Journal articles on the topic '4th century BCE'

Статья посвящена описанию одиннадцати конских пластинчатых налобников и наносников и четырех нащечников, обнаруженных на территории Ставропольской возвышенности. Изделия происходят из памятников, исследованных в окрестностях Ставрополя: склепа № 1 могильника № 2 Татарского городища, из могильника № 4 Татарского городища, клада предметов конского убранства IV—II вв. до н.э. из северо-западных окрестностей Ставрополя и находок в окрестностях Александровска. Для IV в. до н.э., кроме боевых защитных экземпляров, характерны литые налобники и наносники, использовавшиеся исключительно в декоративных целях. Как правило, они либо небольших размеров и не закрывали всю переднюю поверхность головы лошади, либо ажурные. К этому времени относятся три бронзовых налобника и два наносника: две пластины в форме вытянутых трапеций из окрестностей Александровска, ажурная пластина из рядов полых треугольников — налобник прямоугольной формы с прямоугольными выступами по торцевым краям из клада, найденного близ Ставрополя, и зооморфно оформленные пластинчатые наносники и нащечники из того же клада. В материалах памятников III — начала II в. до н.э., исследованных в окрестностях Ставрополя, представлены крупные защитные налобные и нащечные пластины, аналогичные найденным в Прикубанье. Известно о находках пяти налобников и двух нащечников. Судя по особенностям декора пластин IV—III вв. до н.э. из памятников Ставропольской возвышенности, наблюдаются два основных вектора влияния на творчество местных бронзолитейщиков. Прослеживаются явные элементы традиционного искусства кобанской культурно-исторической общности и прикубанского варианта скифского звериного стиля. Два S- видных декоративных нащечника, оформленных в виде петушка-гиппокампа, имеют приднепровское происхождение. The article discusses eleven horse prometopidia (frontlets and chanfrons) and four cheek-guards found on the territory of Stavropol Upland. The artifacts in question were revealed while exploring archaeological sites and findspots near Stavropol; these are: the burial ground No. 2 of Tatarskoe Hillfort (crypt No. 1), the burial ground No.4 in selfsame area, the hoard of horse body armor and ornaments found northwest of Stavropol and dated back from the 4th to the 2nd century BCE, and, finally, some artifacts found near Aleksandrovsk. In the 4th century BCE, in addition to battle protective equipment per se, some casted frontlets and chanfrons were used exclusively for ornamental purposes. As a rule, some of these are small in size, to only cover a part of a horse’s head, and some are openwork. In total, three bronze frontlets and two chanfrons are dated back to the 4th century BCE. These include: (a) two elongated trapezoids found near Aleksandrovsk, (b) an openwork rectangle-shaped frontlet of the Stavropol hoard, punctured with rows of triangles, with rectangular projections along the end margins, and (c) zoomorphically shaped plate-like chanfrons and cheek-guards of the same hoard. In the vicinity of Stavropol, a total of five prometopidia and two cheek-guards are reported to be found, which are similar to those discovered in Kuban Region. These finds are dated back to the late 3rd and the early 2nd century BCE. Judging by decorative features of the barding equipment occurred from Stavropol Upland, local craftsmen of the 4th and the 3rd century BCE were influenced from two sources. Specifically, some distinctive elements of the traditional art of the Koban cultural and historical community and the Kuban version of the Scythian animal style are observed. A pair of S-shaped ornamental cheek-guards representing images of a cockerel or a hippocampus is of Middle Dnieper origin.

Abstract This paper examines certain aspects of ceramic production in Corinth during the second half of the 5th and the 4th centuries BCE, mainly based upon the pottery found in a single deposit, Drain 1971–1. The introduction of the red-figure technique, and of shapes such as the stemless bell-krater and the krater of Falaieff type is considered; and the development of the Corinth oinochoe briefly outlined. The re-introduction of new decorative techniques and the development of new shapes show the continuing inventiveness of Corinthian potters in the Classical period, particularly with regard to utilitarian pottery. Changes in sympotic pottery and in drinking habits in the middle and third quarter of the 5th century, and again in the late 4th and early 3rd century, are suggested.

Urban centers are characterized by scarcity of outcrops. At the urban-planning level, the examination of results from previous geological surveys and studies may provide sufficient data for an accurate subsurficial geologic modeling. In addition, in historical centers a GIS-based multitemporal analysis of historical and archaeological maps, and the examination of archive documents and reports, may be effective especially for the detection of geomorphic changes. The application of such a methodology at the Esquiline Hill allowed to detect the three-millennia-long landscape-modification main phases connected with the construction of the oldest city walls. They include a unique sequence of anthropogenic aggradational and erosional phases that shaped many anthropogenic landforms, presently visible and invisible, or vanished. Among them, the anthropogenic hill Monte della Giustizia, vanished since the end of the 19th century CE when it was erased, and the military moat, excavated in the 6th century BCE and enlarged in the 4th century BCE, finally backfilled in the 4th century CE, since then invisible. These geomorphic changes lastly output a flat leveled landscape similar to the previous volcanic plateau. Results suggest that the “geomorphological convergence,” that is, the resemblance between natural landforms created by different morphogenetic processes, also exists between natural and artificial landforms. Moreover, the study evidenced relationships between landforms and the damage status of historical masonry buildings, specifically connected with their foundation over thick layers of geotechnically-weak anthropogenic deposits. This advises that the multidisciplinary approach may also provide risk managers additional geological features to be evaluated as potential sources of natural hazard.

This article concerns the degree of direct involvement in the Athenian foreign policy in the 4th century BC. One of main questions debated by scholars is whether the Second Athenian Sea League was gradually evolving into an arche, to eventually resemble the league of the previous century. The following text contributes to the scholarly debate through a case study of relations between Athens and poleis on the island of Keos in 360s. Despite its small size, Keos included four settlements having the status of polis: Karthaia, Poiessa, Koresia and Ioulis, all members of the Second Athenian League. Around year 363/2 (according to the Attic calendar),anti-Athenian riots, usually described as revolts, erupted on Keos, to be quickly quelled by the strategos Chabrias. It is commonly assumed that the Athenians used the uprising to interfere directly in internal affairs on the island, enforcing the dissolution of the local federation of poleis. However, my analysis of selected sources suggests that such an interpretation cannot be readily defended: in fact, the federation on Keos could have broken up earlier, possibly without any external intervention. In result, it appears that the Athenians did not interfere in the local affairs to such a degree as it is often accepted.

Abstract. Lake Mareotis (modern Mariut), located near the Mediterranean coast of Egypt west of the Nile Delta, is bordered by ancient sites dating from the New Kingdom (end of the 2nd millennium BCE) to the Medieval period (8th century CE), the most famous one being Alexandria. In its western part (wadi Mariut), several sites are equipped with harbour structures, but they also have structures contemporaneous with them that are not compatible with the lake level required for the operation of the harbour. Between the 1990s and 2010, several sedimentological studies tried to solve this paradox without completely succeeding. To go further, this study is based on the reassessment of geoarchaeological data and on the analysis of early scholars' accounts (1800–1945), maps (1807–1958) and satellite photographs (Corona). It allows us to reconstruct the extension of the lake(s) at different periods in wadi Mariut. During the 1st millennium BCE, the Mariut lagoon experienced a drawdown in its western part, and several distinct lakes formed, followed by building operations in some emerged areas during the Hellenistic period (332–30 BCE). During the early Roman period (30 BCE–284 CE), the digging of several canals in the 2nd century CE to connect the sites of the wadi Mariut to the eastern part of the Mariut basin reconfigured the lake(s).

