Journal articles on the topic 'Aboriginal Australians. Government relations'
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1
Osmond, Gary, Murray G. Phillips, and Alistair Harvey. "Fighting Colonialism: Olympic Boxing and Australian Race Relations." Journal of Olympic Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/26396025.3.1.05.
Abstract:
Abstract Australian Aboriginal boxer Adrian Blair was one of three Indigenous Australians to compete in the 1964 Tokyo Olympic Games. To that point, no Indigenous Australians had ever participated in the Olympics, not for want of sporting talent but because the racist legislation that stripped them of their basic human rights extended to limited sporting opportunities. The state of Queensland, where Blair lived, had the most repressive laws governing Indigenous people of any state in Australia. The Cherbourg Aboriginal Settlement, a government reserve where Blair grew up as a ward of the state, epitomized the oppressive control exerted over Indigenous people. In this article, we examine Blair's selection for the Olympic Games through the lens of government legislation and changing policy toward Indigenous people. We chart a growing trajectory of boxing in Cherbourg, from the reserve's foundation in 1904 to Blair's appearance in Tokyo sixty years later, which corresponds to policy shifts from “protection” to informal assimilation and, finally, to formal assimilation in the 1960s. The analysis of how Cherbourg boxing developed in these changing periods illustrates the power of sport history for analyzing race relations in settler colonial countries.
2
Fisher, Daniel T. "An Urban Frontier: Respatializing Government in Remote Northern Australia." Cultural Anthropology 30, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca30.1.08.
Abstract:
This essay draws on ethnographic research with Aboriginal Australians living in the parks and bush spaces of a Northern Australian city to analyze some new governmental measures by which remoteness comes to irrupt within urban space and to adhere to particular categories of people who live in and move through this space. To address this question in contemporary Northern Australia is also to address the changing character of the Australian government of Aboriginal people as it moves away from issues of redress and justice toward a state of emergency ostensibly built on settler Australian compassion and humanitarian concern. It also means engaging with the mediatization of politics and its relation to the broader, discursive shaping of such spatial categories as remote and urban. I suggest that remoteness forms part of the armory of recent political efforts to reshape Aboriginal policy in Northern Australia. These efforts leverage remoteness to diagnose the ills of contemporary Aboriginal society, while producing remoteness itself as a constitutive feature of urban space.
3
Morgan, George. "Assimilation and resistance: housing indigenous Australians in the 1970s." Journal of Sociology 36, no. 2 (August 2000): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078330003600204.
Abstract:
During the early 1970s, large numbers of Aboriginal people became tenants of the Housing Commission of New South Wales under the Housing for Aborigines program. Most moved from government reserves or dilapidated and overcrowded private rental dwellings to broadacre suburban estates. As public housing tenants, they encountered considerable pressures to become 'respectable' citizens, to build their lives around privacy, sobriety, moral restraint, the nuclear family, conventional gender roles and wage labour. For many indigenous Australians, these expectations-which were based as much on class relations as on colonialism— represented a threat to their conventional ways of life and their obligations to extended family and community. This paper explores the patterns of conformity and resistance amongst Aboriginal tenants. It draws on the sociological and cultural studies literature on youth subcultural resistance and compares anthropological theory about indigenous responses to the pressures of modernity.
4
Kartika Bintarsari, Nuriyeni. "The Cultural Genocide in Australia: A Case Study of the Forced Removal of Aborigine Children from 1912-1962." SHS Web of Conferences 54 (2018): 05002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185405002.
Abstract:
This paper will discuss the Forced Removal Policy of Aborigine children in Australia from 1912 to 1962. The Forced Removal Policy is a Government sponsored policy to forcibly removed Aborigine children from their parent’s homes and get them educated in white people households and institutions. There was a people’s movement in Sydney, Australia, and London, Englandin 1998to bring about “Sorry Books.” Australia’s “Sorry Books” was a movement initiated by the advocacy organization Australian for Native Title (ANT) to address the failure of The Australian government in making proper apologies toward the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population. The objective of this paper is to examine the extent of cultural genocide imposed by the Australian government towards its Aborigine population in the past and its modern-day implication. This paper is the result of qualitative research using literature reviews of relevant materials. The effect of the study is in highlighting mainly two things. First, the debate on the genocidal intention of the policy itself is still ongoing. Secondly, to discuss the effect of past government policies in forming the shape of national identities, in this case, the relations between the Australian government and its Aborigine population.
5
Paisley, Fiona. "Citizens of their World: Australian Feminism and Indigenous Rights in the International Context, 1920s and 1930s." Feminist Review 58, no. 1 (February 1998): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177898339596.
Abstract:
Inter-war Australia saw the emergence of a feminist campaign for indigenous rights. Led by women activists who were members of various key Australian women's organizations affiliated with the British Commonwealth League, this campaign proposed a revitalized White Australia as a progressive force towards improving ‘world’ race relations. Drawing upon League of Nations conventions and the increasing role for the Dominions within the British Commonwealth, these women claimed to speak on behalf of Australian Aborigines in asserting their right to reparation as a usurped people and the need to overhaul government policy. Opposing inter-war policies of biological assimilation, they argued for a humane national Aboriginal policy including citizenship and rights in the person. Where white men had failed in their duty towards indigenous peoples, world women might bring about a new era of civilized relations between the races.
6
De Villiers, Bertus. "An Ancient People Struggling to Find a Modern Voice – Experiences of Australia’s Indigenous People with Advisory Bodies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 600–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02604004.
Abstract:
The Aboriginal People of Australia are arguably the oldest uninterrupted community of indigenous peoples in the world, but they have not yet been heard in the corridors of power. Recently, a proposal arose from Aboriginal People to give them a ‘voice’ that would be elected to give advice to the federal government and promote their rights and interests. Several attempts have been made in the past to create an advisory body for Aboriginal People, but they have all failed. The question considered in this article is what lessons can be learnt from previous failed attempts, and what can be done to ensure the success of the proposed Voice.
7
Grimshaw, Patricia. "“That we may obtain our religious liberty…”: Aboriginal Women, Faith and Rights in Early Twentieth Century Victoria, Australia*." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 19, no. 2 (July 23, 2009): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037747ar.
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Abstract The paper, focused on a few years at the end of the First World War, explores the request of a group of Aborigines in the Australian state of Victoria for freedom of religion. Given that the colony and now state of Victoria had been a stronghold of liberalism, the need for Indigenous Victorians to petition for the removal of outside restrictions on their religious beliefs or practices might seem surprising indeed. But with a Pentecostal revival in train on the mission stations to which many Aborigines were confined, members of the government agency, the Board for the Protection of the Aborigines, preferred the decorum of mainstream Protestant church services to potentially unsettling expressions of charismatic and experiential spirituality. The circumstances surrounding the revivalists’ resistance to the restriction of Aboriginal Christians’ choice of religious expression offer insight into the intersections of faith and gender within the historically created relations of power in this colonial site. Though the revival was extinguished, it stood as a notable instance of Indigenous Victorian women deploying the language of Christian human rights to assert the claims to just treatment and social justice that would characterize later successful Indigenous activism.
