Academic literature on the topic '420306 Maori cultural studies'

New Zealand concerns regarding cultural heritage focus almost exclusively on the indigenous Maori of that country. This article includes discussion of the way in which New Zealand regulates the local sale and export of Maori material cultural objects. It examines recent proposals to reform this system, including allowing Maori custom to determine ownership of newly found objects.A major development in New Zealand law concerns the role of a quasi-judicial body, the Waitangi Tribunal. Many tribunal decisions have contained lengthy discussions of Maori taonga (cultural treasures) and of alleged past misconduct by former governments and their agents in relation to such objects and Maori cultural heritage in general.As is the case with legal systems elsewhere, New Zealand seeks to reconcile the claims of its indigenous peoples with other priorities, such as economic development and environmental protection. Maori concerns have led to major changes in New Zealand heritage conservation law. A Maori Heritage Council now acts to ensure that places and sites of Maori interest will be protected. The council also plays a role in mediating conflicting interests of Maori and others, such as scientists, in relation to the scientific investigation of various sites.Despite these developments, New Zealand has yet to sign the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. The changes proposed to New Zealand cultural property law have yet to be implemented, and there is evidence of uncertainty about the extent to which protecting indigenous Maori rights can be reconciled with the development of a national cultural identity and the pursuit of universal concerns, such as sustainable development.

Drawn by their foundation in fundamentally ‘otherwise’ posthuman ethical and moral worlds, archaeologists have in recent years employed a number of indigenous theories to interpret archaeological materials. In this paper I consider the potential of New Zealand Maori whakapapa, loosely and reductively translatable as genealogy or ancestry, to become a strand of general theory in archaeology. The qualities of whakapapa which I feel have particular potential are its moral and ethical embeddedness and its insistence on multiple forms of relating. Importantly, whakapapa has an accessible indigenous voice. There is an extensive published literature, both Maori and non-Maori, academic and general, discussing, interpreting and applying Maori social theory, including whakapapa. In addition, whakapapa remains today fundamental to everyday and ceremonial Maori life. It is lived. Employing whakapapa as archaeological theory does not, then, depend on a having a specific authoritative interpreter. Here I have taken recent work by installation artist Maureen Lander as a forum to outline the key principles of whakapapa and to inform my discussion of whakapapa as archaeological theory.

AbstractThe New Zealand Wars of the 1860s have traditionally been associated with the popularity of antagonistic racial discourses and the growing influence of scientific racism. Building upon recent research into the resonance of humanitarian racial discourses in this period, this article reconsiders the experience of Governor Thomas Gore Browne during the Taranaki War, 1860–61. The Taranaki War was a global news event that precipitated fierce debates within both New Zealand and Great Britain over the war's origins and the rights of indigenous Maori. This article reveals how both Browne and his wartime critics defined themselves as the true defenders of Maori rights. This general usage of humanitarian racial discourses was encouraged by perceptions of metropolitan surveillance, New Zealand's prominence within networks of imperial communication, and an onus to administrate Maori with justice.

AbstractIn July 2011 what is commonly known as the Wai 262 Report was released. After a protracted series of hearings, dating back to 1997, the New Zealand Waitangi Tribunal has at last reported on the some of the wide range of issues canvassed in those hearings. Three beautifully illustrated volumes contain a large number of recommendations in what is described as a whole-of-government report. This article notes earlier comments on Wai 262 in this journal and reframes what is often known as the ‘Maori renaissance’ from which this claim emerged in 1991. The Tribunal decided not to discuss historical aspects of the evidence presented, except for the Tohunga Suppression Act 1907, as this was not ‘an orthodox territorial claim’ allowing the Crown to negotiate with iwi for a Treaty Settlement. Of great significance for this readership, the Tribunal staunchly refused to entertain any discussion of ‘ownership’ claims to Maori cultural property. Rather, the Tribunal focussed on ‘perfecting the Treaty partnership’ between the two founding peoples of Aotearoa New Zealand. Its report is concerned with the future and with the Treaty of Waitangi when the nation has moved beyond the grievance mode that has dominated the last quarter century. The partnership principles are pragmatic and flexible. Very seldom indeed can Maori expect to regain full authority over their treasured properties and resources. The eight major topics of the chapters on intellectual property, genetic and biological resources, the environment, the conservation estate, the Maori language, Maori knowledge systems, Maori medicines and international instruments are briefly summarised. The author is critical of this Tribunal panel's timidity in refusing to make strong findings of Treaty breach as the basis for practical recommendations—the approach usually adopted in previous Tribunal reports on contemporary issues. The article then notes that the Wai 262 report featured significantly in 2012 hearings on Maori claims to proprietary rights in freshwater resources. It featured not to assist the freshwater claimants, however, but as a shield wielded by the Crown to try to deny Maori any remedy.The low bar of partnership consultations encouraged by the Wai 262 report was congenial for Crown counsel seeking to undermine Maori claims to customary rights akin to ‘ownership’ of water. The 2012 Tribunal panel, under a new Chief Judge, restrictively distinguished the Wai 262 report and found in favour of Maori rights to water. In conclusion, the article notes the irony of a government following neo-liberal policies in pursuing a privatisation strategy and yet relying on ‘commons’ rhetoric to deny Maori any enforceable rights to water; and of indigenous people arguing for ownership property rights to frustrate that government's policies.