Scholars frequently cite fuel scarcity after deforestation as a reason for the abandonment of most of the Roman iron smelting sites on Elba Island (Tuscan Archipelago, Italy) in the 1st century bce. Whereas the archaeological record clearly indicates the decrease in smelting activities, evidence confirming the ‘deforestation narrative’ is ambiguous. Therefore, we employed a stochastic, spatio-temporal model of the wood required and consumed for iron smelting on Elba Island in order to assess the availability of fuelwood on the island. We used Monte Carlo simulations to cope with the limited knowledge available on the past conditions on Elba Island and the related uncertainties in the input parameters. The model includes both, wood required for the furnaces and to supply the workforce employed in smelting. Although subject to high uncertainties, the outcomes of our model clearly indicate that it is unlikely that all woodlands on the island were cleared in the 1st century bce. A lack of fuel seems only likely if a relatively ineffective production process is assumed. Therefore, we propose taking a closer look at other reasons for the abandonment of smelting sites, e.g. the occupation of new Roman provinces with important iron ore deposits; or a resource-saving strategy in Italia. Additionally, we propose to read the development of the ‘deforestation narrative’ originating from the 18th/19th century in its historical context.

Публикация посвящена бронзовому сосуду, найденному в датирующемся второй половиной IV в. до н.э. ограбленном погребении в кургане № 1 группы «Частые курганы» на окраине Воронежа, раскопанном Воронежской ученой архивной комиссией в 1910 г. Сосуд с маской-атташем под краем на внешней стороне и медальоном-горгонейоном — на дне, является патерой с утраченной ручкой. Такие патеры с аналогично оформленными краями вместилища и ручками, завершающимися головкой барана, известны по очень небольшому количеству находок второй половины IV в. до н.э., практически все из которых происходят из Македонии и Фракии. Исходя из того, что по сторонам шеи персонажа маски изображены львиные лапы, есть все основания для ее атрибуции как головы Геракла. Подобная иконография характерная для атташей сосудов из Северной Греции. Трактовка прядей прически, в частности симметричных локонов надо лбом (анастолэ / ἀναστολή), напоминает оформление прически на портретах Александра Македонского и подражаниях им. С учетом этого наблюдения вряд ли можно датировать патеру из Частых курганов ранее последней четверти IV в. до н.э. В Северном Причерноморье бронзовые сосуды такой формы до сих пор были не известны, при том, что находки бронзовых сосудов македонско-фракийского круга IV в. до н.э. представлены и в Скифии, и на Боспоре. Учитывая известные находки бронзовых сосудов македонских типов на Елизаветинском городище и в его некрополе в устье Дона, можно предполагать, что на Средний Дон такие сосуды могли поступать таким путем. Вместе с тем, учитывая относительную редкость бронзовых (серебряных) патер в Македонии и Фракии во второй половине IV — начале III в. до н.э. и их находки в очень богатых комплексах, в том числе в царских погребениях в Вергине и Голямата Косматка, нельзя исключить возможность иного пути для патеры из Частых курганов. В Македонии и Фракии такие патеры, вместе с ойнохоями, были частью сервизов для банкетов, поэтому и в данном случае, патера, у которой, возможно, изначала была пара (ойнохоя) мог быть и дипломатическим подарком. В любом случае патера из Частых курганов вписывается в круг находок предметов фракийской узды и изделий фракийской и македонской торевтики, найденных в погребениях скифской знати на Среднем Дону. The publication is dedicated to a bronze vessel found in a robbed burial of the second half of the 4th century BCE in the Burial-mound no. 1 of the Chastye Kurgany group on the outskirts of Voronezh, excavated by the Voronezh Scientific Archive Commission in 1910. A vessel with a handle attachment in form of a mask under the edge on the outside and a gorgoneion-medallion at the bottom inside is a patera with a handle lost in antiquity. Such pateras with similarly shaped edges of the bowl and handles ending in a ram's head are known after a very small number of finds of the second half of the 4th century BCE almost all of which come from Macedonia and Thrace. Given the fact that lion's paws are depicted on the sides of the neck of the person shown on the mask, there is every reason for its attribution as the head of Herakles. A similar iconography is typical for vessel attachments from Northern Greece. The treatment of hair strands, in particular symmetrical curls over the forehead (anastole / ἀναστολή), resembles the hairstyle in the portraits of Alexander the Great and imitations of them. Taking into account this observation, it is hardly possible to date the patera from Chastye kurgans earlier than the last quarter of the 4th century BCE. In the North Pontic region, bronze vessels of this shape have not yet been known, despite the fact that the finds of bronze vessels of the Macedonian-Thracian circle of the 4th century BCE are represented both in Scythia and in the Bosporus. Taking into account the known finds of bronze vessels of the Macedonian types at the Elizavetinskoe fortified settlement and in its necropolis at the mouth of the Don, it can be assumed that such vessels could have reached the Middle Don in this way. At the same time, given the relative rarity of bronze (silver) pateras in Macedonia and Thrace in the second half of the 4th — early 3rd century BCE and their finds in very rich complexes, including in the royal burials in Vergina and Golyamata Kosmatka, one cannot exclude the possibility of a different way for the patera from Chastye Barrows. In Macedonia and Thrace, such pateras, together with the oinochoai, were part of the banquet sets, therefore, in this case, the patera, which, perhaps, originally had a pair (oinochoe) could also be a diplomatic gift. In any case, the patera from Chastye Burial-mounds fits into the circle of finds of Thracian horse-bridle pieces and Thracian and Macedonian toreutics found in the burials of the Scythian nobility in the Middle Don region.

One of the most important finds from the richest of the Thracian hoards, the Rogozen Treasure, is the so-called Auge Phiale. Its chronological position is crucial for the dating of the Hoard and had already been a point of debates. Its decoration, which consists of a mythological scene in high relief occupying the interior of the flat bottom and a relief pattern of alternating palmettes and lotus flowers grouped around the central rosette on the outside is discussed, thus allow us not only to determine the position of the vessel among the masterpieces of the Late Classical/Early Hellenistic metalware, but also to dwell on the genesis of the main subject of the composition. Clarifying the chronological position of the phiale is also extremely important for the establishment of the date, when the Treasure was hidden. Both the analysis of the general shape, the construction and composition of the elements of the vessel, the ornamental patterns decorating its bottom and the parallels of the figural composition on the inner medallion do not allow dating earlier than 350/340 BCE. Moreover, there is strong evidence that the phiale should be dated in the chronological frames of the last quarter of the 4th — first decades of the 3rd century BCE. The shape of the vessel and the decoration of its bottom may suggest a somewhat earlier dating, whereas that of the medallion — somewhat later, within the frames of the chronological period mentioned above. Thus, it may be a further confirmation of the history of the vessel, reconstructed on the grounds of its technological examination. This is not the only vessel from the Rogozen Treasure for which a dating after 340 BCE and as late as the last quarter of the 4th/early 3rd century BCE, first decades or even the second quarter of the 3rd century BCE has been already proposed. Consequently, it provides another argument that the Treasure was buried much later than it was usually suggested before (330s BCE). Одной из самых важных находок из богатейшего фракийского клада, найденного в Рогозене, является фиала с изображением Геракла и Авги. Ее хронологическая позиция имеет решающее значение для датировки клада и уже была предметом споров. Рассматривается форма чаши, ее детали, представленные выполненной в высоком рельефе мифологической сценой, занимающей внутреннюю часть плоского дна, и рельефного декора из чередующихся пальметт и цветов лотоса, сгруппированных вокруг центральной розетты снаружи. Это позволяет нам не только определить место сосуда среди шедевров позднеклассической / раннеэллинистической торевтики, но и остановиться на генезисе основного предмета композиции. Уточнение датировки фиалы также чрезвычайно важно для установления даты тезаврации клада. Как анализ общей формы сосуда, конструкции и состава его элементов, декора, украшающего его дно, так и параллели фигурной композиции на внутреннем медальоне не позволяют датировать чашу ранее 350/340 гг. до н.э. Более того, есть веские основания относить ее к период последней четверти IV — первых десятилетий III в. до н.э. Форма сосуда и декор его дна могут свидетельствовать о несколько более ранней датировке, а медальона — о более поздней, в рамках указанного выше хронологического периода. Таким образом, это может быть еще одним подтверждением истории чаши, реконструированного на основании его технологического осмотра. Это не единственный сосуд из Рогозенского клада, для которого предлагалась датировка после 340 г. до н.э., в том числе последней четвертью IV / началом III в. до н.э., первыми десятилетиями или даже второй четвертью III в. до н.э. Следовательно, это еще один аргумент в пользу того, что клад был спрятан намного позже, чем обычно предполагалось ранее (330-е гг. до н. э.).