8
Greer, Susan. "“In the interests of the children”: accounting in the control of Aboriginal family endowment payments." Accounting History 14, no. 1-2 (January 20, 2009): 166–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373208098557.
Abstract:
This article contributes to an expanding literature concerned with the instrumentality of accounting and the consequences of its use within government—Indigenous relations. It examines a single case of how accounting was employed within the Australian state of New South Wales to manipulate the income and spending of Aboriginal women. The article explores how ccounting was integral to the control and administration of the New South Wales Family Endowment Payments; a policy intended to reconstitute Aboriginal women according to particular norms of citizenship. The article not only allows us to better understand the roles of accounting in such historical practices of social engineering, but also illustrates that the objectives for such programmes are not simple and that often they attempt to satisfy the competing interests of the social and the economic.
9
Fleay, Jesse John, and Barry Judd. "The Uluru statement." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 12, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v12i1.532.
Abstract:
From every State and Territory of Australia, including the islands of the Torres Strait over 200 delegates gathered at the 2017 First Nations National Constitutional Convention in Uluru, which has stood on Anangu Pitjantjatjara country in the Northern Territory since time immemorial, to discuss the issue of constitutional recognition. Delegates agreed that tokenistic recognition would not be enough, and that recognition bearing legal substance must stand, with the possibility to make multiple treaties between Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders and the Commonwealth Government of Australia. In this paper, we look at the roadmap beyond such a potential change. We make the case for a redistributive approach to capital, and propose key outcomes for social reconstruction, should a voice to parliament, a Makarrata[1] Commission and multiple treaties be enabled through a successful referendum. We conclude that an alteration of the Commonwealth Constitution (Cth) is the preliminary overture of a suite of changes: the constitutional change itself is not the end of the road, but simply the beginning of years of legal change, which seeks provide a socio-economic future for Australia’s First Peoples, and the oldest continuing cultures in the world. Constitutional change seeks to transform the discourse about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander relations with the Australian state from one centred on distributive justice to one that is primarily informed by retributive justice. This paper concerns the future generations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, and their right to labour in a market that honours their cultural contributions to humanity at large.
[1] Yolŋu ceremony for coming together after a struggle.
10
P Marchildon, Gregory. "Canadian health system reforms: lessons for Australia?" Australian Health Review 29, no. 1 (2005): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050105.
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This paper analyses recent health reform agenda in Canada. From 1988 until 1997, the first phase of reforms focused on service integration through regionalisation and a rebalancing of services from illness care to prevention and wellness. The second phase, which has been layered onto the ongoing first phase, is concerned with fiscal sustainability from a provincial perspective, and the fundamental nature of the system from a national perspective. Despite numerous commissions and studies, some questions remain concerning the future direction of the public system. The Canadian reform experience is compared with recent Australian health reform initiatives in terms of service integration through regionalisation, primary care reform, Aboriginal health, the public?private debate, intergovernmental relations and the role of the federal government.
11
Habibis, Daphne, Penny Taylor, Maggie Walter, and Catriona Elder. "Repositioning the Racial Gaze: Aboriginal Perspectives on Race, Race Relations and Governance." Social Inclusion 4, no. 1 (February 23, 2016): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.492.
Abstract:
In Australia, public debate about recognition of the nation’s First Australians through constitutional change has highlighted the complexity and sensitivities surrounding Indigenous/state relations at even the most basic level of legal rights. But the unevenness of race relations has meant Aboriginal perspectives on race relations are not well known. This is an obstacle for reconciliation which, by definition, must be a reciprocal process. It is especially problematic in regions with substantial Aboriginal populations, where Indigenous visibility make race relations a matter of everyday experience and discussion. There has been considerable research on how settler Australians view Aboriginal people but little is known about how Aboriginal people view settler Australians or mainstream institutions. This paper presents the findings from an Australian Research Council project undertaken in partnership with Larrakia Nation Aboriginal Corporation. Drawing on in-depth interviews with a cross-section of Darwin’s Aboriginal residents and visitors, it aims to reverse the racial gaze by investigating how respondents view settler Australian politics, values, priorities and lifestyles. Through interviews with Aboriginal people this research provides a basis for settler Australians to discover how they are viewed from an Aboriginal perspective. It repositions the normativity of settler Australian culture, a prerequisite for a truly multicultural society. Our analysis argues the narratives of the participants produce a story of Aboriginal rejection of the White Australian neo-liberal deal of individual advancement through economic pathways of employment and hyper-consumption. The findings support Honneth’s arguments about the importance of intersubjective recognition by pointing to the way misrecognition creates and reinforces social exclusion.
12
Durey, A., D. McAullay, B. Gibson, and L. M. Slack-Smith. "Oral Health in Young Australian Aboriginal Children." JDR Clinical & Translational Research 2, no. 1 (September 27, 2016): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2380084416667244.
Abstract:
Despite dedicated government funding, Aboriginal Australians, including children, experience more dental disease than other Australians, despite it being seen as mostly preventable. The ongoing legacy of colonization and discrimination against Aboriginal Australians persists, even in health services. Current neoliberal discourse often holds individuals responsible for the state of their health, rather than the structural factors beyond individual control. While presenting a balanced view of Aboriginal health is important and attests to Indigenous peoples’ resilience when faced with persistent adversity, calling to account those structural factors affecting the ability of Aboriginal people to make favorable oral health choices is also important. A decolonizing approach informed by Indigenous methodologies and whiteness studies guides this article to explore the perceptions and experiences of Aboriginal parents ( N = 52) of young children, mainly mothers, in Perth, Western Australia, as they relate to the oral health. Two researchers, 1 Aboriginal and 1 non-Aboriginal, conducted 9 focus group discussions with 51 Aboriginal participants, as well as 1 interview with the remaining individual, and independently analyzed responses to identify themes underpinning barriers and enablers to oral health. These were compared, discussed, and revised under key themes and interpreted for meanings attributed to participants’ perspectives. Findings indicated that oral health is important yet often compromised by structural factors, including policy and organizational practices that adversely preclude participants from making optimal oral health choices: limited education about prevention, prohibitive cost of services, intensive marketing of sugary products, and discrimination from health providers resulting in reluctance to attend services. Current government intentions center on Aboriginal–non-Aboriginal partnerships, access to flexible services, and health care that is free of racism and proactively seeks and welcomes Aboriginal people. The challenge is whether these good intentions are matched by policies and practices that translate into sustained improvements to oral health for Aboriginal Australians. Knowledge Transfer Statement: Slow progress in reducing persistent oral health disparities between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians calls for a new approach to this seemingly intractable problem. Findings from our qualitative research identified that structural factors—such as cost of services, little or no education on preventing oral disease, and discrimination by health providers—compromised Aboriginal people’s optimum oral health choices and access to services. The results from this study can be used to recommend changes to policies and practices that promote rather than undermine Aboriginal health and well-being and involve Aboriginal people in decisions about their health care.
