229ar.
Abstract Despite their different politics, populations and histories, there are some striking similarities between the indigenous assimilation policies enacted by the United States and Australia. These parallels reveal much about the harsh practicalities behind the rhetoric of humanitarian uplift, civilization and cultural assimilation that existed in these settler nations. This article compares legislation which provided assimilative pathways to Aborigines and Native Americans whom white officials perceived to be acculturated. Some Aboriginal people were offered certificates of “exemption” which freed them from the legal restrictions on Aboriginal people’s movement, place of abode, ability to purchase alcohol, and other controls. Similarly, Native Americans could be awarded a fee patent which declared them “competent.” This patent discontinued government guardianship over them and allowed them to sell, deed, and pay taxes on their lands. I scrutinize the Board that was sent to Oklahoma to examine the Cheyenne and Arapaho for competency in January and February 1917, and the New South Wales Aborigines’ Welfare Board, which combined the awarding of exemption certificates with their efforts to assimilate Koori people into Australian society in the 1940s and 1950s. These case studies reveal that people of mixed white/indigenous descent were more likely to be declared competent or exempt. Thus, hand in hand with efforts to culturally assimilate Aborigines and Native Americans came attempts to reduce the size of indigenous populations and their landholdings by releasing people of mixed descent from government control, and no longer officially recognizing their indigenous identity.
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McCausland, Ruth. "‘I’m sorry but I can’t take a photo of someone’s capacity being built’: Reflections on evaluation of Indigenous policy and programmes." Evaluation Journal of Australasia 19, no. 2 (June 2019): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035719x19848529.
The Australian Government has recently increased resourcing for evaluation of Indigenous programmes following critical reports by the Australian National Audit Office and Productivity Commission around their failure to significantly reduce Indigenous disadvantage. Evaluation in Indigenous affairs has a long history, although not a consistent or coordinated one. While there is significant knowledge held by those with experience in commissioning and conducting evaluations for Indigenous programmes over a number of decades that could usefully inform current efforts, there has been little research focused on this area. This article outlines the findings of qualitative research about evaluation in Indigenous policy conducted with policymakers, senior public servants, programme managers, researchers and independent evaluation consultants that sought to privilege the voices and perspectives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. It outlines key themes derived from those interviews relating to the methods, parameters, politics and accountability around government-commissioned evaluation in Indigenous policy and programmes and concludes by canvassing ways that evaluation could better serve the interests of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
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Roffee, James A. "Rhetoric, Aboriginal Australians and the Northern Territory Intervention: A Socio-legal Investigation into Pre-legislative Argumentation." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i1.285.
Presented within this article is a systematic discourse analysis of the arguments used by the then Australian Prime Minister and also the Minister for Indigenous Affairs in explaining and justifying the extensive and contentious intervention by the federal government into remote Northern Territory Aboriginal communities. The methods used within this article extend the socio-legal toolbox, providing a contextually appropriate, interdisciplinary methodology that analyses the speech act’s rhetorical properties. Although many academics use sound-bites of pre-legislative speech in order to support their claims, this analysis is concerned with investigating the contents of the speech acts in order to understand how the Prime Minister’s and Minister for Indigenous Affairs’ argumentations sought to achieve consensus to facilitate the enactment of legislation. Those seeking to understand legislative endeavours, policy makers and speech actors will find that paying structured attention to the rhetorical properties of speech acts yields opportunities to strengthen their insight. The analysis here indicates three features in the argumentation: the duality in the Prime Minister’s and Minister’s use of the Northern Territory Government’s Little Children are Sacred report; the failure to sufficiently detail the linkages between the Intervention and the measures combatting child sexual abuse; and the omission of recognition of Aboriginal agency and consultation.
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FISHER, MATTHEW, FRANCES E. BAUM, COLIN MACDOUGALL, LAREEN NEWMAN, and DENNIS MCDERMOTT. "To what Extent do Australian Health Policy Documents address Social Determinants of Health and Health Equity?" Journal of Social Policy 45, no. 3 (January 7, 2016): 545–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279415000756.
AbstractEvidence on social determinants of health and health equity (SDH/HE) is abundant but often not translated into effective policy action by governments. Governments’ health policies have continued to privilege medical care and individualised behaviour-change strategies. In the light of these limitations, the 2008 Commission on the Social Determinants of Health called on health agencies to adopt a stewardship role; to take action themselves and engage other government sectors in addressing SDH/HE. This article reports on research using analysis of health policy documents – published by nine Australian national or regional governments – to examine the extent to which the Australian health sector has taken up such a role.We found policies across all jurisdictions commonly recognised evidence on SDH/HE and expressed goals to improve health equity. However, these goals were predominantly operationalised in health care and other individualised strategies. Relatively few strategies addressed SDH/HE outside of access to health care, and often they were limited in scope. National policies on Aboriginal health did most to systemically address SDH/HE.We used Kingdon's (2011) multiple streams theory to examine how problems, policies and politics combine to enable, partially allow, or prevent action on SDH/HE in Australian health policy.