AbstractThe present essay discusses how a society can make decisions on specific issues according to how flexible or rigid it is in accepting new ideas and trends. Then, it explains how Athenian society abandoned war in favor of a grand peace strategy during the second half of the 4th century BCE. To achieve this, two visionary Athenian policymakers, Eubulus and Lycurgus, introduced fiscal expansionary policy programs which proved beneficial for the majority of the citizens. Through expansionary public works programs, Athenian citizens were now able to make decisions based on rational choices, based on a wider economic prospective. They could now gain more during periods of peace (as traders, ship-owners, “industrialists” etc.), providing compensation to the poor.

Abstract The force of the question “do you not know?” is often taken for granted in contemporary scholarship on 1 Corinthians. However, the rhetorical force of the question is closely linked with its referential value, neither of which is straightforward in every case. This article begins by surveying the use of the “do you not know?” question in 1 Corinthians, noting indications that the Corinthians may not in fact know what Paul is asking. Following that is a survey of the use of “do you not know?” in Greek sources ranging from the 5th century bce to the 4th century ce. It is demonstrated that the relationship between the question “do you not know?” and the audience’s actual knowledge is not invariable; the speaker may use the question to draw on actual knowledge or to introduce elements into the discussion that the interlocutor genuinely did not know. After this survey, some conclusions are drawn with relation to Paul’s use of “do you not know?” in 1 Corinthians.

Inclusive institutions play an important role in development. But how do inclusive institutions emerge? Inclusion is always the product of a tradeoff. The existing literature focuses on the tradeoffs that yield an extension of the franchise, which requires costly power-sharing agreements. This article uses evidence from ancient Athens to show that meaningful forms of welfare-enhancing inclusion need not await the historically infrequent and high-stakes conditions that compel dominant elites to share power. In the 4th century BCE, the Athenians extended access to economic, social, and legal institutions to selected categories of non-citizens. They did not, however, extend the franchise. The Athenian tradeoff between political and other forms of inclusion was a response to the conflicting demands of social order and growth. While falling short of full political inclusion, the tradeoff was nonetheless conducive to political and economic development.

The area around Heunghae -- where the ancient tombs of Namseong-ri are located -- had been a strategic point for Silla (57 BCE ~ 935) in advancing into the eastern coast of the Korean Peninsula. This armor, together with other related objects unearthed at the site, serves as important sources of knowledge on the armor-related tradition developed in the area during the 4th and 5th centuries. Some characteristic elements of the armor, particularly the unique manufacturing technique and rareness, suggest that the relic was produced for use as an object of prestige. The armor is considered archaeologically significant since it contains a wealth of clues to increase knowledge of the Silla armors made in the 4th century, which was characterized by the lack of source materials. For a more comprehensive understanding of the Silla armors, it is essential to examine the system of supply and demand of the armors linking the capital and regional areas. Unfortunately, however, comparatively less attention has been paid to the difference between Silla and Gaya armors and their characteristics by region. In this study, the main discussion deals with the mechanism of supply and demand of Silla armors by focusing on the armor discovered at the ancient tomb site in Namseong-ri. The study found a significant difference in the supply and demand of armors between Gyeongju, the capital of Silla, and the regions outside it in the 5th century. The study also concludes -- based on the evidence given by the Namseong-ri armor, that there was little difference between the armors supplied to Gyeongju and to regional areas in the 4th-century Silla. It was in the following century, with the arrival of scale armor, that a difference began to emerge -- not in style but in structure. The difference between the armors found in Gyeongju and those in the regions outside is clearly shown by, among others, the accessories buried at the grave together with the main parts of the armor. It was surely a new development compared with the 4th century when there was little difference between the capital and regional areas in terms of the supply and demand of armors. The development provides evidence of the significant change in the relationship between the ruling class in the capital of Silla and regional clan leaders. Evidences of such change are given by the discoveries made at the Namseong-ri tomb site in Pohang, Jungsan-ri tomb site in Ulsan, and Hwanam-ri tomb site in Yeongcheon. There have been two different views proposed on the control of the regional areas by the central government of Silla in the 4th century: one is that the rulers in Gyeongju controlled the regions indirectly, and the other is that the regions were under the direct control of the central government. As suggested by the characteristic features of the Namseong-ri armor as discussed in this paper, the relationship between the capital and regions of Silla in the 4th century can hardly be said to be that of the rulers and the ruled.

В 2018 г. на городище у с. Строенцы Рыбницкого района был обнаружен вещевой клад раннего железного века. В его состав входило не менее восьми бронзовых и серебряных изделий — украшений (три браслета, парные серьги и перстень) и аксессуаров костюма (две фибулы и цепочка). Предметы, по всей видимости, были помещены в лепной сосуд или в его поддон. Среди ранних вещей следует выделить раннелатенские фибулы последней трети IV — первой половины III в. до н. э. Однако на основании датировок более поздних вещей (цепочки и перстня) время депонирования клада следует отнести к третьей четверти III в. до н. э. Установить, кем был депонирован клад, невозможно. Тем не менее, обнаруженные вещи отчетливо сочетают в себе ювелирные традиции фракийской, скифской и латенской культур. In 2018, an Early Iron Age hoard was discovered in the expanse of fortified settlement near Stroentsy in Rybnitsa district. The hoard consisted of at least eight objects of bronze and silver, with personal ornaments (three bracelets, paired earrings, and a finger ring) and costume accessories (two fibulae and a chain) included. Apparently, the objects were placed in a vessel modeled by hand or in the bottom part of this. As the earliest objects, the early La Tene fibulae should be distinguished which are dated within the time range from the last third of the 4th century until the first half of the 3rd century BCE. However, the deposition time of the hoard should be attributed to the third quarter of the 3rd century BCE based on the dating of the latest items, namely a chain and a finger ring. It is impossible to establish who deposited the hoard. Nevertheless, the items discovered clearly combine the jewelry traditions of the Thracian, Scythian and La Tene Cultures.

Recently revealed data considering gold appliquйs series, forced to correct notion, which has already fastened in literature. These artefacts were found during an excavation of a group of barrows near Olhyne village, Hornostaivskyi district, Kherson Oblast. The research was conducted in 1990 by the Kherson Archaeological Expedition led by Anatolii Kubyshev. This publication aimed to eliminate unfortunate confusion and to clarify the date of some graves in the described burial ground. Thus, two garment appliquйs, preserved in Archaeological Storage of Institute of Archaeology of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, that have no provenance information were identified. These two pieces were not published before. Due to a comparison of the Archaeological report and analysis of Storage documentation data, I have managed to find their place of finding. As shown in the article, the openwork appliquй in a form of two-bodied Sphinx was part of headdress decorum from the central grave of Bratoliubivka barrow (the main and biggest mound in the group). One rectangular-shaped plaque with a depiction of lying in crouched pose griffin was found in the grave 5 of the same barrow. In this inlet tomb the wealthy Scythian warrior was buried. The construction time of the barrow and inlaid grave 5 lay in second — early third quarter of the 4th century BCE. Twelve rectangular appliquйs with an image of a half-recumbent griffin with crescent-shaped wings were found in the grave 4 barrow 1 of Olhyne group. Previously only one plaque of this series was wrongly published as find from the grave 5 of Bratoliubivka barrow. This unfortunate mistake is now corrected. At the same tomb, 52 rectangular appliquйs with the depiction of a lion attacking a doe were found. Therefore, at well-preserved woman grave 4 of barrow 1 near Olhyne village fully decorated hat and veil were placed. This tomb was probably constructed in the second — early third quarter of the 4th century BCE. Considering the modesty of this grave goods, one can only imagine how bright the appliques of a ceremonial garment from the central grave of Bratoliubivka barrow were.