13
Atkinson-Briggs, Sharon, Alicia Jenkins, Christopher Ryan, and Laima Brazionis. "Prevalence of Health-Risk Behaviours Among Indigenous Australians With Diabetes: A Review." Journal of the Australian Indigenous HealthInfoNet 3, no. 4 (2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14221/aihjournal.v3n4.6.
Abstract:
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians are at high risk of Type 2 diabetes and its complications. Optimal lifestyle choices can improve health outcomes. A thematic review of original research publications related to smoking, nutrition, alcohol intake, physical activity and emotional wellness in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians with diabetes was performed. Overall, 7118 English-language publications were identified by search engines (PubMed, CINAHL, Scopus, Medline-Web of Science, and Google Scholar) with search terms Indigenous Australians OR Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders AND diabetes AND lifestyle OR smoking OR nutrition OR alcohol OR physical activity OR emotional wellbeing and their common synonyms. After review of abstracts and publication reference lists, 36 articles met inclusion criteria and were reviewed. In general, the self-reported health-related behaviours of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australian adults with diabetes, which is predominantly Type 2 diabetes, was suboptimal. An important clinical challenge in diabetes care is to sustainably reduce smoking, improve nutrition (including alcohol use), increase physical activity, reduce sedentary time, and improve emotional wellbeing, which should lead to reduced rates of diabetes complications. Regular assessments and multi-stakeholder input, including individuals, communities, clinical, health policy, societal and government inputs and partnerships, are desirable to facilitate closing the gap in health between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous Australians.
14
Nguyen, Tin Ly Trong. "Space and aboriginal Australians in Urban Areas." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 2, no. 3 (May 18, 2019): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v2i3.495.
Abstract:
Space is regarded not simply as a backdrop against which social processes are played out, but also as a means for the realisation of interest and power relations, and an outlet of a community’s identity, which in turn shapes that identity. In the case of Aboriginal Australians, who live in the land that is originally of their ownership but later largely occupied by European people, the utilisation of space for indicating their presence, therefore promoting their interest, and space influence upon them, can be seen in Australian urban areas. The Aboriginal might increase their visibility variously in residential areas, at their own buildings, or via drawings along roads in their settlements. These efforts notwithstanding, the marking of space by the white people is seemingly dominant, and the Aboriginal are prone to think that they are excluded in some measure from urban social activities.
15
Singh, David. "Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 50–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v5i2.90.
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Australian education systems have long been challenged by the gap between Indigenous and nonIndigenous student outcomes. All levels of Australian government, as well as Indigenous leaders and educators, however, continue to meet the challenge through exhortation, strategies and targets. The most prominent of such strategies is ‘Closing the Gap’, which gives practical expression to the Australian Government’s commitment to measurably improving the lives of Indigenous Australians, especially Indigenous children.
16
Raeburn, Toby, Kayla Sale, Paul Saunders, and Aunty Kerrie Doyle. "Aboriginal Australian mental health during the first 100 years of colonization, 1788–1888: a historical review of nineteenth-century documents." History of Psychiatry 33, no. 1 (December 13, 2021): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x211053208.
Abstract:
Past histories charting interactions between British healthcare and Aboriginal Australians have tended to be dominated by broad histological themes such as invasion and colonization. While such descriptions have been vital to modernization and truth telling in Australian historical discourse, this paper investigates the nineteenth century through the modern cultural lens of mental health. We reviewed primary documents, including colonial diaries, church sermons, newspaper articles, medical and burial records, letters, government documents, conference speeches and anthropological journals. Findings revealed six overlapping fields which applied British ideas about mental health to Aboriginal Australians during the nineteenth century. They included military invasion, religion, law, psychological systems, lunatic asylums, and anthropology.
17
Kerr, Thor, and Shaphan Cox. "Media, Machines and Might: Reproducing Western Australia's Violent State of Aboriginal Protection." Somatechnics 6, no. 1 (March 2016): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2016.0176.
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This paper addresses the prevalence of state violence directed at Aboriginal people. It examines how violence has been reproduced in recent years in the space of Western Australia through mutually-reinforcing relations of financial interest, and how the function of private capital accumulation – in state violence against sovereign Aboriginal people – has remained hidden in white sight. This paper argues that state violence is legitimised through a discourse of Aboriginal protection. After outlining how this discourse and violence have operated in Western Australia, the paper provides a substantive narrative challenging the routine reproduction of state violence against Aboriginal bodies through a close reading of public and media texts. These texts relate to state violence against a blockade preventing land-clearing machines from entering Aboriginal country in mid 2011; state violence against the Nyoongar Tent Embassy in early 2012; and, the government's announcement in May 2011 that it would amend the Aboriginal Heritage Act. Through this analysis, lines are drawn between media, machines and might for the purpose of enabling white sight to see private capital accumulation functioning within the reproduction of state violence against Aboriginal people.
18
Gentile, Victoria, Adrian Carter, and Laura Jobson. "Examining the Associations Between Experiences of Perceived Racism and Drug and Alcohol Use in Aboriginal Australians." Journal of the Australian Indigenous HealthInfoNet 3, no. 1 (2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14221/aihjournal.v3n1.3.
Abstract:
Objective This study aimed to explore the relationships between experiences of perceived racism, mental health and drug and alcohol use among Aboriginal Australians. Method Sixty-two Aboriginal Australians, ranging in age from 19-64 years (Mage = 33.71, SD = 12.47) and residing in Victoria completed an online questionnaire containing measures of perceived racism, alcohol use, substance use and mental health. Results First, 66% of the sample reported experiencing interpersonal racism, with the highest proportion of reported experiences occurring in health settings, educational/academic settings and by staff of government agencies. Second, perceived racism was significantly associated with poorer mental health and well-being. Finally, while perceived racism was not significantly associated with substance use, there was an indirect pathway from perceived racism to substance use through mental health concerns. Conclusions The current research indicates that racism is still frequently experienced by Aboriginal Australians and is directly associated with poorer mental health, and indirectly with substance use through poorer mental health. The findings demonstrate a clear need for further research in this area.