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Aboriginal Australians. Politics and government' for particular source types:
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Aboriginal Australians. Politics and government":
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Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phd2613.pdf.
Vincent, Eve Mary. "Forces of destruction, acts of creation : aboriginality, identity and native title, on the far west coast of South Australia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/13502.
Aldrich, Rosemary Public Health & Community Medicine Faculty of Medicine UNSW. "Flesh-coloured bandaids: politics, discourse, policy and the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Public Health and Community Medicine, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/27276.
This thesis concerns the relationship between ideology, values, beliefs, politics, language, discourses, public policy and health outcomes. By examining the origins of federal health policy concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 I have explored the idea that the way a problem is constructed through language determines solutions enacted to solve that problem, and subsequent outcomes. Despite three decades of federal policy activity Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children born at the start of the 21st Century could expect to live almost 20 years less than non-Indigenous Australians. Explanations for the gap include that the colonial legacy of dispossession and disease continues to wreak social havoc and that both health policy and structures for health services have been fundamentally flawed. The research described in this thesis focuses on the role of senior Federal politicians in the health policy process. The research is grounded in theory which suggests that the values and beliefs of decision makers are perpetuated through language. Using critical discourse analysis the following hypotheses were tested: 1. That an examination of the language of Federal politicians responsible for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples over three decades would reveal their beliefs, values and discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 2. That the discourses of the Federal politicians contributed to policy discourses and frames in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment, and 3. That there is a relationship between the policy discourses of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment and health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. The hypotheses were proven. I concluded that there was a relationship between the publicly-expressed values and beliefs of politicians responsible for health, subsequent health policy and resulting health outcomes. However, a model in which theories of discourse, social constructions of people and problems, policy development and organisational decision-making were integrated did not adequately explain the findings. I developed the concept of "policy imagination" to explain the discrete mechanism by which ideology, politics, policy and health were related. My research suggests that the ideology and values which drove decision-making by Federal politicians responsible for the health of all Australians contributed to the lack of population-wide improvement in health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the late 20th Century.
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Ingelbrecht, Suzanne. "Sorry : a play in two acts ; Shame and apology in the nation-state : reflections and remembrance ; We're ready (short story)." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2012. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/491.
"Sorry" is a play in two acts, exploring how collective memory of the past, including traumatic memory of being taken from one's family, affects the present in complex and surprising ways. The Stolen Generations' episode of Australian history, when mixed heritage Aboriginal Australians were taken from their families as a result of governmental policy, casts its shadow over four generations of Almadi Paice Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage family members. Against a thematic backdrop of shame, apology and (hoped for) forgiveness, the 'living' family members struggle for empowerment and agency against the forces of government bureaucracy, the Law and their own emotional demons.
"Shame and Apology in the Nation-State: Reflections and Remembrance" is an exegesis which explores theoretical concepts related to collective memory, shame, performative apology and forgiveness, interlinked with Jan Patočka's notion of individual responsibility towards action. Using reciprocal interview material with a number of Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage participants, who have either had direct experience of being "stolen" or who are related to "stolen" family members, this exegesis explores alternative modes of remembering their past and present in creative art works. In addition, I theorise that in our contemporary "age of apology" political apology to particular wronged groups of national communities may be problematic not only for their ubiquity and their tendency to alibi but because they do not address other important issues such as reparation and guarantees against repetition; nor do they deny the sovereignty of the nation-state apparatus to ‘do’ apology in a manner and at a time of its own choosing. The exegesis explores the importance of national commemoration, such as ANZAC Day, in promoting national collective memory, and theorises that a collective annual commemoration on behalf of the nation’s "stolen" people would be a much more compelling reconciliatory act than a single apology by a particular prime minister. My short story, "We’re Ready", which immediately follows the exegesis is my creative attempt to demonstrate the towards action and towards national reconciliation gestured by annual commemorative performance.
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Macoun, Alissa. "Aboriginality and the Northern Territory intervention." Thesis, University of Queensland, 2012. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/65357/1/Macoun_phd_finalthesis.pdf.