The dry-zone water-harvesting and management system in Sri Lanka is one of the oldest historically recorded systems in the world. A substantial number of ancient sources mention the management and governance structure of this system suggesting it was initiated in the 4th century BCE (Before Common Era) and abandoned in the middle of the 13th century CE (Common Era). In the 19th century CE, it was reused under the British colonial government. This research aims to identify the ancient water management and governance structure in the dry zone of Sri Lanka through a systematic analysis of ancient sources. Furthermore, colonial politics and interventions during reclamation have been critically analyzed. Information was captured from 222 text passages containing 560 different records. 201 of these text passages were captured from lithic inscriptions and 21 text passages originate from the chronicles. The spatial and temporal distribution of the records and the qualitative information they contain reflect the evolution of the water management and governance systems in Sri Lanka. Vast multitudes of small tanks were developed and managed by the local communities. Due to the sustainable management structure set up within society, the small tank systems have remained intact for more than two millennia.

Our understanding of Aristotle’s Rhetoric is still incomplete and distorted. This is especially true concerning his analysis of the specific topics of pathos that make up a significant part of the second book of the text. Even though this part of the text is almost twice as long as the analysis of the common topics, the discussion has attracted surprisingly small scholarly interest, at least as viewed as an example of a list of topics, as the researchers that have aspired to an understanding of “the topics” as such have almost all ignored this part of the text. The purpose of this essay is to lay out the grounds for such a study. The result of the essay is firstly a distinction between two kinds of specific topics, here somewhat ponderously labeled schematic and concrete specific topics. With these as a starting point it is possible to make a further distinction between three general specific topics here named subject, stimulus and agent. These three schematic topics could, it is finally suggested, be as useful in the 21:st century as they were in an Athens of the 4th century BCE

Abstract William Tooman’s monograph Gog of Magog: Reuse of Scripture and Compositional Technique in Ezekiel 38-39 has quickly become a seminal study of Ezek 38-39. This article examines and critiques Tooman’s influential position that Ezek 38-39 were composed by a method called thematic pastiche, which only emerged in second temple Jewish texts. By showing inconsistencies in the limits of what constitutes thematic pastiche and by re-examining the evidence that Ezek 38-39 depends upon Joel 1:6; 2:27; 3:1-2; Isa 62:2; 66:18-19, this article demonstrates that Joel 3:1-2 and Isa 66:18-19 may even reuse Ezek 39:21, 29 as source texts, thus re-opening the search for which texts provide the compositional model for the Gog oracles. As a logical consequence of that finding, this article highlights problems with Tooman’s widely adopted proposal, albeit provisional, that Ezek 38-39 dates from the 4th to 2nd century bce.

In the paper, the results of an analytical investigation of 28 artefacts made of non-ferrous metal originated from the materials of the settlement of Marai 1 of the Lower Ishim River basin of Tyumen Oblast are presented. Among the items were arrowheads, awls, decorations, plates, drops an ingot and a bracket attributed to the Bai-tovo Culture. The upper cultural horizon of the settlement marks the site of the Baitovo Culture of the beginning of the Early Iron Age, dated to the 4th–2nd centuries BCE. Based on the results of the spectral analysis carried out in the laboratory of nature sciences of the Institute of Archaeology, Russian Academy of Sciences, five metallurgical groups were identified. The artefacts belonging to the groups of pure copper (14 items) and dopped alloys (14 items) split evenly. Ten items are made of tin bronze. Two items belong to the tin-arsenic bronze group and one to the arsenic bronze group. The plate made of a copper-based alloy with the additions of tin, arsenic and silver represents an isolated item. A correlation was identified between the type of the artefact and the material it is made of. It was most prominent with the example of the arrowheads made of pure copper and the implements made of dopped alloys. There is a discernible continuation of the traditions of the epoch of bronze manifested in the use of both dopped alloys, as well as pure copper. For the local production, feedstock material was used, possibly supplied in ingots from the metallurgical centers of Central and Eastern Kazakhstan, which were rich in tin ore deposits. Pure copper, as well as the arrowheads (made of pure copper) were probably imported from the workshops of the Itkul Culture. The Urals metal could have also been distributed along the river system of the Tobol and Ishim onto quite far-off territories. From the 7th–5th centuries BCE, the Itkul metallurgical center was practically a monopoly supplier of copper and products for a range of the cultures (including the Baitovo Culture) of the mountain-forest and forest-steppe Trans-Urals and Western Siberia, and it was actively functioning until the 3rd century BCE. Its distinctive feature was the production of throwing weapons from pure oxidized copper. There-fore, the orientation of the historical-metallurgical relations on both western centers, as well as eastern, has been ascertained, which indicates extensive exchange-of-goods relations of the groups of the Baitovo population. However, the decrease of the supply of tin-ore alloys, as well as the decline of the Itkul metallurgical center to-wards the 3rd century BCE resulted in the search for new sources of feedstock material and expedited the transi-tion to the ironwork production.

From the late 4th century BCE, the Greeks initiated long-term cultural exchange between the Indian and Mediterranean worlds. Following the Greek conquests of North-West India and Central Asia, Buddhism spread to these regions. Here Buddhists, native and immigrant alike, came into prolonged contact with Western civilizations. The Bible in Greek or Syriac translation may have been available in North-West India and Central Asia in the early centuries CE or before the Common Era. Cumulative evidence also indicates that there were Christians and Jews in these regions during this period. They lived side by side with Buddhists for generations. Presumably under such circumstances, biblical elements found their way, perhaps indirectly, into Buddhist literature. A notable example is one version of the Aṅgulimāla Sutta, T118. The episode of Aṅgulimāla’s encounter with his teacher’s wife was probably adapted from Joseph’s encounter with Potiphar’s wife in Genesis 39. In this article, I show that the similarities between the Joseph story and the Aṅgulimāla story greatly surpass those between the Joseph/Aṅgulimāla stories and their counterparts in other literature, including six Greek tales, an Indian epic, two Jātakas and the Divyāvadāna of Buddhism.

An epigraphical survey (with digital mapping component) of Greece and Magna Graecia reveals a pattern as to where Hephais-based names appear, up through the second century BCE. Spelled with an /eta/, these names are almost exclusively Attic-Ionian, while Haphēs-based names, spelled with an alpha, are Doric-Aeolian, and much fewer in number. There is virtually no overlap, except at the Panhellenic site of Delphi, and in a few colonies around the Black Sea.Furthermore, cult for the god Hephaistos –long recognized as a non-Greek borrowing– was popular primarily in Attic-Ionian and “Pelasgian” regions, precisely the same areas where we find Hephais-root names. The only area where Haphēs-based names appear in any quantity, Boeotia, also had an important cult related to the god. Otherwise, Hephaistos was not a terribly important deity in Doric-Aeolian populations.This epigraphic (and religious) record calls into question the assumed Macedonian ethnicity of the king’s best friend and alter-ego, Hephaistion. According to Tataki, Macedonian naming patterns followed distinctively non-Attic patterns, and cult for the god Hephaistos is absent in Macedonia (outside Samothrace). A recently published 4th century curse tablet from Pydna could, however, provide a clue as to why a Macedonian Companion had such a uniquely Attic-Ionian name.If Hephaistion’s ancestry was not, in fact, ethnically Macedonian, this may offer us an interesting insight into fluidity of Macedonian identity under the monarchy, and thereby, to ancient conceptualizations of ethnicity more broadly.