AbstractThe recent New Zealand Supreme Court decision inClarke v Takamoreraises issues about how Maori society views deceased tribal members as belonging to the extended family and tribal group collective. This conflicts with English common law understandings that a closer, legally protected individual relationship exists with an executor, if the decedent has left a will, or with a spouse, if there is no will. This note examines the conflict and suggests a solution that would be fairer to Maori than that unanimously reached by three of New Zealand's general courts.

Recognizing the continual restructuring of Pakeha-Maori relations as dominance and subordination, this thesis sets out to gain an understanding, through a critique of ideology, of the place of schooling in the securing and maintenance of those relations. Theoretically, it draws mainly upon the concept of ideology as interpreted by Jorge Larrain but also upon Gramsci's concept of hegemony, the notion of social amnesia as presented by Jacoby and the concept of resistance as developed by Giroux. It also examines the historical development of the concepts of 'race' and 'culture' which are employed ideologically to rationalize educational policies concerning the Maori. Tracing the progression of policies and practices in Maori education from the 1830s to the present day, the research shows the schooling of the Maori to have contributed significantly to the securing of Pakeha economic and political dominance in the nineteenth century and to the maintenance of that dominance through much of the twentieth century. Of particular significance has been the control of Maori access to knowledge. With Maori resistance playing a considerable part in the shaping of these policies and practices, the school is recognized as one of the sites of Maori-Pakeha struggle. Widespread underachievement of Maori within education - revealed in 1960 by the Hunn Report - is recognized as an outcome of these processes. Taking account of policies in recent years directed at improving Maori educational achievement, the thesis examines fieldwork research conducted within Auckland primary and secondary schools, in order to understand the extent to which current policies and practices of schools contribute towards overcoming the asymmetry in social relations. Focussing upon teacher perceptions of Maori children and their needs, the way schools sort and classify their pupils, provisions for a Maori dimension in schooling, including 'taha Maori', and the place of history in social studies programmes, the research finds that the struggle still continues, with tensions surrounding the efforts of the minority of teachers and other educationists working within the education system towards Maori interests. While a significant number of teachers, particularly in primary schools seem concerned to implement the 'taha Maori' policy and other aspects of 'multicultural education', these efforts are not matched by a concern to address the problem of Maori educational under-achievement, with teachers either explaining away the problem or accepting it as a quasi-natural state of affairs. Over all the research shows that schools in general continue, in a variety of ways, to control and limit Maori access to knowledge-power and thereby help to maintain the asymmetry in Maori-Pakeha relations. Maori children who do succeed within the education system are seen to do so primarily because they and their families have learned to deal with the system. The multicultural policies of education as presented by the Department of Education are recognized as ideological responses to Maori resistance and challenges, creating an appearance of change and of commitment to Maori interests while, in essence, functioning to maintain the asymmetry in social relations.
Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