19
Adams, Mick, Kootsy (Justin) Canuto, Neil Drew, and Jesse John Fleay. "Postcolonial Traumatic Stresses among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians." ab-Original 3, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 233–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/aboriginal.3.2.233.
Abstract:
Abstract The mental health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males in Australia is often misunderstood, mainly because it has been poorly researched. When analyzing the quality of life of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males, it is crucial to consider the associated factors that have directly and indirectly contributed to their poor health and wellbeing, that is, the effects of colonization, the interruption of cultural practices, displacement of societies, taking away of traditional homelands and forceful removal of children (assimilation and other policies). The displacement of families and tribal groups from their country broke up family groups and caused conflict between the original inhabitants of the lands and dislocated Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander tribal groups. These dislocated Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were forced to reside on the allocated government institutions where they would be (allegedly) protected. Whilst in the institutions they were made to comply with the authority rules and were forbidden to practice or participate in their traditional rituals or customs or speak their own tribal languages. Additionally, the dispossession from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander traditional lands and the destruction of culture and political, economic, and social structures have caused many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to have a pervading sense of hopelessness for the future. The traditional customs and life cycles of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males were permanently affected by colonization adversely contributing to mental health problems in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. In this article we aim to provide a better understanding of the processes impacting on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males' social and emotional wellbeing.
20
Leggat, Sandra G. "Improving Aboriginal health." Australian Health Review 32, no. 4 (2008): 587. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah080587.
Abstract:
In recognition of the recent achievements of the Close the Gap campaign, this issue of AHR contains a set of papers focusing on Aboriginal health. At the national Indigenous Health Equality Summit in Canberra in March 2008, the Close the Gap Statement of Intent was signed. This Statement of Intent requires the government, health and social service agencies and the Aboriginal communities to work together to achieve equality in health status and life expectancy between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians by the year 2030. (See http:// www.hreoc.gov.au/Social_Justice/health/statement_ intent.html) The first three papers present important policy lessons. Matthews and her colleagues stress the need to strengthen the link between policy formulation and implementation (page 613). Their study found that the lack of progress in improving Aboriginal health may be the result of lack of Indigenous involvement in policy formulation at the senior Australian Government level, limited participation of Indigenous community controlled health organisations in the policy making process and insufficient resources for implementation. Anderson, Anderson and Smylie outline the achievements of the National Indigenous Health Performance Measurement System (page 626), and change management lessons from Aboriginal community controlled health organisations are discussed by Leanne Coombe from the Apunipima Cape York Health Council (page 639). Other papers with a focus on Aboriginal health include a review of emergency department access (page 648), overseas-trained doctors working in rural and remote Aboriginal health settings (page 655) and eye health programs within remote Aboriginal communities (page 664).
21
Banner, Stuart. "Why Terra Nullius? Anthropology and Property Law in Early Australia." Law and History Review 23, no. 1 (2005): 95–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000000067.
Abstract:
The British treated Australia as terra nullius—as unowned land. Under British colonial law, aboriginal Australians had no property rights in the land, and colonization accordingly vested ownership of the entire continent in the British government. The doctrine of terra nullius remained the law in Australia throughout the colonial period, and indeed right up to 1992.
22
Suarez, Megan. "Aborginal English in the Legal System." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 27, no. 1 (July 1999): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100001526.
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The Australian legal system is based on the principle of equality before the law for all its citizens. The government of Australia also passed the international Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act in 1986, although these rights are not accessible to all Australians in the legal system (Bird 1995:3). The Australian legal system has failed to grant equality for all its people. The Aboriginal community is severely disadvantaged within the legal system because the Australian criminal justice system has “institutionalised discrimination” against Aboriginal people through communication barriers (Goldflam 1995: 29).
23
Barlow, Alex. "Equality or Equity? : Education for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Futures." Aboriginal Child at School 18, no. 4 (September 1990): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100600376.
Abstract:
The Hon. John Dawkins (then) Minister for Employment, Education and Training, launched the Aboriginal Education Policy at a grand event in the Committee Room at Parliament House on 26th October 1989. The Prime Minister blessed the occasion with his presence and a short speech. Three of the former Chairs of the the National Aboriginal Education Committee were there, as were Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander educationists from most Australian states. Only New South Wales, which decided to boycott the launch, wasn’t officially represented.There are two reasons for calling the policy that the Minister launched the Aboriginal Education Policy. Firstly, because it is the first policy formally endorsed by any National government; and secondly, because it responds to the call made in the 1988 Report of the Aboriginal Education Policy Task Force, for a concerted national effort – to achieve broad equity between Aboriginal people and other Australians in access, participation and outcomes at all stages of education. (National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Policy, 1989: 1.2.6 – Draft).
24
Colley, Sarah. "Archaeology and education in Australia." Antiquity 74, no. 283 (March 2000): 171–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0006631x.
Abstract:
Aboriginal, Historical and Maritime archaeology have been taught in Australian universities since the 1960s, and archaeology has made major contributions to our understanding of Australia's past. Yet many Australians are still more interested in archaeology overseas than in Australia itself. This partly reflects Australia's history as a former British colony which currently has a minority of indigenous Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, many of whom regard archaeology as yet another colonial imposition which at best is largely irrelevant to their own understanding of their history. Present government policies empower Aboriginal people to veto certain kinds of archaeological research they do not agree with. At minimum this may require archaeologists to engage in what can become protracted consultation, with uncertain outcomes.
25
Doel-Mackaway, Holly. "‘Ask Us … This Is Our Country’: Designing Laws and Policies with Aboriginal Children and Young People." International Journal of Children’s Rights 27, no. 1 (February 16, 2019): 31–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02701008.
Abstract:
If asked, and asked in the appropriate circumstances, Aboriginal children and young people have much to say about governance, law and policy – particularly about matters that are likely to affect their lives. Findings from field research conducted in the Northern Territory of Australia reveal a group of Aboriginal children and young people’s views about why and how they could be involved in designing legislative provisions such as the Australian Government’s “Northern Territory Emergency Response” and Stronger Futures legislation – commonly referred to as the Intervention. These findings support the conclusion that in order to create culturally appropriate, durable and relevant laws and policies, governments must first seek, then incorporate, Aboriginal children and young people’s views when designing measures likely to affect their lives – and do so in a manner that is consistent with article 12 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (crc).
26
Fleras, Augie. "Race Relations as Collective Definition: Renogiating Aboriginal-Government Relations in Canada." Symbolic Interaction 13, no. 1 (May 1990): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/si.1990.13.1.19.
