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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Abolition feminism

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Academic literature on the topic 'Abolition feminism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 24 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Abolition feminism"

1

Terwiel, Anna. "What Is Carceral Feminism?" Political Theory 48, no. 4 (November 26, 2019): 421–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719889946.

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In recent years, critiques of “carceral feminism” have proliferated, objecting to feminist support for punitive policies against sexual and gendered violence that have contributed to mass incarceration. While the convergence of feminist and antiprison efforts is important, this essay argues that critiques of carceral feminism are limited insofar as they present a binary choice between the criminal legal system and informal community justice practices. First, this binary allows critics to overlook rather than engage feminist disagreements about the state and sexual harm. Second, the narrow focus on alternative solutions to harm obscures the plural and contested nature of prison abolition, which may include efforts to seize the state and to problematize carceral logics. Drawing on Michel Foucault, alongside Angela Davis and other contemporary prison abolitionists, I suggest that feminist prison abolition is better served by envisioning a spectrum of decarceration.

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Knopp, Fay Honey. "On radical feminism and abolition." Peace Review 6, no. 2 (June 1994): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659408425796.

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Chandler, Susan. "Social Work, Feminism, and Prison Abolition." Affilia 33, no. 1 (February 2018): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109917750961.

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De Oliveira Azeredo, Verônica Pacheco, Ive Oliveira Campolina Azeredo, and Maria Lúcia Silva Brandão. "ÂNGELA DAVIS: DOR E OPRESSÃO DA MULHER EM SUAS RESISTÊNCIAS E LUTAS HISTÓRICAS." Revista Debates Insubmissos 2, no. 7 (January 10, 2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32359/debin2019.v2.n7.p46-66.

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RESUMO Este ensaio apresenta aspectos relevantes apontados por Ângela Davis, em sua obra: Mulher, Raça e Classe, e sua importância para a desmistificação da escravidão como processo encerrado nos EUA em 1863. Destaca a contribuição teórico-analítica da autora em questão que evidencia a combinação das opressões de raça, gênero e classe em seus diferentes desdobramentos antes e após a abolição. Tomando a obra como referência, discute, ainda, temas como racismo, gênero, sexismo e feminismo negro. Busca relacionar as questões apresentadas com o movimento feminista no Brasil em seu viés étnico-racial. Angela Davis: Pain and Oppression of the Woman in Her Resistance and Historical Struggles ABSTRACT This article presents relevant aspects indicated by Angela Davis in her work: Woman, Race and Class, and its importance for the demystification of slavery as a process ended in the USA in 1863. It emphasizes the theoretical-analytical contribution of the author in question, showing the combination of the oppressions of race, gender, and class in their different developments before and after abolition. Taking the work as a reference, the essay also discusses themes such as racism, gender, sexism and black feminism. It seeks to relate the issues presented to the feminist movement in Brazil in its ethno-racial bias. Key words: Gender. Racism. Class. Black Feminism.

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Hutchison, Jessica. "Applying feminist principles to social work teaching: Pandemic times and beyond." Qualitative Social Work 20, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 529–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325020973305.

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It took a global pandemic for me to recognize how my social work teaching was an act of feminist praxis. I have long identified as a feminist and regularly engage efforts to advance equity for women, primarily centered on the abolition of prisons which disproportionately incarcerate Indigenous and Black women in Canada. Surprisingly, I have never considered how my feminism shows up in my teaching. The following reflexive essay explores the ways in which the feminist principles of centring emotions, rejecting patriarchal hierarchy, and challenging white feminism were embedded into the development and delivery of a graduate level social work research course that was rapidly adapted to being taught online during a global public health crisis. It ends with a call to action for social work educators to incorporate feminist principles into their pedagogies, not only in times of crisis, but as standard practice.

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Sánchez-Eppler, Karen. "Bodily Bonds: The Intersecting Rhetorics of Feminism and Abolition." Representations 24 (1988): 28–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2928475.

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Sanchez-Eppler, Karen. "Bodily Bonds: The Intersecting Rhetorics of Feminism and Abolition." Representations 24, no. 1 (October 1988): 28–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.1988.24.1.99p0242k.

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Davidson, Julia O'Connell. "‘Sleeping with the enemy’? Some Problems with Feminist Abolitionist Calls to Penalise those who Buy Commercial Sex." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001076.

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Feminists campaigning for the abolition of prostitution have long argued that it is men who buy sex, rather than prostitute women, who should be penalised and reformed. In recent years, the phenomenon of ‘trafficking’ in persons has provided feminist abolitionists with a more high profile platform from which to lobby on prostitution issues, and they have found policy makers increasingly receptive to calls to penalise men who buy sex. This has encouraged some feminist abolitionists to forge alliances with those who would more usually be viewed as ‘enemies’ of feminism and other progressive social movements (police chiefs calling for more extensive police powers and tougher sentencing policy, anti-immigration politicians calling for tighter border controls, and moral conservatives urging a return to ‘family values’). This paper is concerned with the dangers of such liaisons. It begins with a brief review of the findings of recent research on the demand for commercial sexual services, then puts forward some reasons why feminist abolitionists should be cautious about calling on the state to penalise sex buyers.