In acknowledging continual educational under-achievement of Maori children, this thesis investigates the relationship between education policy and Maori under-achievement. It argues that under-achievement is framed within boundaries of changing recognitions and realisations of power and difference: that conceptions of difference have influenced education policy and schooling practices for Maori. Theoretically, the thesis examines 'what counts as difference' and 'what differences count'. In recognising that unequal power relations between dominant and subordinate groups produce distinct views about difference, 'what counts as difference' encompasses the perspectives of dominant groups and 'what differences count', subordinate groups. The former view is developed to expand the basis for investigating 'Pakeha conceptions of difference', and the latter, 'Maori conceptions'. The thesis traces the interactions and relationships of 'difference' and 'power', and examines, historically, how they have contributed to and sustained Maori educational under-achievement. The contribution of these conceptions of difference to informing schooling practices is investigated through four sequential 'Classification Schemes' of Assimilation, Integration, Multiculturalism and Biculturalism. The thesis argues that Biculturalism is based on a positive view of Maori cultural differences, and examines the extent of Maori influence on four recent education policy making processes. The thesis also acknowledges a Maori focus on the importance of structural differences for addressing their needs. On the basis of those two different perspectives, the thesis develops the concepts 'Maori-friendly' and 'Maori-centred', to examine processes, and structures and the relative influence of Maori on mainstream policy forming processes. The thesis shows that Tomorrow's Schools, Education for the Twenty-First Century and the Maori Affairs Select Committee Inquiry encapsulate different degrees of both Maori-friendly and Maori-centred approaches, though arguing that ultimately, it is Pakeha conceptions of difference that inform and influence all the policy forming processes. However, the fourth policy process examined was originally a wholly Maori-centred initiative - Te Kohanga Reo. The thesis points to and traces the incorporation of Te Kohanga Reo into the mainstream education system and its consequences for Maori, and concludes that structural differences ensure continuing Pakeha control over Maori conceptions of difference and henceforth Maori educational under-achievement.

The work I have presented here pulls together Maori epistemologies as evidenced in the whakapapa knowledge particularly of Ngati Maniapoto to see if and where connection lies with understandings of Maori cultural wellbeing. Whakapapa knowledge is the unbounded collection of theory, observation and experience as seen through Maori eyes. It is intricately connected by whakapapa, a tool for working with and extrapolating understanding and is the common thread that binds hapu, whanau and iwi (O’Regan, 2001). The aim is to investigate contemporary Maori realities with a strong interest in these traditions of wisdom and knowing. The rangahau presented here is of necessity both deconstructive and reconstructive. As a deconstructive project the rangahau seeks to place under the microscope of indigenous gaze the colonial theoretical, ethical, moral and political construction of Maori ways of knowing and being and the ontological orders of western paradigms and non-Maori worldview (Romero-Little, 2006). As a constructive project I am concerned with placing on the record and opening up sites for, but not defining, Maori epistemology as legitimate and ‘tika’ and at the same time putting forward ‘alternate epistemologies’ (Collins, 1991; Lopez, 1998; Smith, 1999; Marsden, 2003) that challenge certified knowledge and critically challenges dominant constructions of the truth as related to knowing. The implications of these explorations of epistemologies for Maori lives, opportunities and experience are also considered. This work argues for the maintenance of Maori cultural identities via whakapapa knowledge using connections to Maori ways of knowing. This includes examination of the effects of coming to terms with, of encountering, coming to terms with and engaging with Maori cultural practices, as well as, processes commonly referred to as ‘culture shock’ (Weaver, 1993) the psychological, emotional and physical responses to the phenomenon of identity reclamation and how these realities can be negotiated. What I found is that Maori knowledge systems are replete with elements that contribute positively to the maintenance of cultural identities and these identities are uniquely and distinctively contextually and culturally relevant. These systems have been and continue to be threatened by the impacts of colonisation and colonial ideologies. The work has found that elders and relevant contexts retain and provide a large volume of knowledge that when engaged with can provide useful insights into living within Maori paradigms that can enhance wellbeing in the present. Maori communities and whanau are under high levels of stress with the pressures of contemporary living and the dis-location from ancestral lands, and the living activities, knowledge sharing opportunities and learning practices they support. This work seeks to offer up solutions via the maintenance, enhancement and advancement of cultural identities as a way for mediating and removing some of the effects of the stresses. The implications are that the continued disconnection of Maori from unique cultural identities informed by whakapapa korero knowledge may serve to weaken important elements and connections to an individual’s and group’s cultural identity, including personal history, stories, land and people. The potential exists for further investigation of how crucial cultural connections that acknowledge contemporary realities and yet support the maintenance of cultural identities with strong and vibrant connections to whakapapa korero knowledge connections might be maintained, enhanced and advanced. Additionally, the work here opens up the space for and advocates for much deeper exploration of distinctive elements of a groups identity through contextually located knowledge in forms such as waiata, purakau, pakiwaitara, whakairo, rongoa, wairua and the many other knowledge forms of tea o Maori to further depths/heights not yet achieved to reclaim (k)new and subjugated knowledge forms. This potential is exciting but there are a range of risks involved (including appropriations of indigenous knowledge) that requires certain minimum standards of knowledge protection such as discerning which knowledge is suitable for public consumption and that which is not. This is most suitably done after receiving guidance from the knowledge holders as to what the appropriate forums for such knowledge might be and analysing risks for abuse, risks of misinterpretation and risks of unintended use that might cause whakama. The enquiry suggested above as being of benefit is of course a deeply personal exploration and ideas of what is appropriate for public consumption and what is not is something that must be explored at the time of enquiry. As in my work here I was asked to include some things and to exclude others as a result of views by the elders that the public consumption of some knowledge they contributed was inappropriate to be shared beyond our korero because it could be perceived in a number of ways, some helpful and some not, for the people concerned, or for different groups of people. The knowledge that has been shared here and that which has not has therefore been discerned.