Shellfish purple, also known as Tyrian purple and royal purple, has a long history, which has been revealed and documented in recent years through valid physicochemical studies using sophisticated techniques. The aim of the work was to summarize the conclusions of these studies and to describe the results of two unpublished investigations regarding the (i) identification of shellfish purple in a textile (4th century BCE) from ancient Macedonia and (ii) dramatic effect of the dyeing conditions on the composition of the purple dye. Moreover, a critical discussion is included about the discovery of the shellfish pigment and dye based on the available scientific evidence. Previously published reports describing the identification of the shellfish colorant in objects of the cultural heritage were carefully summarized. Shellfish purple was not used only as colorant, but it served other purposes as emphasized in this review. In particular, examples for the use of shellfish purple in medicine, grave goods and fillers and plasters in walls, were described. Examples of materials and methods that were used in the past to produce “fake” purple, imitating the aesthetic result of the valuable royal marine material were summarized. Finally, the solubility of indigoids was discussed using modern approaches of physical chemistry.

Статья посвящена публикации свинцовой композиции, которая была случайно найдена в Ольвии в 80-х годах XX в. и ныне находится в одной частной коллекции. Подобные свинцовые фигурки, которые не без основания считаются вотивами, весьма характерны для Ольвии и её округи. Однако сюжет, представленный на рассматриваемой композиции — крылатая женщина на колеснице — среди ольвийских свинцовых изделий не зафиксирован. В то же время аналогичный сюжет фигурирует на предметах погребального инвентаря боспорян. Близкие аналогии автор находит и среди вещей и сюжетов заупокойного культа фракийцев. Поэтому он предполагает, что в образе крылатой женщины на публикуемом вотиве ольвиополиты видели не богиню победы Нику, но некоего хтонического демона (или хтоническую богиню). Наиболее близкие боспорские и фракийские аналогии говорят о том, что вотив был отлит в конце IV или в III в. до н.э. The article is devoted to the publication of a lead composition, which was accidentally found in Olbia in the 80s of the 20th century CE and is now in a private collection. Similar lead figurines, which are not without reason considered votives, are very characteristic of Olbia and its environs. However, the plot presented in the composition under consideration — a winged woman on a chariot — was not recorded among the Olbian lead items. At the same time, a similar plot appears on the items of the Bosporan funerary inventory. The author finds close analogies among the things and plots of the funeral cult of the Thracians. Therefore, he suggests that in the image of the winged woman on the published votive, the Olbiopolites saw not the goddess of victory, Nike, but some kind of chthonic demon (or chthonic goddess). The closest Bosporan and Thracian analogies indicate that the votive was cast at the end of the 4th or in the 3rd century BCE.

Résumé Les personnages ithyphalliques sont relativement courants dans le répertoire étrusque qui s’inspire notamment de l’imagerie attique pour concevoir son propre imaginaire lié à la fois au monde dionysiaque et à la définition du sauvage et de la liminarité. L’occurrence de plusieurs de ces représentations de phallus dans le corpus des tombes peintes n’est donc pas étonnante si l’on songe, non seulement à la réception particulière faite au culte dionysiaque en Étrurie qui rencontre une forme singulière en contexte funéraire, mais aussi à l’importance des thèmes liés à la subversion des codes civiques dans l’illustration du rituel funéraire. Il est intéressant de s’interroger sur les modalités de l’interprétation des images de phallus dans la peinture des tombes, en se focalisant notamment sur leur association visuelle et symboliques avec les animaux ou une forme d’animalité. La présence d’un phallus-oiseau dans une des tombes tarquiniennes du VIe s. av. J.-C. servira de fil rouge à cette enquête sur le rôle du phallus comme expression de l’animalité dans la peinture funéraire étrusque. Abstract Title: Zoomorphic phalluses and ithyphallic animals: the expression of liminality in 5th-4th c. BCE Etruscan tomb paintings Ithyphallic characters are relatively common in the Etruscan repertoire, which draws particular inspiration from Attic imagery to elaborate its own imagines. They are both linked to the Dionysian world as well as to what is savage and what is liminal. The occurrence of several of these representations of phalluses in painted tombs is therefore not surprising if we consider not only the particular reception given to the Dionysian cult in Etruria but also the importance of themes linked to the subversion of civic codes in illustrations of the funeral ritual. It is interesting to speculate about the modalities of the interpretation of phallus images in the painting of tombs, focusing in particular on their visual and symbolic association with animals or a form of animality. The presence of a phallus-bird in one of the Tarquinian tombs of the 6th century BCE will serve as a common thread for this investigation into the role of the phallus as an expression of animal life in Etruscan tomb painting.

The archaeological collection at the Museum of Feltre (province of Belluno, Veneto region, Italy) includes fragments of two ancient millstones of type known as “Olynthus mill” or “hopper rubber”. The first one (from San Donato, in the municipality of Lamón) is mentioned in a number of published and unpublished works; the other (generally from Feltre) is new to archaeological literature. Until now, they had never been identified as specimens of the Olynthus mill. Following a brief introduction on this type of device (its technical features, origin and geographic distribution) and the main hypotheses concerning its diffusion in the Alps, the first part of this paper describes the two stones from Feltre: their dimensions, morphological features, raw material, etc. Consequently, this article will focus on the topographical areas where the stones were found and on their importance for understanding the diffusion of the Olynthus mill model in the Alpine region characterised by Raetic culture, which is still an unresolved problem. The sites of discovery of the two Olynthus mills (along with the places of origin of the other hopper rubbers found in the Veneto region and in the eastern part of the province of Trento) could suggest new working hypotheses about the provenance of this type of millstone and its introduction into the Raetic territory between 5th and 4th century BCE. More specifically, the Olynthus mill model might have been introduced into the Alps through the Piave and Brenta valleys and not the Adige valley as previously thought; the Olynthian-type mills from the Veneto region could therefore mark the stages of this south-north path rather than being mere outlying specimens of the Raetic area, or items exported from there.

Résumé À partir de la seconde moitié du Ve siècle av. J.-C., les peintres de vases attiques ont développé de nouveaux codes iconographiques pour la représentation des figures infantiles. Sur de nombreuses scènes, peintes en grande majorité sur des petites cruches appelées choés, les enfants sont représentés sans adulte et s’adonnent à des activités ludiques. Cette recherche pose la question de la mise en image de la différenciation sexuée entrepetites filles et petits garçons. La nudité de certains enfants dévoile un appareil génital masculin, facilitant l’identification des petits garçons. Partant de ce constat, l’identification des petites filles a longtemps été résumée à l’absence de pénis figuré. D’autres critères– la coiffure, le vêtement et surtout le jeu – doivent être interrogés. L’ambiguïté de ces critères de distinction suggère l’existence d’une classe d’âge indifférenciée pour laquelle l’identité sexuée n’est pas encore nécessairement exprimée. Abstract Title: Girls or boys? The gender identification of children on 5th-4th c. BCE. Attic choes and squat lekythoi From the second half of the 5th century BC, Attic vase painters developed new iconographic conventions for the depiction of childhood. On numerous scenes, mostly painted on small jugs called choes, children are depicted without adults and engage in playful activities. This research raises the question of gender differentiation between girls and boys. The nudity of some children reveals male genitalia, helping the identification of little boys. Based on this observation, for a long time the identification of little girls has been reduced to the absence of a penis. Other criteria – hairstyle, clothing and especially play – must be considered. The ambiguity of these criteria suggests the existence of an undifferentiated age group for which gender identity is not yet necessarily explicit.

