Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Aboriginal Australian Government policy'
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1
Briskman, Linda 1947. "Aboriginal activism and the stolen generations : the story of SNAICC." Monash University, National Centre for Australian Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9293.
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Lapham, Angela. "From Papua to Western Australia : Middleton's implementation of Social Assimilation Policy, 1948-1962." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/270.
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In 1948, after twenty years in the Papuan administration, Stanley Middleton became the Western Australian Commissioner of Native Affairs. State and Federal governments at that time had a policy of social assimilation towards Aboriginal people, who were expected to live in the same manner as other Australians, accepting the same responsibilties, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs, hopes and loyalties. European civilization was seen as the pinnacle of development. Thus both giving Aboriginal people the opportunity to reach this pinnacle and believing they were equally capable of reaching this pinnacle was viewed as a progessive and humanitarian act. Aboriginal cultural beliefs and loyalties were not considered important, if they were recognized at all, because they were seen as primitive or as having being abandoned in favour of a Western lifestyle.
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Burridge, Nina. "The implementation of the policy of Reconciliation in NSW schools." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/25954.
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"November 2003".Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Australian Centre for Educational Studies, School of Education, 2004.
Bibliography: leaves 243-267.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation in the Australian socio-political context -- An explanation of the research method -- Meanings of Reconciliation in the school context -- Survey results -- The role of education in the Reconciliation process -- Obstacles and barriers to Reconciliation -- Teaching for Reconciliation: best practice in teaching resources -- Conclusion.
The research detailed in this thesis investigated how schools in NSW responded to the social and political project of Reconciliation at the end of the 1990s. -- The research used a multi-method research approach which included a survey instrument, focus group interviews and key informants interviews with Aboriginal and non Aboriginal teachers, elders and educators, to gather qualitative as well as quantitative data. Differing research methodologies, including Indigenous research paradigms, are presented and discussed within the context of this research. From the initial research questions a number of sub-questions emerged which included: -The exploration of meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation evident in both the school and wider communities contexts and the extent to which these meanings and perspectives were transposed from the community to the school sector. -The perceived level of support for Reconciliation in school communities and what factors impacted on this level of support. -Responses of school communities to Reconciliation in terms of school programs and teaching strategies including factors which enhanced the teaching of Reconciliation issues in the classroom and factors which acted as barriers. -- Firstly in order to provide the context for the research study, the thesis provides a brief historical overview of the creation of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation. It then builds a framework through which the discourses of Reconciliation are presented and deconstructed. These various meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation are placed within a linear spectrum of typologies, from 'hard', 'genuine' or 'substantive' Reconciliation advocated by the Left, comprising a strong social justice agenda, first nation rights and compensation for past injustices, to the assimiliationist typologies desired by members of the Right which suggest that Reconciliation is best achieved through the total integration of Aboriginal people into the mainstream community, with Aboriginal people accepting the reality of their dispossession. -- In between these two extremes lie degrees of interpretations of what constitutes Reconciliation, including John Howard's current Federal Government interpretation of 'practical' Reconciliation. In this context "Left" and "Right" are defined less by political ideological lines of the Labor and Liberal parties than by attitudes to human rights and social justice. Secondly, and within the socio-political context presented above, the thesis reports on research conducted with Indigenous and non Indigenous educators, students and elders in the context of the NSW school system to decipher meanings and perspectives on Reconciliation as reflected in that sector. It then makes comparisons with research conducted on behalf of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation during the 1990s on attitudes to Reconciliation in the community. Perceived differences are analysed and discussed.
The research further explores how schools approached the teaching of Reconciliation through a series of survey questions designed to document the types of activities undertaken by the schools with Reconciliation as the main aim. -- Research findings indicated that while both the community at large and the education community are overwhelmingly supportive of Reconciliation, both as a concept and as a government policy, when questioned further as to the depth and details of this commitment to Reconciliation and the extent to which they may be supportive of the 'hard' issues of Reconciliation, their views and level of support were more wide ranging and deflective. -- Findings indicated that, in general, educators have a more multi-layered understanding of the issues related to Reconciliation than the general community, and a proportion of them do articulate more clearly those harder, more controversial aspects of the Reconciliation process (eg just compensation, land and sea rights, customary laws). However, they are in the main, unsure of its meaning beyond the 'soft' symbolic acts and gatherings which occur in schools. In the late 1990s, when Reconciliation was at the forefront of the national agenda, research findings indicate that while schools were organising cultural and curriculum activities in their teaching of Indigenous history or Aboriginal studies - they did not specifically focus on Reconciliation in their teaching programs as an issue in the community. Teachers did not have a clearly defined view of what Reconciliation entailed and schools were not teaching about Reconciliation directly within their curriculum programs. -- The research also sought to identify facotrs which acted as enhancers of a Reconciliation program in schools and factors which were seen as barriers. Research findings clearly pointed to community and parental attitudes as important barriers with time and an overcrowded curriculum as further barriers to the implementation of teaching programs. Factors which promoted Reconciliation in schools often related to human agency and human relationships such as supportive executive leadership, the work of committed teachers and a responsive staff and community.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xvi, 286 leaves ill
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Aldrich, Rosemary Public Health & Community Medicine Faculty of Medicine UNSW. "Flesh-coloured bandaids: politics, discourse, policy and the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Public Health and Community Medicine, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/27276.
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This thesis concerns the relationship between ideology, values, beliefs, politics, language, discourses, public policy and health outcomes. By examining the origins of federal health policy concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 I have explored the idea that the way a problem is constructed through language determines solutions enacted to solve that problem, and subsequent outcomes. Despite three decades of federal policy activity Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children born at the start of the 21st Century could expect to live almost 20 years less than non-Indigenous Australians. Explanations for the gap include that the colonial legacy of dispossession and disease continues to wreak social havoc and that both health policy and structures for health services have been fundamentally flawed. The research described in this thesis focuses on the role of senior Federal politicians in the health policy process. The research is grounded in theory which suggests that the values and beliefs of decision makers are perpetuated through language. Using critical discourse analysis the following hypotheses were tested: 1. That an examination of the language of Federal politicians responsible for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples over three decades would reveal their beliefs, values and discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 2. That the discourses of the Federal politicians contributed to policy discourses and frames in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment, and 3. That there is a relationship between the policy discourses of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment and health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. The hypotheses were proven. I concluded that there was a relationship between the publicly-expressed values and beliefs of politicians responsible for health, subsequent health policy and resulting health outcomes. However, a model in which theories of discourse, social constructions of people and problems, policy development and organisational decision-making were integrated did not adequately explain the findings. I developed the concept of "policy imagination" to explain the discrete mechanism by which ideology, politics, policy and health were related. My research suggests that the ideology and values which drove decision-making by Federal politicians responsible for the health of all Australians contributed to the lack of population-wide improvement in health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the late 20th Century.