Biculturalism is a relationship in government between the British Crown and the indigenous [Māori] people of New Zealand. I show that this relationship permeated some Māori healing practitioners’ healing knowledge and perception. A key way in which this occurred was through the practitioners recognizing biological and social boundaries between Māori and Pākehā [New Zealanders of European descent]. A second was through the practitioners’ embodiment of connections with social groups including the nation, a history and present shared between Māori and Pākehā and an idealized pre-contact past. A fundamental principle of Te Oo Mai Reia was that for the practitioners to harness the power of the various forces that sustained life they had to be in touch with their whakapapa [genealogy] for it was through their ancestors that they could commune with the Ultimate Deity, Io, the source of the most potent of all forces of life. A further key principle was that spiritually inspired and traditional Māori culture heightened the wellbeing of Māori, not modern, Pākehā culture. Spiritual and ancient knowledge was supra-conscious and made knowable through an embodied awareness of self and other. To make my argument I draw on literature inspired by Foucault that shows how states govern by implementing their operations and securing their penetration into the citizenry by drawing and building upon pre-existing bodies of knowledge and relations of power. I also draw on literature that shows how the human body bears the effects of such practices of government. To this literature I integrate perception by showing how, in this Māori healing context, the government of the bicultural nation-state worked through the ways the practitioners made sense with the body (especially through feeling, seeing and touching).

This thesis is made up of three parts; the first is an outline and discussion of the various approaches taken in the description of Polynesian languages in the last 30 years. It provides background discussion of the model of description used in the rest of the thesis. The second deals with the phonology of the 'Ua Pou dialect, concentrating in particular on two areas; the phonetics of the glottal stop phoneme, and penultimate vowel extension. The latter is a feature which has received no mention in any literature to date but is the most noticeable suprasegmental phonetic difference between the Marquesan dialects and the other Eastern Polynesian languages. The last four chapters describe the structure of phrases in the 'Ua Pou dialect. The first two of these deals with the centripetal particles of the noun and verb phrase respectively, that is, the particles within phrases which modify the base of that phrase. Particles which relate phrases to other phrases, that is, the prepositions and ai, are dealt with separately in the last two chapters since their description requires some comments on the syntax of the language.
Thesis now published as a book. Margaret Mutu with Ben Teʻikitutoua (2002). Ùa Pou : aspects of a Marquesan dialect. Canberra, ACT: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies. ISBN 0858835266.