Due prominently to the scanty nature of evidence on the ground attesting to an imperial presence which, however, historiographical sources claim to have been real and lasting over time, the satrapy of Bactria (roughly embracing northeastern Afghanistan, southern Uzbekistan and western Tajikistan) to this day still struggles to free itself of some prejudices, despite some extremely important discoveries and a more general scholarly reevaluation of previous conclusions. Possibly the most stubborn among these is the image of an ungovernable province, constantly on the brink of dynastic revolts (cf. Hdt. 9.113) or threatened by northern barbarians (against whom Cyrus found his end and whom Darius boasts of having subjected in the famous Bīsutūn inscription. With the recently published Aramaic Documents from Ancient Bactria, however, we have acquired an incredibly valuable source regarding the functioning of the satrapy at a crucial period in its history (the late 4th century BCE until the years immediately following Alexander). The present study is based primarily on the following: 1) this documentation, 2) the results of some recent and very significant studies on the Persepolis archive and 3) some methodological reflections on the relationship between empire and the local élite(s) suggested by the comparative analysis of the functioning of this relationship in a different phase of Central Asia’s imperial history (the 1930s). The study is intended, on the one hand, as a first step towards a new appreciation of the role Bactria and Sogdiana played in the delicate transitional phase from Achaemenid to Macedonian hegemony in the upper satrapies. On the other hand, it seeks to raise some hypotheses about the reasons behind the position held during the stormy years of Alexander’s Bactrian campaign and in the subsequent, no less troubled years by two protagonists of these crucial events, who are however still relatively unrecognized in their role as historical agents: the Bactrio-Sogdian princesses Roxane and Apama.

The story of Alexander’s flight is preserved in early Byzantine versions of the Alexander Romance (codex L, recensions λ and γ) but is already mentioned by Rabbi Jonah of Tiberias (4th century AD) in the Jerusalem Talmud. The narrative must have been created between the late Hellenistic period and the early Imperial age. Although there are differences in details, the main storyline is common in all versions. Alexander fabricates a basket or large bag, which hangs from a yoke and is lifted into the air by birds of prey; Alexander guides the birds upwards by baiting them with a piece of meat fixed on a long spear. The same story-pattern is found in oriental tales about the Iranian king Kai Kāūs and the Babylonian Nimrod. Kai Kāūs’ adventure was included in the Zoroastrian Avesta and must have been current in the Iranian mythical tradition during the first millennium BCE. It is then transmitted by Medieval Islamic authors (Ṭabarī, Bal‘amī, Firdausī, Tha‘ālibī, Dīnawarī), who ultimately depend on Sasanian historical compilations, in which the early mythology of Iran had been collected. The story of Kai Kāūs’ ascension is earlier than Pseudo-Callisthenes’ narrative and contains a clear indication of morphological priority: in some versions the Persian king flies while seated on his throne, which reflects a very ancient and widespread image of royal iconography in Iran and Assyria. Probably Alexander’s aerial journey was derived from an old oriental tradition of tales about flying kings, to which the stories of Kai Kāūs and Nimrod also belonged. The throne had to be eliminated from Alexander’s story, because the episode was set during Alexander’s wanderings at the extremities of the world. The Macedonian king had therefore to fabricate his flying vehicle from readily available materials. Later, after the diffusion of Pseudo-Callisthenes’ romance in the Orient, the tale of Alexander’s ascension might have exercised secondary influence on some versions of the stories of Kai Kāūs and Nimrod, regarding specific details such as the use of the bait.

The article examines the influence of Xenophon’s didactic works on the military activities of Alexander the Great. It is re-vealed that messages from ancient sources containing direct in-dications of the fact that Alexander was familiar with Xeno-phon’s works are either fundamentally unreliable or subject to different interpretations. Nevertheless, a comparison of the rec-ommendations proposed in “Kyropedia” and other Athenian au-thor’s writings the with Alexander’s practical activities reveals obvious similarities in their views on training military personnel, organizing competitions in military skill, providing soldiers with richly decorated weapons, and caring for the sick and wounded. A set of coincidences is associated with the political and admin-istrative activities of Alexander, who, like Cyrus the Elder in Xenophon’s writings, demonstratively showed mercy towards the vanquished, attracted representatives of the local elite to the ser-vice, wore clothes traditional for a conquered country. A large number of similarities, good education of Alexander and the popularity of Xenophon’s writings in the second half of the 4th century BCE allow us to conclude that the Macedonian king was familiar with the works of the Athenian author. However, the components of Xenophon's didactic legacy associated with the methods of warfare do not correlate well with Alexander's mili-tary leadership practice. The fundamental differences are re-vealed in the armament of the cavalry and their tactics, the depth of the infantry formation, the role of army branches on the battle-field. They were caused by a significant breakthrough in the art of war that took place in Macedonia during the time of Philip II. This breakthrough also led to the emergence of new tactics that provided for crushing the enemy not with a frontal attack of heavy infantry, but through the combined use of various types of troops. Alexander as a military leader was raised under the con-ditions of a new, more developed military art. Thus, the over-whelming majority of Xenophon's recommendations, which de-scribed the cavalry as a purely auxiliary branch of the army and considered the classical hoplite phalanx a decisive force in battle, were clearly irrelevant for him and therefore ignored.

Большинство христианских экзегетов I-V вв. в своих интерпретациях Книги пророка Ионы обращаются к теме противостояния Ниневии и Израиля, трактуя его таким образом, что ниневитяне являются прообразом язычников, поверивших в Христа, в то время как иудеи Его отвергли. В статье рассматривается вопрос, соотносят ли экзегеты это духовное противостояние с реальным, военным противостоянием ниневитян и евреев - завоеванием Ассирией Северного царства Израиля (722/721 г. до н. э.). Выявлено, что только два экзегета IV в. - сирийский богослов Ефрем Сирин и греческий экзегет Феодор Мопсуестийский обращаются к этим историческим событиям. Это свидетельствует, несмотря на разницу в жанрах, об использовании сходного метода интерпретации книги пророка Ионы - исторической экзегезе. Однако оценка этих событий у богословов прямо противоположна. Для Ефрема уничтожение Северного царства - это естественное следствие нечестивого поведения евреев по сравнению с праведным покаянием ниневитян. Он рассматривает эти драматические исторические события как проявление заместительного богословия, согласно которому языческие народы заменили избранный народ. В то же время греческий богослов Феодор Мопсуестийский, в отличие от прп. Ефрема Сирина, оценивает завоевание Ассирией Израиля резко негативно, подчёркивая, что ниневитяне впоследствии понесли заслуженное наказание за свои греховные деяния. В статье показывается, что такая разница во взглядах связана с особенностями подхода богословов к иудеям. Прп. Ефрем Сирин является выразителем острой антииудейской полемики, в рамках которой рассматривает библейскую историю Ионы и ниневитян, в то время как Феодор Мопсуестийский с его учением о «смягченном заместительном богословии» отличается некоторой симпатией к иудеям. Most Christian exegetes of the 1st-5th centuries in their interpretations of the Book of the Prophet Jonah concern the confrontation between Nineveh and Israel, interpreting it in such a way that the Ninevites are the prototype of the Gentiles who believed in Christ, while the Jews rejected Him. The present publication focuses on the question of whether the exegetes juxtapose this spiritual confrontation with real, military confrontation between the Ninevites and the Jews - Assyria’s conquest of the Northern Kingdom of Israel (722/721 BCE). In sum, only two exegetes of the 4th century - the Syrian theologian Ephraim the Syrian and the Greek exegete Theodore of Mopsuestia concern these historical events. It makes clear that two theologians in their interpretations of the Book of the Prophet Jonah use a similar tool of historical exegesis, despite the difference in genres. However, two exegetes demonstrate an opposite approach to the historical events. For Ephraim, the destruction of the Northern Kingdom is a result of the wicked behavior of the Jews compared to the righteous repentance of the Ninevites. The Syriac exegete examine the conquest as an illustration of theology of supersessionism, according to which the pagan peoples replaced the chosen people of Jews. Unlike St. Ephraim the Syrian, the Greek theologian Theodore of Mopsuestia evaluate the Assyrian conquest of Israel very negatively, emphasizing that the Ninevites subsequently endure appropriate punishment for their sinful deeds. The paper attempts to present that such a difference in opinions could be a result of a different attitude of two theologians towards the Jews. St. Ephraim the Syrian interprets the biblical story of Jonah and the Ninevites within the framework of his sharp anti-Jewish polemics, while Theodore of Mopsuestia with his doctrine of «mitigated supersessionism» is distinguished by some sympathy for the Jews.