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Parsons, Meg. "Spaces of Disease: the creation and management of Aboriginal health and disease in Queensland 1900-1970." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5572.
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Doctor of Philosophy(PhD)Indigenous health is one of the most pressing issues confronting contemporary Australian society. In recent years government officials, medical practitioners, and media commentators have repeatedly drawn attention to the vast discrepancies in health outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However a comprehensive discussion of Aboriginal health is often hampered by a lack of historical analysis. Accordingly this thesis is a historical response to the current Aboriginal health crisis and examines the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal bodies in Queensland during the early to mid twentieth century. Drawing upon a wide range of archival sources, including government correspondence, medical records, personal diaries and letters, maps and photographs, I examine how the exclusion of Aboriginal people from white society contributed to the creation of racially segregated medical institutions. I examine four such government-run institutions, which catered for Aboriginal health and disease during the period 1900-1970. The four institutions I examine – Barambah Aboriginal Settlement, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Fantome Island leprosarium – constituted the essence of the Queensland Government’s Aboriginal health policies throughout this time period. The Queensland Government’s health policies and procedures signified more than a benevolent interest in Aboriginal health, and were linked with Aboriginal (racial) management strategies. Popular perceptions of Aborigines as immoral and diseased directly affected the nature and focus of government health services to Aboriginal people. In particular the Chief Protector of Aboriginals Office’s uneven allocation of resources to medical segregation facilities and disease controls, at the expense of other more pressing health issues, specifically nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child health, materially contributed to Aboriginal ill health. This thesis explores the purpose and rationales, which informed the provision of health services to Aboriginal people. The Queensland Government officials responsible for Aboriginal health, unlike the medical authorities involved in the management of white health, did not labour under the task of ensuring the liberty of their subjects but rather were empowered to employ coercive technologies long since abandoned in the wider medical culture. This particularly evident in the Queensland Government’s unwillingness to relinquish or lessen its control over diseased Aboriginal bodies and the continuation of its Aboriginal-only medical isolation facilities in the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when medical professionals and government officials throughout Australia were almost universally renouncing institutional medical solutions in favour of more community-based approaches to ill health and diseases, the Queensland Government was pushing for the creation of new, and the continuation of existing, medical segregation facilities for Aboriginal patients. In Queensland the management of health involved inherently spatialised and racialised practices. However spaces of Aboriginal segregation did not arise out of an uncomplicated or consistent rationale of racial segregation. Rather the micro-histories of Fantome Island leprosarium, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Barambah Aboriginal Settlement demonstrate that competing logics of disease quarantine, reform, punishment and race management all influenced the ways in which the Government chose to categorise, situate and manage Aboriginal people (their bodies, health and diseases). Evidence that the enterprise of public health was, and still is, closely aligned with the governance of populations.
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Ingelbrecht, Suzanne. "Sorry : a play in two acts ; Shame and apology in the nation-state : reflections and remembrance ; We're ready (short story)." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2012. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/491.
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"Sorry" is a play in two acts, exploring how collective memory of the past, including traumatic memory of being taken from one's family, affects the present in complex and surprising ways. The Stolen Generations' episode of Australian history, when mixed heritage Aboriginal Australians were taken from their families as a result of governmental policy, casts its shadow over four generations of Almadi Paice Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage family members. Against a thematic backdrop of shame, apology and (hoped for) forgiveness, the 'living' family members struggle for empowerment and agency against the forces of government bureaucracy, the Law and their own emotional demons.
"Shame and Apology in the Nation-State: Reflections and Remembrance" is an exegesis which explores theoretical concepts related to collective memory, shame, performative apology and forgiveness, interlinked with Jan Patočka's notion of individual responsibility towards action. Using reciprocal interview material with a number of Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage participants, who have either had direct experience of being "stolen" or who are related to "stolen" family members, this exegesis explores alternative modes of remembering their past and present in creative art works. In addition, I theorise that in our contemporary "age of apology" political apology to particular wronged groups of national communities may be problematic not only for their ubiquity and their tendency to alibi but because they do not address other important issues such as reparation and guarantees against repetition; nor do they deny the sovereignty of the nation-state apparatus to ‘do’ apology in a manner and at a time of its own choosing. The exegesis explores the importance of national commemoration, such as ANZAC Day, in promoting national collective memory, and theorises that a collective annual commemoration on behalf of the nation’s "stolen" people would be a much more compelling reconciliatory act than a single apology by a particular prime minister. My short story, "We’re Ready", which immediately follows the exegesis is my creative attempt to demonstrate the towards action and towards national reconciliation gestured by annual commemorative performance.
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Prout, Sarah. "Security and belonging reconceptualising Aboriginal spatial mobilities in Yamatji country, Western Australia /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/23030.
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"December 2006".Thesis (PhD) -- Macquarie University, Division of Environmental and Life Sciences, Department of Human Geography, 2007.
Bibliography: p. 284-307.
Introduction -- Case-study area profile and methodology -- A walkabout race?: contemporary Aboriginal mobilities in Yamatji country -- State service provision and Aboriginal mobilities -- Security and belonging: re-conceptualising Aboriginal mobilities -- Security and belonging and the mainstream economy -- The ties that bind: negotiating security and belonging through family -- Conclusion.