The main objective of this thesis was to understand the function, design and distribution of New Zealand adzes, aspects little studied in Polynesia as a whole. Methodology involved functional and manufacturing replication experiments and comparisons of these results with statistics derived from the analysis of almost 12,000 archaeological adzes. Methodology was guided by technological organization theory which states that technological strategies reflect human behaviours and that artefacts like adzes are physical manifestations of the strategies employed by people to overcome problems posed by environmental and resource conditions. Variability in adze morphology was discovered to be the outcome of ongoing technological adjustments to a range of conditions that were constrained by a set of functionally defined parameters. The nature of the raw material, both for the adzes themselves and to make them, had a major influence on adze technology and morphology within these functional parameters. Four basic functional adze types were identified fi-om distinct and consistent combinations of design attributes not previously recognized explicitly in previous adze typologies. It was found that design attributes previously considered significant like crosssection shape and butt reduction were more heavily influenced by raw material quality than functional specifications. It was also important to recognize that form and function changed over time with use, and because adzes were so valuable due to manufacturing costs, they were intensively curated. The majority of archaeological specimens studied for this thesis had seen major morphological and functional change. This dynamic was included ,in a typology based on 'adze state7 as findings suggested (1) that extending adze use-life and optimizing reworking potential was incorporated in initial design strategies, (2) that intensive curation may have played a major role in changes in adze morphology over time, and (3). that it had a major influence on distribution and discard patterns in the archaeological record. Having identified these influences on adze discard and distribution, two complex production and distribution networks were observed for the North Island based around Tahanga basalt and Nelson~Marlborough argillite. Each was complimentary to the other and involved other major and minor products and materials. Influential factors in the roles different settlements played in distribution included where people and raw materials were in relation to one another and the mode of transportation. The coastal location of early period settlements and important stone sources was an important aspect of these networks.

This thesis consists of two sections. The intention of Section One, 'Biographical Texts: Theoretical Underpinning', is to explore and discuss the theoretical underpinnings of Maori feminism and Kaupapa Maori as they relate to biography as a research method into the lives of Maori women. Biography, as a literary genre is also examined with particular reference to feminist, women of colour and Maori biography. Section One is a wideranging section, encompassing a broad sweep of the literature in these areas. It both draws from existing literature and contributes to the discourse regarding Maori feminism, Maori biography and Maori research. It is relevant to but unconstrained by the content of Section Two. The intention of Section Two, 'Locating the Story of Betty Wark; A Biographical Narrative with Reflective Annotations', is to provide an example of the biographical method and what might constitute Maori biography. The subject of the biographical narrative, Betty Wark, was a Maori woman who was actively involved with community-based organisations from the 1950s until her death in May 2001. Several major themes which emerged from Betty's biographical history occur throughout her narrative and provide a framework in which her story is located. One of the most significant themes was the notion of 'home'; both literal and metaphorical. This theme is reflected in the title of the thesis, Writing Ourselves 'Home'.