Одной из форм погребальных сооружений у скифов Северного Причерноморья во второй половине V—IV вв. до н.э. были катакомбы с двумя и даже тремя входными ямами. Такие катакомбы делятся на технические и ритуальные. Входы технических катакомб — разновременные: второй (и третий) связаны с подзахоронением второго и следующего покойников в существующую камеру. Ритуальные катакомбы содержат одиночные захоронения, но имеют по два входа, устроенных одновременно. Это объясняется, вероятно, некими ритуальными нормами, согласно которым отдельные действия по захоронению единственного покойника требовалось проводить параллельно, но через разные входы. Разновидностью ритуальных катакомб являются катакомбы-подбои. Вход в такой катакомбе — один, однако в камеру из него ведут два дромоса, разделенных тонким простенком, порой не достигающим свода. Полное или символическое разделение входа имело ритуальное назначение и семантически соответствует катакомбе с двумя входами. В курганах скифской элиты, вплоть до царского уровня, известны также парные одноактные захоронения мужчин и женщин в общих катакомбах, совершенные через два входа. Захоронения знати сопровождались захоронениями слуг, верховых коней, крупными и роскошными наборами разнообразных вещей. Публикуется выборка ритуальных катакомб: (а) с двумя входными ямами, (б) с двумя дромосами и (в) с парными захоронениями знати. Рассмотрены хронология комплексов, половозрастной состав погребенных, изменения конструкции катакомб с двумя входами. One of the burial structure forms among the Scythians of the Northern Black Sea region in the second half of the 5th and the 4th century BCE were catacombs having two or even three entrance pits. The whole total of these is subdivided into technical and ritual ones. In the technical group, more pits have been added as soon as further deceased were introduced into a collective burial chamber a while after a chief burial is already made. Entrances leading into such catacombs are thus not coeval, while those directed into a ritual catacomb were arranged simultaneously to enter a burial chamber with a single person buried there. The presence of a second entrance pit can only be explained by certain ritual requirements, according to which some specific elements of the burial ritual associated with the interment of a single deceased should be carried out at once but only using different entrances. A special variety of ritual catacombs are those having single entrance pit bifurcated into passageways (dromoi) leading into the burial chamber and separated from each other by a thin wall which sometimes does not even reach up the ceiling. Such a partition of the entrance seems to have had an exclusively ritual purpose and the same meaning as a catacomb with two entrances. In the barrows of the Scythian elite, including those of royalty, paired burials with male and female bone remains are reported to be found in collective dual-entrance burial chambers. The noble ones are accompanied there by servants and riding horses and sumptuous burial goods. The paper presents a selection of ritual catacombs with (a) two entrance pits, (b) two dromoi, and (c) prestigious paired burials. Chronological positions of the barrows, age and sex distribution among the buried as well as durable changes in dual-entrance catacombs are among issues discussed in the paper.

The objective of the paper to comprehend a deep implication of what dharma meant to Yudhishthira through the length of historical events related to war and philosophical questioning on the issue. He had to fight through so much in terms of pitting his intuitive understanding of dharma against a whole gamut of mundane ideas of what dharma stood for. For instance, his struggle with his brothers on the complexity of svadhrama and its rejoinder in form of sukshadharma or knowledge of subtle consciousness. His inner conflict continued and there came a time in the last parva, Svargarohana parva, when he just denounced dharma. It was through these trials and tribulations that Yudhishthira was finally able to evolve his own idea of what real truth, conduct, duty, morality and inner consciousness were about. In other words what was true dharma. Through this paper the author attempts to tease out complexities of the philosophical queries that bothered Yudhishthira and also trace his historical trajectory in the quest. The method of investigation would include historicizing the text. This means locating our source, the Mahabharata, on a time line and within a geographical expanse so that we get an idea when the logic of dharma mutated and in what particular region. The text had an expansive period of formulation right from the 8th Century BCE to 4th Century CE, that is, what we understand as the Gupta period. But the text had many later regional recensions as well. We are primarily looking at the older Sanskrit version of the text as recorded in V.S.Sukthankar edited Critical edition (Bhandarkar Oriental edition, Poona) of the Mahabharata. The exercise also requires reading of the magnum opus, locating the usage of the term in association with Yudhishthira and raising some significant issues. These may include queries such as what is dharma according to the Mahabharata. Is definition fixed or is it dynamic? Do all people speak of it with the same voice? Is the notion of dharma same for Yuthishthira and his Pandava brothers? Does his wife. Draupadi, subscribe to his idea of dharma? If his notion of dharma changes over time, does it have anything to do with changing consciousness of the society or at least some people within the society? Can we get a sense of a subtle move towards a shift from karma yoga to jnana yoga and finally to bhakti yoga? In this changing paradigm where do we locate the dharma philosophy of Dharmaputra Yudhishthira, especially as there comes a time when he himself begins questioning the idea of dharma? In a sense his character brings out the dilemmas arising out of the differences in meanings and approaches of comprehending the complexities associated with the concept of dharma. Another point of our methodology would be to understand the etymology of the term dharma and its location in the ancient language. The Sanskrit root of the word is dhr, 'to support', 'to sustain'. In other words, it means that whereby whatever lives, is sustained, upheld, supported. More often than not, the word dharma in its ancient usage denoted the moral realm in its widest sense, meaning both morality as an ideal— man's eternal quest for the good, the right, the just—as well as the given, actual framework of norms, rules, maxims, principles that guide human action. It was integral to the doctrine of purushartha or that of the four goals of a human being; these being artha (success/material possessions), kama (passion/procreation), dharma (virtue/religious duty), moksha (self-perfection). All the four are intertwined. Throughout the epic we witness the evolution of Yudhishthira’s notion of true dharma. What comes out strongly is his holding fast to the value of nonviolence (anrishṃsya), his identification with the sukshma or subtle nature of dharma, his insistence on constricted use of brute force as a part of Kshatriya dharma, his ultimate benevolence towards his family and people. These were actually revealed to be the cause of his indisputable success in Dharma’s recurrent tests. Somewhere by the end of the epic, Yudhishthira’s error in entering into the game of dice, getting in conflict with his brothers on the issue of his duty and not being able to answer Draupadi’s queries initially appear as stepping stones in self-realization to a deeper understanding of what dharma as duty, conduct, search for truth and morality were all about. The orderly world of dharma, which was so central to his character, was eventually arrived at only through repeated trials and tribulations