This dissertation explores contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices in Yamatji country, Western Australia, within the context of rural service provision by the State government. The central themes with which it engages are a) historical and contemporary conceptualisations of Aboriginal spatialities; b) the lived experiences of Aboriginal mobilities in the region; and c) the dialectical, and often contentious, relationship between Aboriginal spatial practices and public health, housing, and education services. Drawing primarily on a range of field interviews, the thesis opens up a discursive space for examining the cultural content and hidden assumptions in constructions of 'appropriate' models of spatial mobility. In taking a policy-oriented focus, it argues that the appropriate provision of basic government services requires a shift away from overly simplistic assumptions and discourses of Aboriginal mobility. Until the often subtle practices of rendering particular Aboriginal mobilities as irrational, deviant, and/or mysterious are challenged and replaced, deep-colonising practices in rural and remote Australia will persist. --The thesis reconceptualises contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices in Yamatji country based upon an examination of dynamics and circumstances that undergird Aboriginal mobilities in the region. With this empirical focus, it argues that Aboriginal spatial practices are fashioned by the processes of procuring, cultivating and contesting a sense of security and belonging. Case study material presented suggests that two primary considerations inform these processes. A post-settlement history of contested alienation from family and country (both sources from which belonging and security were traditionally derived), and a changing engagement with mainstream social and economic institutions, have produced a context in which security and belonging are iteratively derived from a number of sources. Contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices therefore take a complex variety of forms. The thesis concludes that adopting the framework of security and belonging for interpreting contemporary Aboriginal mobilities provides a starting point for engaging more effectively and intentionally with dynamic Aboriginal spatial practices in service delivery policy and practice.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
x, 320 p. ill., maps
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au, alan charlton@audit wa gov, and Alan David Charlton. "A.O. Neville, the 'destiny of the race', and race thinking in the 1930s." Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20090903.85539.
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The notion of 'race' was central to the thinking about and administration of Aboriginal affairs in the 1930s, but its meaning was fluid. In many respects Auber Octavius Neville, senior bureaucrat in Western Australia from 1915-1940 and a national figure in Aboriginal affairs during that period, was emblematic of the race thinking of the period. This study looks at the Western Australian Moseley Royal Commission of 1934, the Western Australian Parliamentary debates and legislation of 1929 and 1936, the Canberra Conference of Commonwealth and State Aboriginal Authorities in 1937, and Neville's 1947 book, Australia's Coloured Minority - for their exemplification of race thinking. Basic incompatibilities and inconsistencies, as evidenced in Neville's thinking and action across his career, were common in the period. Neville's central administrative desire was to force biological absorption to its ultimate conclusion - the 'Destiny' of Aborigines of the part descent was to be absorbed biologically into the white community. He used scientific support to 'prove' the 'safety' of this strategy. The central premise of Neville's race thinking, however, was that some form of racial essentialism would always negatively impact upon the 'absorption' of Aborigines into white Australia. Other major figures differed with Neville over the suitability of absorption, notably Queensland Chief Protector, J. W. Bleakley, but still believed in some essential 'Aboriginal-ness'. The thesis also traces Neville's attempts to dominate Aboriginal affairs both in the construction of the 'problem' and in proclaiming solutions. Neville was absolutely certain that his solution was the only way forward. This certainty, when added to the inconsistent notions of race that informed his conceptualisation of the 'problem', produced policies and practices of insurmountable internal contradictions that have profoundly affected generations of Aborigines.
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Babidge, Sally. "Family affairs an historical anthropology of state practice and Aboriginal agency in a rural town, North Queensland /." Click here for electronic access to document: http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/942, 2004. http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/942.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - James Cook University, 2004.Thesis submitted by Sally Marie Babidge, BA (Hons) UWA June 2004, for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Anthropology, Archaeology and Sociology, James Cook University. Bibliography: leaves 283-303.
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Luker, Trish, and LukerT@law anu edu au. "THE RHETORIC OF RECONCILIATION: EVIDENCE AND JUDICIAL SUBJECTIVITY IN CUBILLO v COMMONWEALTH." La Trobe University. School of Law, 2006. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20080305.105209.
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In August 2000, Justice O�Loughlin of the Federal Court of Australia handed down the decision in Cubillo v Commonwealth in which Lorna Cubillo and Peter Gunner took action against the Commonwealth Government, arguing that it was vicariously liable for their removal from their families and communities as children and subsequent detentions in the Northern Territory during the 1940s and 1950s. The case is the landmark decision in relation to legal action taken by members of the Stolen Generations.
Using the decision in Cubillo as a key site of contestation, my thesis provides a critique of legal positivism as the dominant jurisprudential discourse operating within the Anglo-Australian legal system. I argue that the function of legal positivism as the principal paradigm and source of authority for the decision serves to ensure that the debate concerning reconciliation in Australia operates rhetorically to maintain whiteness at the centre of political and discursive power. Specifically concerned with the performative function of legal discourse, the thesis is an interrogation of the interface of law and language, of rhetoric, and the semiotics of legal discourse.
The dominant theory of evidence law is a rationalist and empiricist epistemology in which oral testimony and documentary evidence are regarded as mediating the relationship between proof and truth. I argue that by attributing primacy to principles of rationality, objectivity and narrative coherence, and by privileging that which is visually represented, the decision serves an ideological purpose which diminishes the significance of race in the construction of knowledge.
Legal positivism identifies the knowing subject and the object of knowledge as discrete entities. However, I argue that in Cubillo, Justice O�Loughlin inscribes himself into the text of the judgment and in doing so, reveals the way in which textual and corporeal specificities undermine the pretence of objective judgment and therefore the source of judicial authority.
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Walker, Roz. "Transformative strategies in Indigenous education a study of decolonisation and positive social change." Click here for electronic access, 2004. http://adt.caul.edu.au/homesearch/get/?mode=advanced&format=summary&nratt=2&combiner0=and&op0=ss&att1=DC.Identifier&combiner1=and&op1=-sw&prevquery=OR%28REL%28SS%3BDC.Identifier%3Buws.edu.au%29%2CREL%28WD%3BDC.Relation%3BNUWS%29%29&att0=DC.Title&val0=Transformative+strategies+in+indigenous+education+&val1=NBD%3A.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2004.Title from electronic document (viewed 15/6/10) Presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Western Sydney, 2004. Includes bibliography.
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Macoun, Alissa. "Aboriginality and the Northern Territory intervention." Thesis, University of Queensland, 2012. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/65357/1/Macoun_phd_finalthesis.pdf.
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This thesis examines the construction of Aboriginality in recent public policy reasoning through identifying representations deployed by architects and supporters of the Commonwealth’s 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response (the intervention).