This thesis examines the construction of Aboriginality in recent public policy reasoning through identifying representations deployed by architects and supporters of the Commonwealth’s 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response (the intervention).
Debate about the Northern Territory intervention was explicitly situated in relation to a range of ideas about appropriate Government policy towards Indigenous people, and particularly about the nature, role, status, value and future of Aboriginality and of Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders. This project involves analysis of constructions of Aboriginality deployed in texts created and circulated to explain and justify the policy program. The aim of the project is to identify the ideas about Aboriginality deployed by the intervention’s architects and supporters, and to examine the effects and implications of these discourses for political relationships between Indigenous people and settlers in Australia.
This thesis will argue that advocates of the Northern Territory intervention construct Aboriginality in a range of important ways that reassert and reinforce the legitimacy of the settler colonial order and the project of Australian nationhood, and operate to limit Aboriginal claims.
Specifically, it is argued that in linking Aboriginality to the abuse of Aboriginal children, the intervention’s advocates and supporters establish a political debate about the nature and future of Aboriginality within a discursive terrain in which the authority and perspectives of Indigenous people are problematised. Aboriginality is constructed in this process as both temporally and spatially separated from settler society, and in need of coercive integration into mainstream economic and political arrangements.
Aboriginality is depicted by settler advocates of intervention as an anachronism, with Aboriginal people and cultures understood as primitive and/or savage precursors to settlers who are represented as modern and civilised. As such, the communities seen as the authentic home or location of Aboriginality represent a threat to Aboriginal children as well as to settlers. These constructions function to obscure the violence of the settler order, provide justification or moral rehabilitation for the colonising project, and reassert the sovereignty of the settler state. The resolution offered by the intervention’s advocates is a performance or enactment of settler sovereignty, representing a claim over and through both the territory of Aboriginal people and the discursive terrain of nationhood.
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Jones, Jennifer A. "Aboriginal women's autobiographical narratives and the politics of collaboration /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj7761.pdf.
Worthy, Mary, and n/a. "An historical examination of the negotiation processes for a treaty between Aboriginal people and the Australian government set within the political context." University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1988. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061110.170642.
Lapham, Angela. "From Papua to Western Australia : Middleton's implementation of Social Assimilation Policy, 1948-1962." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/270.
In 1948, after twenty years in the Papuan administration, Stanley Middleton became the Western Australian Commissioner of Native Affairs. State and Federal governments at that time had a policy of social assimilation towards Aboriginal people, who were expected to live in the same manner as other Australians, accepting the same responsibilties, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs, hopes and loyalties. European civilization was seen as the pinnacle of development. Thus both giving Aboriginal people the opportunity to reach this pinnacle and believing they were equally capable of reaching this pinnacle was viewed as a progessive and humanitarian act. Aboriginal cultural beliefs and loyalties were not considered important, if they were recognized at all, because they were seen as primitive or as having being abandoned in favour of a Western lifestyle.
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Darling, Elaine Elizabeth. "The OPAL conspiracy : the influence of politics and gender on the development of the Brisbane Aboriginal rights movement, 1958-1962." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.
It has been commonly believed that the Aboriginal rights movement which developed in Australia in the 1960s gained its greatest momentum from activities initiated in the southern states - New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia. This thesis argues that such a depiction is incorrect. Based on oral interviews and unpublished personal documents and substantiated by official reports, published commentary and parliamentary debates as well as internal records from Department of Native Affairs, I maintain that between the years of 1958 and 1962 a minor revolution occurred in Brisbane which influenced the direction of Black rights - both locally and nationally - into the following decade. This thesis traces the development of this uprising, and its aftermath. It explores the motivations of a White society which paid lip service to tolerance and social equity while accepting a system which denied Black basic human rights; and identifies the individuals and organisations which overcame obstacles to blaze a trail of resistance which dramatically changed White attitudes and Black lifestyles. The effects of this attack on the status quo were observable on three fronts: in the political arena, in the Brisbane media and in the wider community. The movement for change peaked between May 1961 and February 1962, when representatives of the Queensland government, Department of Native Affairs (DNA), Queensland Labor Party (QLP) and Queensland Police Special Branch conspired to transfer power from a left-wing Black rights organization perceived as a political threat, to one created to perpetuate DNA policy. This study identifies the pivotal role of women - particularly Murri women - as the catalyst which transformed the Brisbane movement from a gaggle of factions divided by antithetical ideologies into a cohesive grouping capable of taking on the forces of oppression in Queensland. I argue that without their leadership, the movement may never have taken off to the extent required to persuade a conservative Queensland public to deliver the affirmative vote to carriage of the 1967 referendum proposal on Black rights.