27
FISHER, MATTHEW, SAMANTHA BATTAMS, DENNIS MCDERMOTT, FRAN BAUM, and COLIN MACDOUGALL. "How the Social Determinants of Indigenous Health became Policy Reality for Australia's National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Plan." Journal of Social Policy 48, no. 1 (May 28, 2018): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279418000338.
Abstract:
AbstractThe paper analyses the policy process which enabled the successful adoption of Australia's National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Plan 2013–2023 (NATSIHP), which is grounded in an understanding of the Social Determinants of Indigenous Health (SDIH). Ten interviews were conducted with key policy actors directly involved in its development. The theories we used to analyse qualitative data were the Advocacy Coalition Framework, the Multiple Streams Approach, policy framing and critical constructionism. We used a complementary approach to policy analysis. The NATSIHP acknowledges the importance of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (hereafter, Aboriginal) culture and the health effects of racism, and explicitly adopts a human-rights-based approach. This was enabled by a coalition campaigning to ‘Close the Gap’ (CTG) in health status between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians. The CTG campaign, and key Aboriginal health networks associated with it, operated as an effective advocacy coalition, and policy entrepreneurs emerged to lead the policy agenda. Thus, Aboriginal health networks were able to successfully contest conventional problem conceptions and policy framings offered by government policy actors and drive a paradigm shift for Aboriginal health to place SDIH at the centre of the NATSIHP policy. Implications of this research for policy theory and for other policy environments are considered along with suggestions for future research.
28
Jones, Craig. "Commercially driven social benefit: a structured approach to Aboriginal engagement." APPEA Journal 50, no. 1 (2010): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj09019.
Abstract:
Most corporate approaches to engagement with Aboriginal Australians are determined by a tension between two poles: seeking access by minimal legal compliance or a form of enlightened charity known as corporate social responsibility which, in turn, is driven by a tension between the simple concept of charity and seeking a social licence to operate. Obviously companies require both legal access and a social licence to operate. The Santos model of Aboriginal engagement proposes community driven commerciality through a structured process that seeks to manage project risk in terms of cost, delay and legal action. Importantly, Aboriginal engagement at Santos is about development of sustainable relations with Aboriginal communities and to contribute to those communities to, in turn, becoming sustainable. Projects and legal compliance provide an opportunity for Aboriginal people and companies to sit at the table together. The development of the project to the operation phase allows the company and the community to plan for, and achieve sustainability in a mutually beneficial manner.
29
Morse, Brad. "Aboriginal People and Labour Relations." Revue générale de droit 17, no. 4 (April 26, 2019): 663–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1059225ar.
Abstract:
The original inhabitants of Canada (the Indian, Inuit and Metis peoples) now number approximately one million people. Although they represent only about 4% of the national population, they are a significant force in the Canadian economy. It is, thus, rather surprising to note the limited attention that aboriginal communities and aboriginal workers have received from the trade union movement. There is currently an active movement for the restoration of self-government and self-determination for aboriginal peoples in accordance with their own laws through a constitutionally mandated process and by way of direct negotiations with federal and provincial governments. Developments in this regard will clearly impact on labour relations. This essay attempts to provide a brief review of the present state of labour law as it relates to the aboriginal peoples of Canada, to serve as a foundation on which change may be built.
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Dandy, Justine, and Rogelia Pe-Pua. "Beyond Mutual Acculturation." Zeitschrift für Psychologie 221, no. 4 (January 2013): 232–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000153.
Abstract:
In this paper we examine intercultural relations from a three-way perspective (among immigrants/refugees, Anglo-Australians, and Indigenous Australians) through the lens of social cohesion and its dimensions (belonging, inclusion, participation, recognition, and legitimacy). Our data are drawn from three community case studies involving 15 focus group discussions (138 community residents) and 54 key informant interviews (government and nongovernment service providers and community representatives). Our findings highlight the complexity of intergroup relations, with tensions driven largely by realistic threat concerns and perceived relative deprivation among Anglo-Australians and Indigenous Australians. These concerns intersected with intercultural recognition and national identity. Finally, there was a general lack of the kind of intergroup contact that would decrease prejudice. The findings are discussed in relation to acculturation research and the complexity of intergroup relations in plural societies.
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Mason, Bonita, Chris Thomson, Dawn Bennett, and Michelle Johnston. "Putting the love back in to journalism: Transforming habitus in Aboriginal affairs student reporting." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00018_1.
Abstract:
While journalism scholars have identified a lack of critical reflexivity in journalism, few have identified ways to educate university students for critically reflexive journalism practice. This article reports on a university teaching project that enables such practice as a means to counter exclusions, stereotyping and misrepresentation of Aboriginal people by large-scale Australian media. Using Bourdieus concept of habitus to track transformations in student dispositions, particularly as they relate to practice, the article shows how participating students became more competent and confident Aboriginal affairs journalists with a strengthened sense of themselves, their practice and the journalistic field. Their investment in the field was strengthened as they sought to tell hidden and disregarded stories, and to include previously excluded voices, perspectives and representations. The article describes and analyses an example of critically reflexive learning, practice and teaching that has the potential to transform students learning, the journalistic field and relations between Aboriginal non-Aboriginal Australians.
32
Hill, Asta. "Western Australia’s Remote Indigenous Communities: A Case Against Closures and a Call For New Governance." AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s239877230000146x.
Abstract:
In the late 1970s thousands of Indigenous Australians initiated a movement back to the ancestral lands they had been removed from during the assimilationist era. Less than 50 years since their return to country, Aboriginal people living in Western Australia’s (WA) remote communities are again grappling with their impending redispossession. Wa Premier Colin Barnett’s announcement late last year was panic inducing: It is a problem that I do not want and the government does not want, but it is a reality. There are something like 274 Aboriginal communities in Western Australia—I think 150 or so of those are in the Kimberley itself—and they are not viable. They are not viable and they are not sustainable . . . I am foreshadowing that a number of communities are inevitably going to close.
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Donato, Ronald, and Leonie Segal. "Does Australia have the appropriate health reform agenda to close the gap in Indigenous health?" Australian Health Review 37, no. 2 (2013): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah12186.