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Painter, Nell Irvin, and Karen Sanchez-Eppler. "Touching Liberty: Abolition, Feminism, and the Politics of the Body." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081259.

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Dillon, Kim Jenice, and Karen Sanchez-Eppler. "Touching Liberty: Abolition, Feminism, and the Politics of the Body." MELUS 20, no. 3 (1995): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/467755.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Abolition feminism"

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Joseph, Tess. "Just Punishment?: The Epistemic and Affective Investments in Carceral Feminism." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1557138806825814.

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Kirkpatrick, Ann. ""Playthings of a Historical Process": Prostitution in Spanish Society from the Restoration to the Civil War (1874-1939)." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/370.

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Spain underwent a series of tumultuous social and political changes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Prostitute women directly experienced these changes as fluctuations in their social and legal status within Spanish society. The years spanning from 1874 to 1931 are known as the Restoration, when the Bourbon monarchy was reinstalled under King Alfonso XII (1857-1885) after the crumbling of the First Spanish Republic (1873-1874). During this time, Spain experienced a period of growing nationalism and urbanization, and prostitution began to be interpreted as a threat to the nation in terms of public health and decency. Between 1923 and 1930, Spain was under the royally-sponsored military dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera (1870-1930). Primo de Rivera stifled much of the public discussion around the problem of prostitution. Spain later returned briefly to a Republican mode of government in 1931, and the Second Republic turned a portion of its divided attention to the reform of prostitution laws. The chaos of the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1939 disrupted these Republican reforms but provided an opportunity for radical groups, including Mujeres Libres, to campaign against prostitution in new and innovative ways.

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Gen, Bethany MunYeen. "In the Shadow of the Carceral State: The Evolution of Feminist and Institutional Activism Against Sexual Violence." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1621882615561857.

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DEFFOIN, Emilie. "Towards A Radical Feminist Change: The Empowerment Of Survivors From Prostitution, Transgression Of Normativities And The Abolition Of Power Differences." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-110623.

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This master thesis is an attempt to illustrate the role of a feminist and abolitionist organization towards the enhancement of women’s social conditions and their representation in society. The study is based on my three months training at an Icelandic organization, Stígamót, which is an “Education and Counselling Centre for Survivors of Sexual Abuse and Violence”. My stay there included a series of interviews with social workers and survivors of prostitution and sexual trafficking. The centre has a multi-faceted approach, using feminist empowerment as a methodological process for the purpose of increasing the quality of life. Together with feminist theories on intersectionality and empowerment as methodological tools, I am researching the relations between survivors’ empowerment, their agency, with a radical political change, leading to gender-equal society.

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Hirschberg, Claire E. ""A Village Can't Be Built in a Jail" Carceral Humanism and Ethics of Care in Gender Responsive Incarceration." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/655.

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This thesis is built on the knowledge and experience I learned working with CURB and as a member of L.A. No More Jail, particularly in the ongoing fight against the Mira Loma gender responsive “Women’s Village” Jail expansion, which is part of a larger jail building boom on going in California right now. I write this thesis to engage in the reimagining of justice that abolitionist community organizers, formerly and currently incarcerated people and others who work to challenge the prison industrial complex have been envisioning for California.

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Thompson, Ki'Amber. "Prisons, Policing, and Pollution: Toward an Abolitionist Framework within Environmental Justice." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/185.

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Environmental Justice defines the environment as the spaces where we live, work, and play. The Environmental Justice (EJ) Movement has traditionally used this definition to organize against toxics in communities. However, within EJ work, prisons or policing have often not been centralized or discussed. This means that the approximately 2.2 million people in prison are excluded from the conversation and movement. Additionally, communities and activists are identifying police and prisons as toxics in their communities, but an analysis of policing and prisons is largely missing in EJ scholarship. This thesis explores the intersection between prisons, policing, and pollution. It outlines how prisons, policing, and pollution are connected and reveals why this intersection is critical to understand in Environmental Justice (EJ) scholarship and organizing. Based on interviews with formerly incarcerated individuals in San Antonio, Texas, and a case study of the Mira Loma Women’s Detention Center in the Antelope Valley of California, this thesis expands the realm of EJ work to include and center the spaces of prisons and policing and complicates the definition of toxicity as it has been traditionally used and organized against in the EJ movement. I argue that policing and imprisonment are toxic systems to our communities and contradict and prevent the development of safe and sustainable communities. Thus, understanding prisons and policing as toxic to both people and to the environment, we should move toward abolishing these toxic systems and building alternatives to them. To this end, or rather, to this new beginning, [prison-industrial-complex] abolition should be explored as a framework within EJ to push us to fundamentally reconsider our ideas of justice, to better and differently approach the practice of making environmental justice available for all because abolition is not only about dismantling, but it is largely about building more just, safer, and more sustainable communities. This thesis brings abolition and EJ discourses together to assess the potential for coalition building between abolitionists and EJ activists to work toward a common goal of building safe, sustainable, and more just communities for everybody. I conclude that abolition should be embraced as a framework within EJ to liberate our carceral landscape and to imagine, and subsequently, create a new environmental and social landscape.