Debate about the Northern Territory intervention was explicitly situated in relation to a range of ideas about appropriate Government policy towards Indigenous people, and particularly about the nature, role, status, value and future of Aboriginality and of Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders. This project involves analysis of constructions of Aboriginality deployed in texts created and circulated to explain and justify the policy program. The aim of the project is to identify the ideas about Aboriginality deployed by the intervention’s architects and supporters, and to examine the effects and implications of these discourses for political relationships between Indigenous people and settlers in Australia.
This thesis will argue that advocates of the Northern Territory intervention construct Aboriginality in a range of important ways that reassert and reinforce the legitimacy of the settler colonial order and the project of Australian nationhood, and operate to limit Aboriginal claims.
Specifically, it is argued that in linking Aboriginality to the abuse of Aboriginal children, the intervention’s advocates and supporters establish a political debate about the nature and future of Aboriginality within a discursive terrain in which the authority and perspectives of Indigenous people are problematised. Aboriginality is constructed in this process as both temporally and spatially separated from settler society, and in need of coercive integration into mainstream economic and political arrangements.
Aboriginality is depicted by settler advocates of intervention as an anachronism, with Aboriginal people and cultures understood as primitive and/or savage precursors to settlers who are represented as modern and civilised. As such, the communities seen as the authentic home or location of Aboriginality represent a threat to Aboriginal children as well as to settlers. These constructions function to obscure the violence of the settler order, provide justification or moral rehabilitation for the colonising project, and reassert the sovereignty of the settler state. The resolution offered by the intervention’s advocates is a performance or enactment of settler sovereignty, representing a claim over and through both the territory of Aboriginal people and the discursive terrain of nationhood.
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McMaster, Don. "Detention, deterrence, discrimination : Australian refugee policy /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm167.pdf.
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Worthy, Mary, and n/a. "An historical examination of the negotiation processes for a treaty between Aboriginal people and the Australian government set within the political context." University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1988. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061110.170642.
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Lilly, Kara. "Health in All Policies in Australian Local Government: A policy process perspective." Thesis, Curtin University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/88825.
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This study explored the enabling and challenging factors within the policymaking environment in relation to Health in All Policies in Australian local government, through the theoretical lens of political science. The study adopted an explanatory, sequential mixed method design, across two phases. Nineteen interconnected factors were found to influence the policymaking environment. The application of political science frameworks allowed a meaningful discourse to devise recommendations for policy, practice and future research.
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Di, Francesco Michael Francis, and not available. "Program Evaluation and Policy Management in Australian Central Agencies." The Australian National University. Public Policy Program, 1997. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20010726.162328.
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Of the many components of reform to Australian government administration in the
1980s, the introduction of systematic program evaluation is perhaps one of the least
examined. This thesis seeks to assess the Federal Labor Government's evaluation
strategy as an instrument for enhancing what are here termed the policy management
capacities of central agencies. It proceeds in two steps. First, the thesis traces in detail
the development of program evaluation policy in Australian federal government from
the effectiveness reviews of the Coombs Report of 1976 to the current evaluation
strategy, and argues that, despite competing purposes for it, evaluation was intended
primarily to serve decision making in central government. This policy aim was
cemented by the economic crisis of the mid 1980s and framed around budgetary issues
by its steward, the Department of Finance. Second, in order to assess the impact of the
evaluation strategy, the thesis develops a framework for analysing program evaluation
as one instrument for strengthening the core policy management functions of central
agencies. In this context, policy management is essentially a coordination task. The
contribution of evaluation to two aspects of policy management-resource
coordination, and policy development and coordination-is examined. The findings
confirm that attempts to formalise evaluation processes have had a variable impact-
central budgetary processes remain dependent on relatively informal assessment
procedures, although recent attempts to enhance policy coordination through the
evaluation of policy advising processes have proved potentially to be more influential.
In conclusion, the thesis argues that the evaluation strategy represented a credible
attempt to better inform policy making in central government, but suffered for want of
clear policy design and firm execution that resulted in only a marginal impact on these
processes.
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Pyle, Elizabeth Ann. "Problematising the wickedness of 'disadvantage' in Australian Indigenous affairs policy." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/122956/1/Elizabeth_Pyle_Thesis.pdf.
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In this thesis 'Indigenous disadvantage' is examined through historical and contemporary discourses, including as a 'wicked' or intractable problem, within Australian Indigenous Affairs policy. Policies, programs and the views of policy actors working in Australian Indigenous Affairs were interrogated through themes of deficit and strength-based discourses. It is argued in this thesis that strength-based discourses which include genuine engagement and co-design with Indigenous Australians, can provide more meaningful and inclusive policy outcomes by challenging the current power structures that exclude and marginalise Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islander people in policy development and implementation.
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Paul, David. "Casting shadows and struggling for control : silence, resistance and negotiation in Australian Aboriginal health." University of Western Australia. School of Primary, Aboriginal and Rural Health Care, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0015.
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Self determination has been recognised as a basic human right both internationally and, to an extent, locally, but it is yet to be fully realised for Aboriginal Peoples in Australia. The assertion of Aboriginal community control in Aboriginal health has been at the forefront of Aboriginal peoples' advocacy for self determination for more than thirty years. Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services and their representative organisations have been the site of considerable resistance and contestation in the struggles involved in trying to improve Aboriginal health experiences. Drawing on some of these experiences I explore the apparent inability of policy and decision makers to listen to systematic voices calling for change from the Aboriginal Community Controlled Health sector. It is government inability to act more fully on clear and repeated messages that is a source of much disquiet within representative Aboriginal organisations. Such disquiet is grounded in a belief that colonial notions continue to influence decision making at policy, practice and research levels resulting in a significant impediment to the realisation of self determination and associated human rights in Aboriginal health matters and Aboriginal Affairs more broadly.
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Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.
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Malbon, Justin Law Faculty of Law UNSW. "Indigenous rights under the Australian constitution : a reconciliation perspective." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Law, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19044.