Abstract:
This paper provides an analysis of the national Indigenous reform strategy – known as Closing the Gap – in the context of broader health system reforms underway to assess whether current attempts at addressing Indigenous disadvantage are likely to be successful. Drawing upon economic theory and empirical evidence, the paper analyses key structural features necessary for securing system performance gains capable of reducing health disparities. Conceptual and empirical attention is given to the features of comprehensive primary healthcare, which encompasses the social determinants impacting on Indigenous health. An important structural prerequisite for securing genuine improvements in health outcomes is the unifying of all funding and policy responsibilities for comprehensive primary healthcare for Indigenous Australians within a single jurisdictional framework. This would provide the basis for implementing several key mutually reinforcing components necessary for enhancing primary healthcare system performance. The announcement to introduce a long-term health equality plan in partnership with Aboriginal people represents a promising development and may provide the window of opportunity needed for implementing structural reforms to primary healthcare. What is known about the topic? Notwithstanding the intention of previous policies, considerable health disparity exists between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Australia has now embarked on its most ambitious national Indigenous health reform strategy, but there has been little academic analysis of whether such reforms are capable of eliminating health disadvantage for Aboriginal people. What does the paper add? This paper provides a critical analysis of Indigenous health reforms to assess whether such policy initiatives are likely to be successful and outlines key structural changes to primary healthcare system arrangements that are necessary to secure genuine system performance gains and improve health outcomes for Indigenous Australians. What are the implications for practitioners? For policymakers, the need to establish genuine partnership and engagement between Aboriginal people and the Australian government in pursuing a national Indigenous reform agenda is of critical importance. The establishment of the National Congress of Australia’s First Peoples provides the opportunity for policymakers to give special status to Indigenous Australians in health policy development and create the institutional breakthrough necessary for effecting primary healthcare system change.
34
Malloy, Jonathan. "Double Identities: Aboriginal Policy Agencies in Ontario and British Columbia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 1 (March 2001): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901777840.
Abstract:
This article argues that provincial government units for Aboriginal affairs in Ontario and British Columbia have ''double identities'' stemming from contradictory mandates anchored in two different policy communities. Aboriginal policy agencies act as Crown negotiators with Aboriginal nations over land claims and self-government, but are also responsible for co-ordinating government policies affecting Aboriginals. Consequently, they interact with two different policy communities. One involves economic and resource ministries, which engage in a pressure pluralist relationship with Aboriginal groups. The second involves social policy ministries who engage in more clientele pluralist relationships with Aboriginals. Consequently, Aboriginal policy agencies display different identities and play different and sometimes contradictory roles. These ''double identities'' illustrate the complexity and contradictions of provincial-Aboriginal relations in Canada.
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Soldatic, Karen. "Policy Mobilities of Exclusion: Implications of Australian Disability Pension Retraction for Indigenous Australians." Social Policy and Society 17, no. 1 (October 26, 2017): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746417000355.
Abstract:
There is growing concern surrounding the retraction of disability social provisioning measures across the western world, with state fiscal policy trends foregrounding austerity as a central principle of welfare provisioning. This is occurring within many of the nation-states that have ratified and legislated rights enshrined by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). This article undertakes a critical analysis of disability income retraction in Australia since the early 2000s and examines these changes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians living with disability by focusing on Article 20 of the CRPD, the right to personal mobility, a core right for people with disabilities and Indigenous peoples. Beyond economic inequality, the article illustrates that the various administrative processes attached to welfare retraction have implications for the realisation of mobility practices that are critical for individual cultural identity and wellbeing. Disability austerity has resulted in a new form of Indigenous containment, fixing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with disabilities in a cyclical motion of poverty management.
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Smith, Diane. "Indigenous Australian Households and the ‘Gammon’ Economy: Applied Anthropological Research in the Welfare Policy Arena." Practicing Anthropology 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.23.1.1340487851682378.
Abstract:
This article describes applied anthropological research into the nature of Indigenous1 Australians' reliance on welfare income support, in the context of evaluating the suitability and effectiveness of Federal Government welfare policy and service delivery. The paper focuses on Indigenous families and the households in which they reside and includes reference to applied longitudinal research being jointly conducted by the author and a small multi-disciplinary team of anthropologists and economists from the Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research (CAEPR) at the Australian National University, Canberra (see Smith 2000 for a full account of the research project).
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Bahfen, Nasya. "1950s vibe, 21st century audience: Australia’s dearth of on-screen diversity." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 25, no. 1&2 (July 31, 2019): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v25i1and2.479.
Abstract:
The difference between how multicultural Australia is ‘in real life’ and ‘in broadcasting’ can be seen through data from the Census, and from Screen Australia’s most recent research into on screen diversity. In 2016, these sources of data coincided with the Census, which takes place every five years. Conducted by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, this presents a ‘snapshot’ of Australian life. From the newest Census figures in 2016, it appears that nearly half of the population in Australia (49 percent) had either been born overseas (identifying as first generation Australian) or had one or both parents born overseas (identifying as second generation Australian). Nearly a third, or 32 percent, of Australians identified as having come from non-Anglo Celtic backgrounds, and 2.8 percent of Australians identify as Indigenous (Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander). Nearly a fifth, or 18 percent, of Australians identify as having a disability. Screen Australia is the government agency that oversees film and TV funding and research. Conducted in 2016, Screen Australia’s study looked at 199 television dramas (fiction, excluding animation) that aired between 2011 and 2015. The comparison between these two sources of data reveals that with one exception, there is a marked disparity between diversity as depicted in the lived experiences of Australians and recorded by the Census, and diversity as depicted on screen and recorded by the Screen Australia survey.
38
Galliford, Mark. "Touring ‘Country’, Sharing ‘Home’: Aboriginal Tourism, Australian Tourists and the Possibilities for Cultural Transversality." Tourist Studies 10, no. 3 (December 2010): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468797611407759.
Abstract:
This paper discusses the capacity of Aboriginal cultural tourism to effect change in the perceptions and attitudes (and lives) of Australian tourists towards Aboriginality and their own national identity. Following research, it was found that the relational effects of the experience between hosts and tourists often surpassed the tourists’ enjoyment of the expected material displays of Aboriginal cultures. These displays are what most tours are based on, yet this relational context was based on degrees of intimacy that some tourists reported valuing more than simply experiencing demonstrations of a different culture. The importance of intimate engagement on the ‘meeting grounds’ of these cultural camps has a significant role to play in the current socio-political relations between Aboriginal people and settler Anglo-Australians. By visiting these camps, Australian tourists can engage (even if unintentionally) in practical and personal instances of reconciliation that can additionally effect a transversal, or becoming-minor, of the tourists’ subjectivity and thus potentially reordering the tourists’ sense of national identity and belonging.
39
Westwood, Barbara, and Geoff Westwood. "Aboriginal cultural awareness training: policy v. accountability - failure in reality." Australian Health Review 34, no. 4 (2010): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah09546.