Book chapters on the topic "Aboriginal Australians. Politics and government":
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Trigger, David S. "10. Aboriginal Responses to Mining in Australia: Economic Aspirations, Cultural Revival, and the Politics of Indigenous Protest." In Politics and Government in Germany, 1944-1994, 192–205. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782388593-013.
Busbridge, Rachel. "Aboriginal Australians and recognition politics." In Multicultural Politics of Recognition and Postcolonial Citizenship, 137–68. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315620022-6.
Maynard, John. "“The Age of Unrest, the Age of Dissatisfaction”." In Global Garveyism, 226–41. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0010.
Writing in the aftermath of World War I, Marcus Garvey argued, “Never before in the history of the world has the spirit of unrest swept over as it has during the past two years”. He declared the era “the age of unrest, the age of dissatisfaction”. In Australia there emerged a vibrant pan-Aboriginal political movement, typified by Fred Maynard’s Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association, intent on demanding Aboriginal rights to land, opposing the government’s removal policy, defending an Indigenous cultural identity, demanding citizenship rights, and calling for self-determination and autonomy over Aboriginal affairs. This chapter examines Aboriginal political protest during this time of global upheaval, and examines the long-forgotten influence of Garveyism and the United Negro Improvement Association in the genesis of Aboriginal political mobilization during the 1920s.
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Tonkinson, Robert. "19. Gender Role Transformation among Australian Aborigines." In Politics and Government in Germany, 1944-1994, 343–60. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782388593-022.
Kansiime, Peninah, Shannon John Said, and Sarah Eyaa. "“What Kind of Blackfella Are You Anyway?”." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 420–43. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-3380-5.ch017.
Social media can bring together diverse people, providing a platform to facilitate discussions about various issues across races, cultures, and religions. These platforms shape social change by bringing to light individuals' perceptions on social issues whilst simultaneously becoming echo chambers that exclude contradictory or dissenting voices. Increases in digital violence, racism, and discrimination can be seen on social media websites, particularly towards those whose ideas challenge the dominant discourses of their cultural groups. The authors explore this phenomenon through four case studies: Aboriginal Australian academic Anthony Dillon, Aboriginal politician Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, African American former gubernatorial candidate and radio presenter Larry Elder, and African American political commentator Candace Owens. Their experiences are considered through the lens of free speech, civil discourse, and how social media users choose vilification instead of debate to address dissenting voices.
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STAVENHAGEN, RODOLFO. "Indigenous Movements and Politics in Mexico and Latin America." In Aboriginal Rights and Self-Government, 72–98. MQUP, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt814cn.6.
Coulthard, Glen Sean. "Essentialism and the Gendered Politics of Aboriginal Self-Government." In Red Skin, White Masks, 79–104. University of Minnesota Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/minnesota/9780816679645.003.0004.
"GOVERNMENT POLICY AND THE HEALTH STATUS OF ABORIGINAL AUSTRALIANS IN THE NORTHERN TERRITORY, 1945–72." In Migrants, Minorities & Health, 137–58. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203208175-8.
Phillips, Ruth B. "Swings and roundabouts: pluralism and the politics of change in Canada’s national museums." In Curatopia, 143–58. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526118196.003.0010.
If you are standing on the shores of the Ottawa River looking at the Canadian Museum of History, the national library and archives and other national repositories of Aboriginal heritage, you might well despair at the comprehensive losses of curatorial expertise, programs of research, and will to work collaboratively with Aboriginal people which befell these institutions under the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper. Looking harder, however, neither the shifting political ideologies nor the era of financial constraint that began with the global financial crisis of 2008 seems to have thrown processes of decolonisation and pluralist representation that began to take root in Canada during the 1990s into reverse. Two exhibition projects that unfolded during that same period provide evidence of that the changes in historical consciousness of settler-indigenous relationships and the acceptance of cultural pluralism have provided a counterweight to the intentions of a right wing government to restore old historical narratives. This chapter discusses them as evidence of this deep and, seemingly, irreversible shift in Canadian public’s expectation s of museum representation. The first involves plans for the new exhibition of Canadian history being developed for the 150th anniversary of Canadian confederation in 2017, specifically a fishing boat named the Nisga’a Girl which was presented by a west coast First Nation to mark the successful resolution of its land claim. The second is the Sakahan exhibition of global indigenous art shown in 2013 at the National Gallery of Canada and which marked a notable departure from its past scope. While utopia has by no means been achieved, neither, surprisingly, was dystopia realised during the years of conservative reaction.