Второй раздел статьи посвящён анализу образного мира Леонтия как одному из факторов, подтверждающих принадлежность текстов одному автору, а также выявляющих уровень риторической подготовки и мастерства проповедника. Анализ символических образов Леонтия (Церковь и Её священнодействия, Агнец Божий, Хлеб Небесный, царская власть Христа) демонстрирует, с одной стороны, его приверженность евхаристическому реализму и цельной экклезиологии, объединяющей тайносовершительную и социальную функции Церкви, с другой стороны - выявляет некоторую размытость границ между символом и передаваемой им реальностью, увлечение художественной завершённостью образа, которое иногда приводит проповедника к отступлению от отстаиваемых им же богословских положений. Сдержанность Леонтия в развитии идеи царской власти Христа по человечеству хорошо объясняется его дохалкидонским христологическим мышлением, а также тем, что проповедник находился под свежим впечатлением от ересей конца IV в. (Маркелл Анкирский) и их осуждения на II Вселенском Соборе. Последнее позволяет более уверенно датировать леонтиевский корпус концом IV - началом V в. Analysis of the symbolic images of Leontius (the Church and her sacraments, the Lamb of God, the Bread of Heaven, the royal power of Christ) demonstrates, on the one hand, Leontius’ commitment to Eucharistic realism and integral ecclesiology, uniting the sacramental and social functions of the Church, on the other hand, reveals some blurring of the boundaries between the symbol and the reality, and the fascination with the literary completeness of the image, which sometimes leads the preacher to deviate from the theological positions defended by him. The restraint of Leontius in the development of the idea of the royal power of Christ by His human nature is well explained by his pre-Chalcedonian Christology, as well as by the fact that the preacher was under a fresh impression of the heresies of the late 4th century (Marcellus of Anсyra) and their condemnation at the II Ecumenical Council. The latter makes it possible to more confidently date the Corpus Leontianum of the late 4th - early 5th centuries.

According to Wikipedia, the earliest references to animal experimentation appear in Greek writings of the 2nd and 4th Century BC1. Needless to say, we have come a long way in the intervening years. Animal experimentation is now regulated by law in many countries. ‘Animal ethics committees’, typically made up of lay people, scientists and vets, are required to undertake a cost–benefit analysis for proposed projects, weighing up the likely benefit to society against any harm and suffering animals may experience. Furthermore, the ethical framework first described by William Russell and Rex Burch in their seminal 1959 publication2 – the so-called 3Rs: the use of non-animal methods to achieve the same scientific goals (replacement), or where this is not possible, that researchers use methods which cause the minimum pain and suffering (refinement) while also obtaining the best information possible from the fewest number of animals (reduction) – is now also a legal requirement in many countries. Thanks in part to initiatives such as the UK's National Centre for the Replacement, Refinement and Reduction of Animals in Research (NC3Rs), recent years have seen a massive increase in the number of techniques developed which aim to replace the use of animals in research, teaching and testing, an achievement which should be celebrated.

Abstract Some of Fryderyk Chopin’s letters were published individually or in groups already in the 2nd half of the 19th century. With the passage of time, more letters from and to Chopin were printed in monographs dedicated to his life and work. The first editions of Chopin’s collected letters come from the 1st half of the 20th century (by Scharlitt and von Guttry in Germany, Henryk Opieński – in Poland). B.E. Sydow’s Fryderyk Chopin’s Correspondence of 1955 continues to be used as the basic source edition by Chopin biographers. It has many strong points, but has become largely outdated. The research project dedicated to the new source edition of Chopin’s correspondence is implemented at the Institute of Musicology, University of Warsaw by Zofia Helman, Zbigniew Skowron and Hanna Wróblewska-Straus. It aims to edit and publish all the preserved letters written to and from Chopin. As a result of many historical cataclysms in the 19th and 20th centuries, some of Chopin’s letters have been lost or dispersed. Our edition consists of 3 volumes (Vol. I – Warszawa 2009, Vol. II – in print, Vol. III – in preparation). All the letters have been edited from sources: the preserved autographs by Chopin and other persons, autograph reproductions in various publications (if the original is now lost or inaccessible), and if reproductions are also unavailable – on the basis of a selected edition (not necessarily the first). Our edition is also the first to include summaries of lost letters to Chopin (based on Karłowicz’s publication of 1904). In comparison with earlier editions, the number of published letters has increased, and we added descriptions of the autograph sources that we used as the basis for our edition. Earlier dating of letters which contain no date in the manuscript has been verified, and some dates – changed or established for the first time. Commentaries and notes accompanying the letters are significantly more extensive in this edition than in any previous one, and they include: remarks on text edition, biographical notes for persons mentioned in the letters, explanations concerning places, identification of musical and literary works, theatrical plays and other works of art referred to in the letters; historical commentary on the events described; information concerning cultural life (concerts, opera and theatre performances). We have frequently had to confront confabulated material repeated for many years in musicological studies and deeply rooted in collective awareness. We have also corrected numerous misspelt surnames and thus pointed to the true identity of many hitherto unidentified figures. Our research on the letters has made it possible to establish or confirm some facts from Chopin’s life, such as new details of his stays in Munich and Stuttgart on the way to Paris in 1831, the exact date of his arrival in Paris (5th October 1831), details of Chopin and Hiller’s trip to Aachen to the music festival of the Lower Rhine, to Düsseldorf (in May 1834), as well as the definite date of the Polish concert in the Parisian Théâtre-Italien (4th April 1835).

Climate change induced sea-level rise (SLR) is on its increase globally. Regionally the lowlands of China, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and islands of the Malaysian, Indonesian and Philippine archipelagos are among the world’s most threatened regions. Sea-level rise has major impacts on the ecosystems and society. It threatens coastal populations, economic activities, and fragile ecosystems as mangroves, coastal salt-marches and wetlands. This paper provides a summary of the current state of knowledge of sea level-rise and its effects on both human and natural ecosystems. The focus is on coastal urban areas and low lying deltas in South-East Asia and Vietnam, as one of the most threatened areas in the world. About 3 mm per year reflects the growing consensus on the average SLR worldwide. The trend speeds up during recent decades. The figures are subject to local, temporal and methodological variation. In Vietnam the average values of 3.3 mm per year during the 1993-2014 period are above the worldwide average. Although a basic conceptual understanding exists that the increasing global frequency of the strongest tropical cyclones is related with the increasing temperature and SLR, this relationship is insufficiently understood. Moreover the precise, complex environmental, economic, social, and health impacts are currently unclear. SLR, storms and changing precipitation patterns increase flood risks, in particular in urban areas. Part of the current scientific debate is on how urban agglomeration can be made more resilient to flood risks. Where originally mainly technical interventions dominated this discussion, it becomes increasingly clear that proactive special planning, flood defense, flood risk mitigation, flood preparation, and flood recovery are important, but costly instruments. Next to the main focus on SLR and its effects on resilience, the paper reviews main SLR associated impacts: Floods and inundation, salinization, shoreline change, and effects on mangroves and wetlands. The hazards of SLR related floods increase fastest in urban areas. This is related with both the increasing surface major cities are expected to occupy during the decades to come and the increasing coastal population. In particular Asia and its megacities in the southern part of the continent are increasingly at risk. The discussion points to complexity, inter-disciplinarity, and the related uncertainty, as core characteristics. An integrated combination of mitigation, adaptation and resilience measures is currently considered as the most indicated way to resist SLR today and in the near future.References Aerts J.C.J.H., Hassan A., Savenije H.H.G., Khan M.F., 2000. Using GIS tools and rapid assessment techniques for determining salt intrusion: Stream a river basin management instrument. 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Ethnography from the 4th century BCE after the Peloponnesian War and up to Alexander’s campaign has so far been underrepresented in ancient historical research. This article attempts to fill in the gap by examining the multi-layered functions of ethnographic writing, using the Thracians in the Xenophontic Anabasis as an example. Thereby, it will be shown that expert knowledge of the 4th century in particular played a formative role in describing foreign ethnic groups. Finally, ethnographic information about the Thracians significantly supports Xenophon’s self-representation as ideal military leader and philosopher.