Te Ora Ē noho anā nō i te koko ko Ōhiwa, kia whakarongo rua, Aku taringa ki te Tai o tuarā e o Kanawa, E āki ana mai ki uta r o Ōhakana. Ki te whānau a Tairongo, Kai Tāuwhare rā ko te kopua-o-te ururoa, Ko te kai rāria noa mai te raweketia e te ringaringa, Me whakarangi-pūkohu e au ki Tītītangi ao ki te Te Aitanga-ā-Wheturoa, Kia whītikiria taku hope ki te maurea whiritoi, Kia noho au ki Puhi-nui tonu ki Te Maungarongo a Te Rangiāniwaniwa, Ka mawhiti tonu rā taku haere ki ngā tihi tapu ki Maungapōhatu kia Taiturakina; Kia titiro iho au ki Ruatāhuna ki Manawarū ē ko Te Aitanga-ā-Tūhoe.... Ko te hua o te wānanga o a Tūhoe kōrero tuku iho hāngai ki ana waiata tawhito te pūtake o tēnei tuhinga roa kia auhi noa mai te wairua o ngā tūtakinga kōrero kia riro ko ēnei kōrero tuku iho hei matua hikihiki, whakataratara i te hinengaro, i te wairua, e mau ai tēnei o ngā whare whakairo kōrero o te hua o te wānanga a Tūhoe. Kia kaiaohia aua kōrero ki te ura mai o te motu ki runga i ngā pae maunga o Huiarau tau iho ki a tātau e pōkai kaha nei, e tau awhi nei ki runga i te mata o tēnei whenua ātaahua. Ka paenga rā ngā tau ka kitea, ka rangona tēnā pu kōrero, tēnā whare whakairo kōrero, whakairo waiata. Mea rawa ake kua whakangaro atu ki te tira e tauwhare mai rā. Hika rawa ake, kua mawhiti kē te haere ki te mākau nui o te iwi e tīraha mai rā, tē whakaaratia! Kia rangona, kia kitea noa e tātau te mata kōrero kia eke rā ki runga, taihoa rawa ēnei taonga e ngaro, taihoa rawa nei taonga e haukotia. Ka huri whakauta ki te hua o te wānanga, ko te waiata tawhito tēnā, ko te momo rerenga kōrero i hua mai ai i roto i ngā noho tahitanga a te tangata. He kupu ēnei hei whakaata i te hinengaro, wairua, te taiao, ngā rākau, te wai, te moana, ngā whetu, te whenua, ngā pakanga, te kawa o te marae, te noho tahitanga a ngā tūākana\tāina\tuāhine. Te reo o mātua, o kuia, koroua, ngā kaipupuri i te ahi kā roa o te wā kāinga. Inā hoki ko nga āhuatanga o te tangata tēnā tōna hanga, tōna whakatipu, ōna whakaaro, tōna ngākau, tōna wairua, me ngā momo hāhi i tipu ake ai te pono, ka titiro iho te tika i te rangi ka oti nei he waiata e tipuria ai te hua o te wānanga ki roto i a tātau katoa. Waihoki ko aua waiata nei te ahi whakakā roa o te ngākau,kei kona ōna timatatanga, engari kāore nei ōna whakamutunga. Ka pikitia ake te toi huarewa kia kite noa atu i te kaha o te whakaaro. Ko te wāhanga nui ia kia hapaina tēnei tuhinga roa, hei whakaoho, hei tuku, hei tātari i ngā whiriwhiringa kōrero ā-tuhi, ā-wāha kei roto i te whare kōrero o te whānau, hapū, iwi e timata ai, e mau ai te hua o te wānanga o te whaitua whenua. Tae atu ki ngā takahanga whakaewa ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei kaiarataki ki ngā tihi maunga o te whakaaro. Ko te kapunga whakaaro ko te whātoro, i te tātari i te kupu, ki te whakamārama i te hua o te wānanga hei tumu whakarae kōhikohi mōhiotanga ki runga, ki raro ki ngā tai timu o te hua o te wānanga. I roto i tēnei tuhinga roa ka takea mai te wānanga i te kore, i te pō, i te ao mārama e tohea ai ngā kete e toru o te wānanga hei anga tohutohu, piki tūranga whakaakoranga ki hea mai nei! Mai i roto i aua kete ka nanahu te hinengaro kōkoi o tātau tīpuna mai anō i te ao Māori. Ko te ao mārama tēnā, ko te ao whenua tēnā, ko ngā pakanga tēnā, ko ngā tinihanga ēnā, ko te apakura, ko te hakamomori ka hua nei te wānanga. Nō reira he mahi, he kaupapa nui tā tēnei tuhinga roa ki te whakakao mai i ngā waiata e mohio ana tātau hei papa kōrero, hei wānanga mā te hunga kei te piki ake i ngā takutai moana o te whakaaro, o tēnei ao e wehi mai nei ki a tātau. Kāre e mihi kei te hopo te iwi, te hunga mau i ēnei waiata ki runga i o tātau marae kei ngaro memeha noa ēnei taonga a tātau. Ae! Kei te tika tā rātau hopo. Inā hoki kua riro kē te reo whakaarorangi i te oro o te waiata i ngā tai nenehawa, whakapōrearea e hukahuka mai nei. Ahakoa tēnei kei te whakaara ake ēnei waiata i runga tonu i te kaha o tēna, o tēna ki te whakaara. Kei te tahuri nui mai te hunga rangatahi, taiohi ki ēnei waiata koia tēnei te tūmatanui o tēnei tuhinga roa, hei tāhu whakaea mo te hinengaro, mo te ngākau o aua whakatipuranga e hiahia nei rātau ki ēnei taonga. Mā te karakia hei waere te whenua, mā te taki i ngā kōrero mo ngā atuā te whakataukī, te whakapepeha ka pupuke mai te hihiri o te mahara i ō tātau tipuna kōkoi e whakakitea nei tātau i ēnei rā ki aua tohu. Ka huia rnai aua pitopito kōrero katoa hei kākahu maeneene ki roto i te kupu o te waiata tawhito, kā mau. He whakaatu tēnei tuhinga roa kei te ora tēnei o ngā momo whare pupuri kōrero i te pū; i te more, te weu me ngā pātaka iringa kōrero o te ao ō Tūhoe ō neherā, tae noa mai ki ēnei rā. Kāti he wā anō i roto i taua ora ka tōia te whakaaro ō Tūhoe, ō te Māori e tauiwi hei tinihanga māna. Engari e kitea ai i roto i tēnei tuhinga roa, ko te toki hei kaupare atu i taua tinihanga ko te kōrero i tuarātia rā: 'Hokia ki o maunga kia purea koe e ngā hau o Tāwhirimātea' Koia tēnā te kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he tātari i te hānuitanga, te taiwhakatū o taua kōrero: Hokia ki o maunga... Ma taua kōrero Hokia ki o maunga ... ka rangona te mātaotao o te hua o te wānanga o te pakanga o te whenua, o ngā pikikōtuku i tukitukia, kātahi ka kōrero ai ki roto i tā Tūhoe whakatau i ana whakaaro, e taea ai te ruruku ka puea ake. Koia tēnei ko te mana i roto i ngā whakatakotoranga kōrero e mau ai te kurataininihi, te kurataiwawana o te whakaaro. He hua wānanga tēnei e whakaatungia ai e te hinengaro ngā takahanga motuhake, me te hāngai o ā rātau kupu mo ngā whakaaro e tau nei ki tēnei Ao Hurihuri. Nā ngā mahi a ō tātau tīpuna, te para i te huarahi kia takahuritia ai ngā mahi kikino o te riri Pākehā i tū ake ai ngā poropiti o aua tau kikino i rnurua ai ngā whenua, i tukua ai te iwi ki raro. I tū ake ai rātau te hunga poropiti ki te rapu i te ora i te kaupapa tōrangapū mo ngā whenua i hahanitia. Mai i ēnei kaupapa ka hau te rongo o te waiata tawhito hei tūāpapa whakaohooho, whakanekeneke i a tātau katoa, ahakoa ko wai. Whā tekau katoa ngā waiata o tēnei tuhinga roa rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe, rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe e kawe ana i te hua wānanga hei whakaata, hei kōwhiri i te hunga i kaha i rnau tonu te ngangahau i ngā totohe kōrero, totohe tangata, totohe whenua. I kona ka hua te wānanga ka tohea te riri ka mau, i ea ai tētahi wāhi o te mamae. Koia tēnei ko te whakaatu i te kaha o te tohe i te pō, i te awatea. Ko te kawa o te marae te ātamira whakatāhu, tuku i aua hua wānanga i nei rā e rangona ai te kōrero ā-iwi, te hī o te mita o te reo waiata hei hokinga atu ki te nohoanga o te kupu. Ko tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he whakahoki mai anō i te rnatapihi o Matariki, kia meinga ai ki te kairangi o te kawa o te marae, ka tau ki te whenua i maringi ai te toto. Ko ēnei hua wānanga te oro o te ngākau o Te Ūrewera, te whītiki o te kī mo te tuakiri mo tēnā whakatipuranga, rno tēnā whakatipuranga. Ae! Mā te hua wānanga a Tūhoe e whakaea te mamae e puta ai te pātai. Ko wai rā au? I ahu mai taku wānanga i whea? E ahu ana au ki whea? No te rā nei kua riro mā tēnei tuhinga roa e whakaatu ētahi o ngā hau kikino i whakawhiua kirunga i te iwi e te kāwanatanga i a ia e āki mai ana mo ngā rawa a te iwi, hei tuku he tangatakē. Nō reira i tikina ai te tauparapara a Te Kapo o te Rangi hei whakatauira i te takenga mai ongā kōrero mai i te koko ki Ōhiwa ki te pō, ki te pouri, ki te ao mārama. 'Hokia ki maunga' ko te tangata, ko te iwi, ko te hapū, ko te whānau te tīmatanga o te hua o te wānanga. Koia tēnei tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa, he āhuru i aua pukenga tautōhito kōrero kia mau te rangi, kia mau te hā, kia rangona te hua wānanga, oho ake ki te ao ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei hoa haere whakamua. Ko te kōpae o te whare tēnā e tautokona ana hoki te ahu whakamuatanga o ngā mōrehu kōrero e arohatia nei e tātau. He huarahi atu tēnei hei āwhina, hei tohu i te kei o te waka ki ngā ngaru kokoti e pukepuke rnai nei. Ko te whakapae o tēnei tuhinga roa e titikaha ai ki te hinengaro o Tūhoe me mau ana momo kōrero ki ngā momo hangarau o tēnei ao hurihuri kā tika. Kua roa ēnei taonga e ārikarika ana hei whakarei i te kupu kōrero ki te hunga mate, ki te tira e tatari rnai rā i te waharoa o te marae ki te whakaeke. Kei roto i te wairua o tēnei mahi ka tukua āianei ēnei taonga kia kore ai tātau e taka ki roto i te korekore o te hinengaro, hei whakamahi mā te tamaiti o Tūhoe e hiki ake nei i ngā pae tata, i ngā pae tawhiti. Ko tēnei tuhinga roa te kura kimihia o te ura rnai o te motu i tua atu o Huiarau. Kia hau ai te rongo o a tāitau kōrero ki mua i a tātau hei homai i te aroha kia au ai te matatū tonu, ka maranga kei runga. Kia taria te roanga o te kōrero. Ae! Me hoki rā kā tika: Kā hoki nei au ki te mauri o taku waka a Mātaatua Ko Pūtauaki ki a Ngāti Awa Ko Tāwhiuau, ko Tangiharuru Ko te rae rā o Kohi ki a Awatope Ko Mānuka tūtahi ki Whakatāne, kia Apanui Ko te mauri haria mai nei hei whakaoho i taku moe Ē kō kō ia e ara ē!