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This thesis examines the possibilities for building a reconciliatory jurisprudence for the protection of indigenous rights under the Australian Constitution. The thesis first examines what could be meant by the term ???reconciliation??? in a legal context and argues that it requires (1) acknowledgement of and atonement for past wrongdoing, (2) the provision of recompense, and (3) the establishment of legal and constitutional structures designed to ensure that similar wrongs are not repeated in the future. The thesis focuses on the last of these three requirements. It is further argued that developing a reconciliatory jurisprudence first requires the courts to free themselves from the dominant paradigm of strict positivism so that they are liberated to pay due regard to questions of morality. Given this framework, the thesis then sets out to examine the purpose and scope of the race power (section 51(xxvi)) of the Australian Constitution, with particular regard to the case of Kartinyeri v Commonwealth in which the High Court directly considered the power. The thesis concludes that the majority of the Court had not, for various reasons, properly considered the nature of the power. An appropriate ruling, it is argued, should find that the power does not enable Parliament to discriminate adversely against racial minorities. The thesis then proceeds to consider whether there are implied terms under the Constitution that protect fundamental rights. It is argued that these rights are indeed protected because the Constitution is based upon the rule of law. In addition constitutional provisions are to be interpreted subject to the presumption that its terms are not to be understood as undermining fundamental rights unless a constitutional provision expressly states otherwise. The thesis also considers whether there is an implied right to equality under the Constitution. The conclusion drawn is that such a right exists and that it is both procedural and substantive in nature.
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Fleming, Brian James. "The social gradient in health : trends in C20th ideas, Australian Health Policy 1970-1998, and a health equity policy evaluation of Australian aged care planning /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf5971.pdf.
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Furtado, Michael Leonard. "Funding Australian Catholic schools for the common good in new times : policy contexts, policy participants and theoretical perspectives /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2001. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16295.pdf.
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McLean, Kathleen Ann 1952. "Culture, commerce and ambivalence : a study of Australian federal government intervention in book publishing." Monash University, National Centre for Australian Studies, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7566.
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Ramsay, Janet Kay. "The Making of Domestic Violence Policy by the Australian Commonwealth Government and the Government of the State of New South Wales between 1970 and 1985: An Analytical Narrative of Feminist Policy Activism." University of Sydney. Discipline of Government and International Relations, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/724.
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This thesis is a study of the processes by which domestic violence, as framed by Australian feminists from the early 1970s, was inserted into the policy agenda of governments, and developed into a comprehensive body of policy. The thesis covers the period between 1970 and 1985. Acknowledging the federal nature of the Australian polity, it examines these processes that unfolded within both the Australian Commonwealth government and the government of New South Wales. The thesis provides a political history of domestic violence policy making in the identified period. It shows that policy responses to women escaping violent partners included both immediate measures (such as protection and justice strategies) and more long-term measures to attempt to secure the conditions for women�s financial, legal and personal autonomy. The elements found to have been most significant in shaping the development of such policies were the roles and identities of the participant players, including the driving role of the women suffering partner violence; the lack of contest in the early stages of policy achievement with established professionals in related fields; the uniquely �hybrid� role and positioning of refuge feminists; and the degree of integration and continuity which characterised the domestic violence policy process. The thesis also investigates the relationship between domestic violence policy making and the broader women�s policy enterprise. It demonstrates the care with which those involved avoided the dangers of sensationalism and tokenism while striving for an appropriate policy response. The thesis pays particular attention to the circumstances in which feminists in the early 1970s experienced their �discovery� of domestic violence. It demonstrates the significance of social and economic circumstances in shaping the political options of feminists in the thesis period and those preceding it, and the extent to which policy possibilities are shaped by representations of the nature and functions of policy itself. Finally, the thesis investigates the relationship between the strategic processes undertaken and the policy outcomes produced, finding that policies achieved in the thesis period complemented and in some ways transcended accepted policy practice in the relevant period.
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Minami, Masaki. "The role and policy of the South Australian Government in the development of economic ties with Asian nations /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm663.pdf.
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Ramsay, Janet. "The making of domestic violence policy by the Australian Commonwealth Government and the Government of the State of New South Wales between 1970 and 1985 an analytical narrative of feminist policy activism /." Connect to full text, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/724.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.Title from title screen (viewed 21 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Discipline of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts. Degree awarded 2005; thesis submitted 2004. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Muldoon, Paul (Paul Alexander) 1966. "Under the eye of the master : the colonisation of aboriginality, 1770-1870." Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 1998. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8552.
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Stenhouse, Renae N. "Ecology and management of bushland in Australian cities." University of Western Australia. School of Earth and Geographical Sciences, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0027.
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[Truncated abstract] Native vegetation (bushland) in urban areas remains in small, isolated patches embedded within a matrix of human-dominated land uses. Bushlands in urban areas have high biodiversity conservation and social values, and there has been a local-level movement towards protecting and managing urban bushlands in Australia. This thesis aims to test principles, theories and concepts relating to the ecology and management of bushland fragments in Australian cities ... A commonly used qualitative scale was compared with an ecologically based, quantitative technique developed in the research. The qualitative scale was found to be a reliable proxy for assessing vegetation condition, while also being more user-friendly for community groups and other bushland managers. The human-caused disturbances and weed cover in urban bushlands indicate a need for management intervention. Local government has an important role in local biodiversity management, yet there has been little research on this topic ... Positive partnerships developed where local governments have taken a ‘contract model’ approach to volunteer coordination, have a number of expectations of volunteer groups, and provide the groups with relatively high level of assistance. Also important is a local government that supports, respects, trusts and communicates with the community group, and recognises volunteers’ skills, knowledge and contributions. With increased resources allocated to local government bushland management and conservation, and coordination with community groups, the full potential of local bushland management would be realised.
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Turner, Patricia, and n/a. "From paternalism to participation : the role of the Commonwealth in the administration of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander affairs policy." University of Canberra. Administrative Studies, 1994. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20061109.161356.
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Vujcich, Daniel Ljubomir. "Where there is no evidence, and where evidence is not enough : an analysis of policy-making to reduce the prevalence of Australian indigenous smoking." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f2d8fbe9-b506-4747-993a-0657cb1df7bf.