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Browne, Arianna. "The Ill-Treatment of Their Countrywoman: Liberated African Women, Violence, and Power in Tortola, 1807-1834." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2021. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2307.

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In 1807, Parliament passed an Act to abolish the slave trade, leading to the Royal Navy’s campaign of policing international waters and seizing ships suspected of illegal trading. As the Royal Navy captured slave ships as prizes of war and condemned enslaved Africans to Vice-Admiralty courts, formerly enslaved Africans became “captured negroes” or “liberated Africans,” making the subjects in the British colonies. This work, which takes a microhistorical approach to investigate the everyday experiences of liberated Africans in Tortola during the early nineteenth century, focuses on the violent conditions of liberated African women, demonstrating that abolition consisted of violent contradictions that mirrored slavery.

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Books on the topic "Abolition feminism"

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Touching liberty: Abolition, feminism, and the politics of the body. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.

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Lucretia Mott's heresy: Abolition and women's rights in nineteenth-century America. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011.

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The contribution of quaker women to the political struggle for abolition, women's rights, and peace: From the Hicksite Schism to the American Friends Service Committee. Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2014.

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4

Todras, Ellen H. Angelina Grimké: Voice of abolition. North Haven, Conn: Linnet, 1999.

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Lerner, Gerda. The Grimké sisters from South Carolina: Pioneers for women's rights and abolition. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004.

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Lerner, Gerda. The Grimké sisters from South Carolina: Pioneers for woman's [sic] rights and abolition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.

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Davis, Angela Y. Abolition. Feminism. Now. Haymarket Books, 2021.

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Davis, Angela Y. Abolition. Feminism. Now. Haymarket Books, 2021.

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Abolition of woman: How radical feminism is betraying women. 2018.

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Sánchez-Eppler, Karen. Touching Liberty: Abolition, Feminism, and the Politics of the Body. University of California Press, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Abolition feminism"

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Dillon, Stephen. "“Can They Ever Escape?” Foucault, Black Feminism, and the Intimacy of Abolition." In Active Intolerance, 259–76. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137510679_18.

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Lecumberri, Paz Francés, and Diana Restrepo Rodríguez. "Feminist and other abolitionist initiatives in modern Spain 1." In The Routledge International Handbook of Penal Abolition, 150–59. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429425035-23.

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Midgley, Clare. "British Abolition and Feminism in Transatlantic Perspective." In Women's Rights and Transatlantic Antislavery in the Era of Emancipation, 121–36. Yale University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300115932.003.0007.

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Sanchez-Eppler, Karen. "Bodily Bonds: The Intersecting Rhetorics of Feminism and Abolition." In The New American Studies, 228–59. University of California Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520327375-010.

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Thuma, Emily L. "Lessons in Self-Defense." In All Our Trials, 15–54. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042331.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 demonstrates the catalytic role played by campaigns to defend women against criminal charges for killing men who sexually assaulted them in the emergence of anticarceral feminism. The cases of Joan Little, Inez García, Yvonne Wanrow, and Dessie Woods galvanized black, Latina, indigenous, and white feminists to expand the boundaries of who was considered a "political prisoner" and call attention to the coercion of women by the state. Centering the criminalization of women of color who resisted rape, feminists of color and antiracist white women critiqued criminal justice–centered approaches to violence against women and contributed to the nascent prison abolition movement.

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DiCenzo, Maria. "Feminist Media and Agendas for Change: Introduction." In Women's Periodicals and Print Culture in Britain, 1918-1939. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474412537.003.0024.

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THERE HAS BEEN a concerted effort in recent years to reassess the accounts of demise and defeat that figure so prominently in the history of interwar feminism. The tendency to characterise reform efforts in these years as conservative, compared with the insurgency of the pre-war suffrage campaign, has obscured the breadth of feminist activism and the attempts to politicise the domestic sphere in the aftermath of war and suffrage. The Representation of the People Bill in 1918 granted the vote to women over thirty (those who met the property requirement). It was regarded as a major victory by the women’s movement and provided further impetus to advocate for equality of rights and opportunities. It took another ten years of campaigning before women were granted the right to vote on the same terms as men, and in the process groups worked tirelessly for the emancipation of women on a variety of fronts – from birth control, family allowances, guardianship rights, equal pay, and abolition of the marriage bar, to an equal role for women in the League of Nations. Rather than deactivating feminism, the war generated new problems and complicated old ones. At the national level, demobilisation intensified competition between women and men in the workforce in the 1920s, leading to major public policy debates around labour-related and family welfare issues. At the same time, postwar political diplomacy fuelled the involvement of feminists in international campaigns to intervene in conflicts and to promote world peace. As the following chapters reveal, these causes drew support from existing and new constituencies of participants. In a landscape of radically changing social and economic conditions, feminists embraced political opportunities in the face of challenges and opposition....