It’s like the sun and the tide. The aim of this study was to understand the meaning of ‘being aged’ through the everyday experiences of those who are aged. Philosophically, this interpretive study was informed by hermeneutics and interpretive phenomenology. The writings of two twentieth-century philosophers, Hans-Georg Gadamer and Martin Heidegger, guided the study’s design and research methods. The phenomenon of interest is ‘being aged;’ a thing which is ordinarily taken-for-granted in the everyday. However, much is already spoken and empirically ‘known’ about the phenomenon by those who are not yet aged. Methodologically the study’s design sought to ‘put aside’ those voices and listen in closely to what elders themselves had to say about being in their everyday lives. Individual research conversations were conducted with fifteen participants; four Maori elders aged 71 to 93 and eleven non-Maori elders aged 80 to 97 years. All were living in private residences on Auckland’s North Shore and recruited by way of the general electoral roll. The conversations were focused on gathering the stories of particular everyday events as well as the person’s reflections on aging. Anecdotes drawn from the conversations formed the research text. Hermeneutics informed the interpretive engagement with this text. As a non-Maori researcher, cultural integrity of the text and the interpretations was enhanced through partnership with a Maori advisor. Dwelling hermeneutically with the anecdotal text was a way of listening to the spoken and unspoken words. Four overarching notions were illuminated and form the study’s findings. They are my interpretive descriptions of the ordinary ways of ‘being in the everyday,’ the experiences of ‘being with others’ in advanced age, the announcing of being aged in the uncomfortableness of ‘experiencing the unaccustomed’ and how ‘aging just is’ there in an everyday way. Reflecting phenomenologically on the findings, the meaning of being aged is in its ordinariness. My thesis is that being in the ordinary everyday in advanced age both conceals and reveals the phenomenon of being aged.