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Background: Evidence-based policy making (EBPM) has become an article of faith. While critiques have begun to emerge, they are predominately based on theory or opinion. This thesis uses the 2008 case study of tobacco control policy making for Indigenous Australians to analyse empirically the concept of EBPM. Research questions: (1) How, if at all, did the Government use evidence in Indigenous tobacco control policy making? (2) What were the facilitators of and barriers to the use of evidence? (3) Does the case study augment or challenge the apparent inviolability of EBPM? Methods: Data were collected through: (1) a review of primary documents largely obtained under the Freedom of Information Act 1982; and (2) interviews with senior politicians, senior bureaucrats, government advisors, Indigenous health advocates and academics. Results: Historically, Indigenous smoking was not problematised because Indigenous people faced other urgent health/social problems and smoking was considered a coping mechanism. High prevalence data acquired salience in 2007/08 in the context of a campaign to reduce disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous health outcomes. Ensuing policy proposals were based on recommendations from literature reviews, but evidence contained in those reviews was weak; notwithstanding this, the proposals were adopted. Historical experiences led policy makers to give special weight to proposals supported by Indigenous stakeholders. Moreover, the perceived urgency of the problem was cited to justify a trial-and-evaluate approach. Conclusion: While the policies were not based on quality evidence, their formulation/adoption was neither irrational nor reckless. Rather, the process was a justifiable response to a pressing problem affecting a population for which barriers existed to data collection, and historical experiences meant that evidence was not the only determinant of policy success. The thesis proposes a more nuanced appraoch to conceptualising EBPM wherein evidence is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for policy. The approach recognises that rigorous evidence is always desirable but that, where circumstances affect the ability of such research being conducted, consideration must be given to acting on the basis of other knowledge (e.g. expert opinion, small-scale studies). Such an approach is justifiable where: (1) inaction is likely to lead to new/continued harm; and (2) there is little/no prospect of the intervention causing additional harm. Under this approach, non-evidentiary considerations (e.g. community acceptability) must be taken into account.
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Moran, Anthony F. "Imagining the Australian nation settler- nationalism and Aboriginality /." Click here for electronic access to document, 1999. http://dtl.unimelb.edu.au/R/U1L2H28HB18MC24L4CL743PII8DUPUQSDYN9NGAGLBXL8YA8BU-00451?func=results-jump-full&set_entry=000013.
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Sapinski, Tania Helen. "Language use and language attitudes in a rural South Australian community / presented by Tania H. Sapinski." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/108270.
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Argues the importance of considering non-linguistic factors in understanding the community situation, the most important of these non-linguistic factors being the role of peoples attitudes. Outlines the situation in the target community. Discusses language attitude research and compares attitudes to language varieties around the world. Illustrates Australian Governmental attitudes through their past and present policies in dealing with Indigenous Australians.Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of European Studies, 1999?
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Brady, Margaret Ann. "Difference and indifference : Australian policy and practice in indigenous substance abuse." Phd thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109778.
Full textAbstract:
This research addresses the ways in which alcohol problems among indigenous
Australians have been conceptualised and acted upon by the people themselves, and by
government policy-makers. The thesis considers two main questions. First, how has it
eventuated that Aborigines have become excluded from national and international
innovation in the management of drug and alcohol problems? Second, are mainstream
models of best practice for alcohol intervention, particularly secondary prevention
activities, acceptable to and feasible for Aboriginal people?
I examine how the growth of the indigenous rights movement came to underpin
assertions of cultural difference from other Australians, which in turn influenced the
growth of separate community-controlled health and other organisations. National policymakers
found it difficult to deal with demands for the recognition of cultural difference
through the provision of special funds and separate services. As a result of this increased
sensitivity, national policies often gave inadequate consideration to indigenous issues.
Alcohol problems in particular received little expert attention, and the division of
community-controlled alcohol programs from health services for Aborigines exacerbated
these shortcomings. Aboriginal approaches to alcohol were influenced by a small group
of charismatic activists who pursued a unitary position and remained insulated from the
changes in policy and practice available to the wider population. While the health
services came to be influenced by an all encompassing 'Aboriginal' definition of health -
associated with the broad WHO definition of health emanating from the Alma-Ata
Declaration of 1978 - alcohol programs maintained a narrow, disease-based focus.
Cultural difference is presented throughout the thesis as being a crucial issue, and it is
analysed as a political construct with continuing salience in the face of the unequal
distribution of resources. The constructions of difference are discussed and contested in
the areas of culture and healing, in health, and in approaches to alcohol problems. I
demonstrate that the politics of difference has masked the fact that many Aboriginal
dependent drinkers manage to give up drinking, either on their own or with the
encouragement of a health professional, just as do others in the population. The politics
of difference is also implicated in the rejection of innovative and varied approaches to
alcohol problems emanating from mainstream treatment research. This has deprived
Aboriginal people experiencing serious alcohol problems of access to a range of
interventions which could assist them much earlier in their drinking careers. Some
relevant approaches include brief and opportunistic interventions delivered by health
professionals, which are found to be relevant and feasible for use with Aboriginal clients
of primary health care services.
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Robinson, Scott. "Aboriginal Embassy, 1972." Master's thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110278.
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The Aboriginal Embassy of 1972 is discussed in
the thesis as a climax to changes in Aboriginal political
consciousness and government policy over the decade which
preceded its nine months of protest activity. The adoption of
creative, non-violent methods of protest by the Embassy is
detailed in contrast with other options considered during the
period.
Although the question of the appropriate means
of protest, and the efficacy of protest action in a democracy are
the essential questions addressed by the thesis, an analysis of the
ideology of land rights is a secondary area of investigation. The
demand for land rights is viewed here as a relatively non-specific,
yet powerful, set of ideas which assumed an antithetical position
to the government's policy of assimilation.
Despite failure to achieve many of its aims, the
Embassy is viewed as successful in having placed the land rights
issue on the agenda of the major Australian political parties. The
Embassy, it is concluded, is an example of the successful use of
symbolic protest, and the relative accomplishment of an
indigenous minority in attracting the attention of, and demanding
redress from, the dominant culture.
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Kaplan-Myrth, Nili. "Hard Yakka : a study of the community-government relations that shape Australian Aboriginal health policy and politics /." 2003. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdlink?did=765029031&Fmt=7&clientId%20=43258&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Yale University, 2004.Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Includes bibliography. Preview available online at: http://proquest.umi.com/pqdlink?did=765029031&Fmt=7&clientId%20=43258&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence." 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj522.pdf.
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"September 2002." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366) Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.
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Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence / Stephen Jenkins." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21932.
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"September 2002."Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366)
vii, 366 leaves ; 30 cm.
Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 2002
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Jago, Jacqueline. "Genocide, culture, law: aboriginal child removals in Australia and Canada." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/8157.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis makes the legal argument that certain histories of aboriginal child
removals in Canada and Australia, that is, the residential school experience in Canada, and
the program of child institutionalization in Australia, meet the definition of 'genocide' in
Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
My primary focus is on that Convention's requirement that an act be committed with an
"intent to destroy a group". My first concern in formulating legal argument around the
Convention's intent requirement is to offer a theory of the legal subject implicit in legal
liberalism. Legal liberalism privileges the individual, and individual responsibility, in order
to underscore its founding premises of freedom and equality. The intentionality of the
subject in this framework is a function of the individual, and not the wider cultural and
historical conditions in which the subject exists. Using a historical socio-legal approach, I
attempt to develop a framework of legal subjectivity and legal intent which reveals rather
than suppresses the cultural forces at work in the production of an intent to genocide.
Having reacquainted the subject with the universe beyond the individual, I move
on with the first limb of my legal argument around intent in the Genocide Convention to
address the systemic means through which child removal policy was developed and
enforced. In this, I confront two difficulties: firstly, the difficulty of locating in any single person
an intent to commit, and hence responsibility for, genocide; and secondly, the
corresponding difficulty of finding that a system intended an action in the legal sense. I
respond to both of these difficulties by arguing for a notion of legal subjectivity which
comprehends organisations, and correspondingly a notion of intent which is responsive
(both on an individual and an organisational level) to systematically instituted crimes such
as genocide.
The second limb of my argument around intent confronts the defence of
benevolent intent. In this defence, enforcers of child removals rely on a genuine belief in
the benevolence of the 'civilising' project they were engaged in, so that there can be no
intent to destroy a group. I reveal the cultural processes at work to produce the profound
disjunction between aboriginal and settler subjectivities, especially as those subjectivities
crystallize around the removal of aboriginal children. I locate this disjunction in the twin
imperatives of colonial culture, those of oppression and legitimation. I argue that colonial
culture exacts a justification for oppression, and that aboriginal people have been
"othered" (in gendered, raced, and classed terms) to provide it. Intent to destroy a group,
then, will be located via an enquiry which confronts the interests of colonial culture and
aligns them firstly with the oppression of aboriginal people, and secondly with the
discourses which developed to render that oppression in benevolent terms. The
interpretation of the Genocide Convention is thus guided by the demands of context: and
in context is revealed an intent to genocide by child removal.
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Batty, Philip. "Governing cultural difference: the incorporation of the Aboriginal subject into the mechanisms of Government with reference to the development of Aboriginal radio and television in Central Australia." 2003. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/28909.
Full textAbstract:
In 1970, the Federal Government made preliminary moves to establish a broadcasting service in the Northern Territory for Indigenous Australians. However, Aboriginal people would not be invited to run this service themselves, nor would it be used to 'maintain' Aboriginal cultural traditions. Rather, these new facilities would deliver programs that 'informed' Aboriginals about 'plans for their future advancement'. By 1985, the position had changed dramatically. The government was now funding 'Aboriginal-controlled' media organisations throughout the country 'to restore and rebuild' Aboriginal 'cultural identity'. It was also underwriting the launch of an Aboriginal-owned commercial satellite service covering a third of the Australian continent. In this thesis, I have attempted to understand the policies that led to this remarkable change in government thinking. In undertaking this work, I have not attempted to construct a 'resistant' Aboriginal 'voice', positioned against 'the media establishment' and the state to explain these transformations in Aboriginal policy. Although such a voice routinely appears in the literature on Aboriginal broadcasting, I argue that such an approach simply replicates the rhetoric surrounding the state's own policies of 'Aboriginal self-determination' and, more problematically, masks the complex operations of government itself. It also assumes the pre-discursive existence of a particular kind of Aboriginal agency, without considering the specific conditions that gave rise to it. In this study, I have sought to demonstrate how this agency was largely constituted through the policies of Aboriginal self-determination. I argue that under these policies, the state would no longer act on Aboriginals as it had in the past. Rather, Aboriginals would be invited to act on themselves in managing programs proffered by the state. Through these means, the Aboriginal 'self' became an indispensable element in the operations of the government. However, since the Aboriginal self would be expected to carry out the work of the state, it also became the object of intense governmental scrutiny. Here, I show how a multiplicity of governmental technologies emerged throughout the 1970's that served to regulate, channel and enhance Aboriginal subjectivity in accordance with a number of governmental ends. In undertaking this task, I have focused primarily on the development of the 'incorporated Aboriginal association'. I will argue that such bodies not only allowed Aboriginal people a degree of 'self-management', but also provided the state with an institutional framework through which it could constitute both a competent and verifiable Aboriginal agency. The Central Australian Aboriginal Media Association, CAAMA, was one of numerous bodies established under these governmental technologies. The development of this complex organisation will serve as the main case study in this thesis. In taking this analytical approach, I have adopted one of Michel Foucault's primary objectives which is to examine the ways in which the human subject is constituted through relations of power, and attempted to respond to the following set of queries Foucault poses: How was the subject established, at different moments and in different institutional contexts, as a possible, desirable, or even indispensable object of knowledge? How were the experiences that one may have of oneself and the knowledge that one forms of oneself organised according to certain schemes? How were these schemes defined, valorised, recommended, imposed? (Foucault, Subjectivity and Truth, 2000:87)
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Standfield, Rachel. ""Not for lack of trying" : discourses of whiteness, race, and human rights in postwar Australia." Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150356.
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Lovell, Melissa Ellen. "Liberalism, settler colonialism, and the Northern Territory intervention." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110388.