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Thuma, Emily L. "Printing Abolition." In All Our Trials, 88–122. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042331.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 analyzes women’s prison newsletters as a feminist counterpublic that enabled incarcerated women to communicate with one another and with anticarceral feminist activists in the “free world.” Two newsletters, Through the Looking Glass and No More Cages, which were produced by lesbian feminist collectives from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, document prisoners’ resistance and collective action against gendered and racialized violence. Addressing the chasm between a prisoners’ rights movement focused on men’s institutions and a feminist antiviolence movement increasingly enmeshed with the carceral state, these newsletters created solidarity between criminalized women and those outside the walls.

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Gottlieb, Julie. "Women’s Print Media, Fascism, and the Far Right in Britain Between the Wars." In Women's Periodicals and Print Culture in Britain, 1918-1939. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474412537.003.0035.

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Women were well represented as leaders, activists, and as contributing journalists in the various fascist movements in Britain between the wars. The first movement to adopt the fascist name in Britain, the British Fascisti (1923–35), later the British Fascists (BF), founded by Miss Rotha Lintorn-Orman, published the British Fascist and the British Lion in which women’s issues and the activities of women in the movement were generously covered (Durham 1998; Gottlieb 2000). Although the much more successful British Union of Fascists (BUF, 1932–40) was male-led and male-dominated, its publications – Fascist Week, Blackshirt, Action, and its academically oriented Fascist Quarterly – also covered women’s issues and provided women’s pages. Further, for a short time in 1933–4, the BUF published the cyclostyled Woman Fascist, the news-sheet of the BUF’s Women’s Section, at that time under the leadership of former suffragette ‘Slasher’ Mary (Mary Richardson). Indeed, the influence of three former suffragettes on the evolution of the BUF’s women’s policy was decisive, and these veterans of the Pankhursts’ Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) entered into heated polemics with anti-fascist feminists inside and outside the pages of these publications. The BUF’s women’s policy and its stance on feminist-identified issues, from equal pay and the abolition of the marriage bar to the relationship between women and peace/pacifism, was more nuanced and sophisticated than we may imagine. The movement emphasised that its women’s policies differed from those of the Italian Fascist and Nazi German regimes (Passmore 2003). While distancing itself from Nazi reaction and violent misogyny, the BUF claimed it rejected ‘the sex war as it does the class war: as it does the whole political theory of division. It is by unity of purpose alone that our nation can struggle through to great things’ (Blackshirt 5 Oct 1934: 9). This essay surveys the content and the evolving themes and concerns as framed in these print media, with specific reference to women’s issues, the space accorded to women’s political engagement, and the attempted reconciliation between the ultimately irreconcilable creeds of fascism and feminism.

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Martensen, Kayla Marie. "Sanctuary?" In Global Perspectives on People, Process, and Practice in Criminal Justice, 30–49. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-6646-6.ch002.

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Influenced by critical carceral studies and abolition feminism, this non-empirical work identifies a political, social and economic carceral system that is fueled by existing racist, sexist, classist, homophobic, ableist and xenophobic ideologies, which both minimize resources for Latinx/a women and girls and increases the level of state violence perpetrated against them. The consequences of dispossession, subjugation and stigmatization have impacted Latina/x women's access to livable waged jobs, healthcare, safe and healthy food and water, adequate living conditions, quality education, and acceptance in American society. This violence is justified and considered necessary by constructing Latina/x women and girls as unworthy of state protection and state resource and as threats to the economy, culture and politics of the United States. Latina/x women, like other women of color, are not afforded the protections extended to white women by the state. Many Americans do not see them as the “good victim”, but often they are the “bad woman”, “bad mother”, “sexual deviant”, exploited laborer, culturally defiant, and increasingly they are “illegal”, “criminal” and “terrorist”. This results in Latinx/a women and girls being more likely to be imprisoned than white women and are one of the fastest growing prison populations in the United States.

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Thuma, Emily L. "Epilogue." In All Our Trials, 159–64. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042331.003.0006.

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The Epilogue draws out the resonances and continuities between anticarceral feminist formations of the 1970s and early 1980s and radical voices at the crossroads of today’s prison abolition, antiracist, and feminist movements.

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