Abstract:
Despite 42 years progress since the 1967 referendum enabling laws to be made covering Aboriginal Australians their poor health status remains and is extensively documented. This paper presents results of a study into Cultural Awareness Training (CAT) in New South Wales and specifically South West Sydney Area Health Service (SWSAHS) with the aim of improving long-term health gains. The evidence demonstrates poor definition and coordination of CAT with a lack of clear policy direction and accountability for improving cultural awareness at government level. In SWSAHS staff attendance at training is poor and training is fragmented across the Area. The paper proposes actions to improve Aboriginal cultural awareness for health professionals including incorporating Aboriginal CAT into broader based Cross Cultural Training (CCT). What is known about the topic? Cross-cultural education programs for both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal health industry staff are poorly coordinated, delivered and evaluated. There is recognition that improvements in this area could bring real enhancements in service delivery and health outcomes. What does this paper add? The deficiencies in Aboriginal CAT programs in general are explored and specifically identified in one large NSW health area with a major urban Aboriginal population. This paper reviews CAT themes in the literature and evaluates the effectiveness of known programs. What are the implications for practitioners? The authors list a series of recommendations that have the potential to improve awareness of Aboriginal cultural issues to provide a basis for development of effective and comprehensive CAT programs to bring real improvements in service delivery.
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Broadfield, Kirstie, Glenn Dawes, and Mark David Chong. "Necropolitics and the violence of Indigenous incarceration." Decolonization of Criminology and Justice 3, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/dcj.v3i1.26.
Abstract:
Since the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, over thirty years ago, there have been over 400 Indigenous deaths in custody, with 28% of the Australian prison population identifying as Indigenous. Indigenous over-representation in the criminal justice system continues to be an unresolved issue despite varying attempts to reduce the high incidence of incarceration experienced by Indigenous Australians. This paper proposes a fresh approach to analysing the violence of Indigenous incarceration using the theory of necropolitics. The paper represents a critical discussion of a work-in-progress of how an analytical framework based on necropolitics has the potential to elevate the often-silenced voices of vulnerable populations, such as Indigenous Australians, within the criminal justice system. This is because the proposed study will present a multi-level analysis of the overt and covert forms of violence perpetrated against Indigenous Australians within the criminal justice system and unlock the potential of exposing the extent to which unequal relations of power contribute to these forms of violence. The significance of this research therefore lies in its capacity to provide policymakers with deeper insights into how such forms of violence impact upon and further disempower Indigenous Australians in the Australian criminal justice system.
41
Reid, Jo-Anne, Ninetta Santoro, Laurie Crawford, and Lee Simpson. "Talking Teacher Education: Factors Impacting on Teacher Education for Indigenous People." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 38, no. 1 (January 2009): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/s1326011100000582.
Abstract:
AbstractIn this paper we report the findings of research that has examined, from first-hand accounts, the career pathways of Indigenous Australians who have studied to become teachers. We focus on one key aspect of the larger study: the nature and experience of initial teacher education for Indigenous student teachers. Elsewhere we have reported on aspects of their subsequent working lives in teaching or related fields. We focus here on participants' talk about teacher education, particularly with reference to the factors that have impacted positively and negatively on their identity formation as “Indigenous” students and teachers. As a research collective that comprises Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal teacher educators, and in the context of increased emphasis on university access following the Federal Review of Higher Education, we argue that it is time for government, universities and schools to listen and learn from this talk. In particular, we highlight in our participants' accounts the persistence of three longstanding and interrelated factors that continue to impact on the success or inadequacy of teacher education for Aboriginal people i.e., the presence and nature of financial, emotional and academic support in university and school settings.
42
Durey, Angela, Kate Taylor, Dawn Bessarab, Marion Kickett, Sue Jones, Julie Hoffman, Helen Flavell, and Kim Scott. "‘Working Together’: An Intercultural Academic Leadership Programme to Build Health Science Educators’ Capacity to Teach Indigenous Health and Culture." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 46, no. 1 (June 10, 2016): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jie.2016.15.
Abstract:
Progress has been slow in improving health disparities between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (Indigenous) Australians and other Australians. While reasons for this are complex, delivering healthcare respectful of cultural differences is one approach to improving Indigenous health outcomes. This paper presents and evaluates an intercultural academic leadership programme developed to support tertiary educators teaching Indigenous health and culture prepare interdisciplinary students to work respectfully and appropriately as health professionals with Indigenous peoples. The programme acknowledges the impact of colonisation on Indigenous Australians and draws on theories of the intercultural space to inform reflection and discussion on Indigenous/non-Indigenous relations and their impact on healthcare. Furthermore, the programme encourages establishing a community of practice as a resource for educators. Evaluation indicated participants’ confidence to teach Indigenous content increased following the programme. Participants felt more able to create intercultural, interdisciplinary and interactive learning spaces that were inclusive and safe for students from all cultures. Participants learned skills to effectively facilitate and encourage students to grapple with the complexity of the intercultural space, often tense, uncertain and risky, to enable new understandings and positions to emerge that could better prepare graduates to work in Indigenous health contexts.
43
Roffee, James A. "Rhetoric, Aboriginal Australians and the Northern Territory Intervention: A Socio-legal Investigation into Pre-legislative Argumentation." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v5i1.285.
Abstract:
Presented within this article is a systematic discourse analysis of the arguments used by the then Australian Prime Minister and also the Minister for Indigenous Affairs in explaining and justifying the extensive and contentious intervention by the federal government into remote Northern Territory Aboriginal communities. The methods used within this article extend the socio-legal toolbox, providing a contextually appropriate, interdisciplinary methodology that analyses the speech act’s rhetorical properties. Although many academics use sound-bites of pre-legislative speech in order to support their claims, this analysis is concerned with investigating the contents of the speech acts in order to understand how the Prime Minister’s and Minister for Indigenous Affairs’ argumentations sought to achieve consensus to facilitate the enactment of legislation. Those seeking to understand legislative endeavours, policy makers and speech actors will find that paying structured attention to the rhetorical properties of speech acts yields opportunities to strengthen their insight. The analysis here indicates three features in the argumentation: the duality in the Prime Minister’s and Minister’s use of the Northern Territory Government’s Little Children are Sacred report; the failure to sufficiently detail the linkages between the Intervention and the measures combatting child sexual abuse; and the omission of recognition of Aboriginal agency and consultation.
44
Radke, Amelia, and Heather Douglas. "Indigenous Australians, Specialist Courts, and The Intergenerational Impacts of Child Removal in The Criminal Justice System." International Journal of Children’s Rights 28, no. 2 (June 17, 2020): 378–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02802005.
Abstract:
Murri Courts are a specialist criminal law practice that includes Elders and respected persons of the local Community Justice Group in the sentencing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander defendants. Drawing on an ethnographic study of two southeast Queensland Murri Courts, this article explores the impact of State ordered out-of-home care on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander defendants and their children. We show how Community Justice Groups and specialist courts help to address the intergenerational impacts of child protection interventions. The rights of Australian Indigenous peoples to enjoy, maintain, control, protect and develop their kinship ties is recognised under the Human Rights Act 2019 (Qld) and international human rights treaties. We suggest that policymakers and legislators should better recognise and support Community Justice Groups and specialist courts as they provide an important avenue for implementing the rights of Australian Indigenous peoples to recover and maintain their kinship ties.