Full textAbstract:
In June 2007 the Australian government assumed greater authority over the government of remote Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory. The Northern Territory Intervention (NTI), also known as the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER), was framed as a response to the Little Children Are Sacred report which documented high levels of child abuse and neglect in Aboriginal communities, and which called on the Northern Territory and Australian governments to make the protection of children a priority. The Northern Territory Intervention was controversial because many of the rights, liberties, and processes typically understood as essential elements of liberal government were waived in favour of coercive, disciplinary, and authoritarian strategies of government. In this dissertation I analyse the content of parliamentary debates, political speeches and government reports to develop an understanding of the discursive and rhetorical context in which these interventionist and authoritarian strategies came to be seen as essential to the protection of Aboriginal children's safety and wellbeing. I draw on two analytical perspectives - settler colonialism and liberal governmentality - to argue that both colonial and neoliberal politics contributed to a view of Aboriginal people as dysfunctional and incapable of self-discipline and self-government. I argue that this perception of Aboriginal people played an important role in the justification of authoritarian and coercive policies in remote Aboriginal communities. Whereas conventional perspectives on liberal politics focus on the liberal commitment to securing liberty and human dignity, my analysis of the NTI illustrates the intimate relationship between liberal and authoritarian politics. Previous scholarship on the NTI describes the policy as a return to a colonial form of politics and understand the normalising and authoritarian aspects of the Intervention as the product of an ideological shift toward neoliberal forms of government. From this perspective, colonial and neoliberal forms of politics compromise the ability of a liberal democratic society to secure the liberty, rights and wellbeing of its Aboriginal citizens. Using my analysis of the NTI, I proffer an alternative argument about the significance of the NTI for our understanding of liberal and colonial politics. First, I argue that the NTI demonstrates the tendency of liberal government to use authoritarian and coercive strategies to govern those who are deemed incapable of self-government and the exercise of liberal economic freedoms. This concept of authoritarian liberal government is found in the scholarship on liberal governmentality and contradicts the purely emancipatory view of liberal politics. Second, I argue that the NTI case study enables an examination of the process by which this liberal tendency to authoritarian government can be reinforced in the settler colonial context. An understanding of this process is important because it demonstrates some of the challenges facing attempts to decolonise settler colonial societies.
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Cooms, Valerie. "Free the blacks and smash the Act! : Aboriginal policy and resistance in Queensland between 1965 and 1975." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155752.
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This thesis focuses on both the State and Commonwealth Governments' involvement in Aboriginal affairs in Queensland from 1965 to 1975. It also examines the way in which the world anti-racism and decolonisation process was heavily influential not only upon the Australian Government's policy but also upon Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people's responses and methods of protest as well. Because Australia is a settler colony with an Aboriginal population estimated as only 1% between 1965 and 1975, this thesis observes how the United Nations remained particularly watchful over Australia. This occurred at a time when Australia was attempting to convince the international community that it was condemning racism and treating Aboriginal minority populations properly within a post-colonial climate of expectation. However, whatever label either Commonwealth or State Governments placed on newly formed Aboriginal policies, this thesis argues that they were merely more acceptable up-to-date methods of colonisation aimed predominantly at averting criticism. Given the overwhelming outcome of the 1967 referendum, the Commonwealth had to address Aboriginal affairs in Australian States, especially Queensland. Initially the Commonwealth provided much needed funding to the Queensland Government to provide health, education and housing on reserves. In the late 1960s, the Commonwealth had started to provide funding to the State Government for housing outside of reserves for Aboriginal families. By the early 1970s, the Commonwealth was funding Aboriginal community-based organisations direct (despite Queensland Government's objections), set up a national elected representative Aboriginal organisation, committed to remove discriminatory legislation from Australian statutes and introduced legislation to outlaw discrimination, attempted to address economic development and committed to the provision of Aboriginal land rights. Using mostly primary resources including speech notes, annual reports and cabinet submissions and other related papers and files from AIATSIS, National Australian and Queensland State archives, the State and Commonwealth Governments' tactics are examined. The examination of activism and resistance provides not only an overview of the workings of organisations in relation to challenging both the State and Commonwealth Governments, but more importantly, the use of the enhanced Australian public opinion together with the UN and international community as effective leverage at a time when the Australian Government was attempting to convince the world that it was committed to protecting the rights of Australia's Aboriginal peoples. The influx of vast numbers of Aboriginal people into Queensland towns and cities facilitated the politicisation of many and led to the emergence of more radical organisations like the Black Community Centre, Act Confrontation Committee, Black Panther Party, Aboriginal Legal Service and Black Community Housing Serves to name a few. Most of these organisations played a role notifying the world about the Queensland Government's tactics and embarrassed the Commonwealth. Aboriginal organisations used Australia's need to avert UN criticism as effective leverage in Queensland particularly between 1965 and 1975.
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Devitt, Rebecca. "'Sweat and tears' : stolen generations activism and the National Inquiry into the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149903.
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Hossain, Aysha. "Contractual Coloniality: Strategic State Intervention in Aboriginal Governance." Thesis, 2003. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15606/.
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This thesis argues that certain strategic interventions in the delivery of services to Indigenous Australians employ rationalities congruent with colonial-settler governance.
The Koori Services Improvement Strategy in the Australian State of Victoria is a case in point. Detailed examination of this strategy - understood as a set of specific
technologies of power - raises questions about practical issues in Aboriginal governance, tensions within liberalism, the actual implications of neo-liberal techniques employed in human services, and the bearing these have on Aboriginal wellbeing. Following Michel Foucault's 'governmentality' approach, tools of discourse analysis and genealogy are used to address these questions and to investigate the limits and possibilities of such an approach to understanding Aboriginal governance.
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Grant, Elizabeth. "Aboriginal Housing In South Australia, An Overview of Housing at Oak Valley, Maralinga Tjarutja." 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/39624.
Full textAbstract:
This work presents an overview of housing at Oak Valley, a remote Aboriginal community in the Maralinga Tjarutja Lands and paints a broad contextual picture of the political processes and resultant housing. It examines specific cultural and environmental issues relevant to the population and remote areas of South Australia, documents the process and structures for the provision of housing and investigates the subsequent housing typeshttp://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=679955
Thesis(M. Env. Stud.)--, 1999
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Grant, Elizabeth Maree. "Aboriginal housing in remote South Australia : an overview of housing at Oak Valley, Maralinga Tjarutja Lands." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/39624.
Full textAbstract:
This work presents an overview of housing at Oak Valley, a remote Aboriginal community in the Maralinga Tjarutja Lands and paints a broad contextual picture of the political processes and resultant housing. It examines specific cultural and environmental issues relevant to the population and remote areas of South Australia, documents the process and structures for the provision of housing and investigates the subsequent housing typesThesis (M. Env. Stud.) -- University of Adelaide, Mawson Graduate Centre for Environmental Studies, 1999
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Hemmingsen, Sarah Ann. "Indigenous coastal resource management : an Australian and New Zealand comparison." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151420.
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Feary, Suzanne Adele. "Chainsaw dreaming : Indigenous Australians and the forest sector." Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151174.
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Tsou, Dainie, and 鄒岱妮. "Aboriginal Self-government and education policy in canada." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50874650830947310966.
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Byng, Karen T. G. "Beyond the boundaries of polling : Australian attitudes to aboriginal issues." Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150336.
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