Educational activity preceded official British presence in New Zealand. The development of the New Zealand state from crown colony, to a system of relatively autonomous provincial councils, to a centralized administration took place within a period of four decades. Co-terminous with and essential to the state's progressive securing of its authority was the institutionalization of separate national systems of education for Maori and Pakeha. Whilst the ascendancy of the state and the securing of education as a central state concern proceeded ultimately with the sanction of the state and in accordance with its objectives it was not a straight forward process in a young nation which was born democratic, but was struggling to consolidate political and cultural unity. The various stages and the ultimate form that education in New Zealand took were closely linked to shifts in the nature and role of the state in its formative years, in the nature of its relationship with civil society, and in its official relationship with Maori. This provided the context and dynamic of the shift to state control as public schooling came to dominate over private or voluntary efforts, and as the particularism of isolated provincial settlements was replaced by a system designed to serve the nation as a whole. Positing conceptual links between the development of national education and the processes of state formation and nation building in a colonizing context, this thesis argues that the institutionally differentiated form that universal education took in New Zealand produced a site through which socially, culturally and ideologically determined conceptions of “normality” would be legitimated and become hegemonic. By nationalizing education to legitimate a culture of uniformity based on a specific set of norms, individual New Zealanders were differentially created according to class, gender and ethnicity, and to physical, intellectual, behavioural and sensory functioning.