45
Williams, Martin, and John Allan. "Reducing smoking in Australia: how to include Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 11, no. 2 (November 27, 2019): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v11.i2.6642.
Abstract:
Issue addressed: Australia has succeeded in lowering the overall prevalence of tobacco smoking in the last four decades and has enjoyed a worldwide reputation for innovative policy. However, this success has not extended to Indigenous Australians.
Method: Narrative review and critique of literature from government, public health, health promotion, marketing and communication on smoking cessation in Australia.
Main points: We first consider the history of government anti-smoking measures including legislation and communication initiatives including advertising and sponsorship bans, health warnings and ‘no smoking’ rules affecting anti-smoking norms, culminating in the banning of branding and the advent of tobacco plain packaging. We also review the effects of excise increases and smoking cessation aids such as quit lines and nicotine replacement therapy. For each type of intervention, both population-wide and those specifically directed at Indigenous people, we consider the probable reasons for the failure to reach Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people or alter their smoking patterns, and make suggestions for improvements in interventions and their evaluation.
Conclusion: The history of anti-smoking initiatives in Australia suggests that community-based health initiatives are likely to be more effective in addressing Indigenous people and helping smokers to quit.
46
Briscoe, Gordon. "Aboriginal Australian Identity: the historiography of relations between indigenous ethinic groups and other Australians, 1788 to 1988." History Workshop Journal 36, no. 1 (1993): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/36.1.133.
47
Zorzin, Nicolas. "Heritage Management and Aboriginal Australians: Relations in a Global, Neoliberal Economy—A Contemporary Case Study from Victoria." Archaeologies 10, no. 2 (August 2014): 132–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11759-014-9253-8.
48
Lloyd, Jane E., and Marilyn J. Wise. "Efficient funding: a path to improving Aboriginal healthcare in Australia?" Australian Health Review 34, no. 4 (2010): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah09760.
Abstract:
Objectives. To identify the factors that contribute to the under-resourcing of Aboriginal health and to explore the impact that funding arrangements have on the implementation of Aboriginal health policy. Design, settings and participants. Qualitative study based on 35 in-depth interviews with a purposive sample of frontline health professionals involved in health policy and service provision in the Northern Territory. Results. Participants described three factors that contributed to the under-resourcing of Aboriginal health: inefficient funding arrangements, mainstream programs being inappropriate for Aboriginal Australians, and competing interests determining the allocation of resources. Insufficient capacity within the healthcare system undermines the multilevel implementation process whereby organisations need to have the capacity to recognise new policy ideas, assess their relevance to their existing work and strategic plan and to be able to incorporate the relevant new ideas into day-to-day practice. Conclusion. Insufficient resources for Aboriginal health were found to be a barrier to implementing Aboriginal health policy. Inadequate resources result from the cumbersome allocation of funding rather than simply the amount of funding provided to Aboriginal healthcare. Monitoring government performance and ensuring the efficient allocation of funds would allow us to develop the delivery system for Aboriginal healthcare and therefore provide greater opportunities to capitalise on current interventions and future efforts. What is known about the topic? The extent to which Aboriginal health interventions are funded is variable, and the funding of the Aboriginal healthcare system is an important and topical issue. What does this paper add? The argument surrounding funding for Aboriginal health can be understood in several ways. Firstly, there is insufficient money being invested to address the need. By need we are referring to addressing community illness and injury as well as the need for a quality and accessible primary healthcare system. Secondly, there may be enough money being invested, but because of complicated and inflexible funding arrangements it is not being spent efficiently. Thirdly, there may be enough money invested, but not in effective interventions, and not in building the healthcare system, for example the local workforce. Finally, there may be enough money invested, but decisions about its distribution at the community level are not sufficiently in the control of communities. What are the implications for practitioners? To implement Aboriginal health policy, an effective delivery system is needed. Funding alone can be of limited value in achieving this aim over the long term unless it is used to build the capacity of a sustained delivery system for Aboriginal health care. Monitoring and facilitating government performance on how funds are invested, as well as the amount spent, is an important step towards the more effective implementation of Aboriginal health policy.
49
Milward, David. "Restless Spirits in the Land: Finding a Place in Canadian Law for Aboriginal Civil Disobedience." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 16, no. 1 (2009): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181109x394353.
Abstract:
AbstractThis article will argue that Aboriginal use of civil disobedience should be legalised within limited circumstances. Aboriginal peoples have constitutional rights under s. 35(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982. The Supreme Court of Canada decided in Haida that if a Canadian government possesses knowledge, real or constructive, that its actions may affect Aboriginal interests that are potentially protected under s. 35(1), that government then has duties towards the Aboriginal peoples concerned. These duties can include giving prior notice of the proposed action, or even interim accommodation of the Aboriginal interests pending final resolution. If the Canadian state undertakes an action that 1) threatens harm to or interference with an Aboriginal interest and 2) in a manner that reflects a failure to uphold its obligations under Haida and 3) the action is commenced before the interim hearing contemplated by Haida can be initiated, Aboriginal peoples should be allowed to have recourse to civil disobedience to block that action. The idea is that the action reflects a failure by the state to uphold the rule of law with respect to Aboriginal rights and therefore should disentitle the state from enforcing such action through criminal prosecution.
50
Probyn, Fiona. "The White Father: Denial, Paternalism and Community." Cultural Studies Review 9, no. 1 (September 13, 2013): 60–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v9i1.3584.
Abstract:
I argue that one of the reasons why the federal government did not listen is that to listen to these stories necessitates coming to an appreciation of how much the concept of ‘whiteness’ was/ is linked to the genocidal effects and paternalistic rhetoric of government policies regarding Aboriginal people. As I will go on to argue, in its refusal to apologise and in its casting of ‘mistakes’ into a dissociable past, the federal government seeks to maintain a particular view of whiteness that makes it possible to continue with an untroubled investment in it. I would like to revisit the archives and other texts in order to examine the story of the stolen generations from the perspective of an interrogation of whiteness. In particular, I would like to look at the role of the white fathers, both literally and figuratively in the form of government paternalism, with a view to counteracting the ongoing argument that it had ‘nothing to do with us or our parent’s generations’. I argue that dissociation from ‘bad white fathers’ and assimilation of ‘fellow Australians who are indigenous’ now forms the very conditions for Howard’s ‘community’.