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1
Devere, Heather Mary. "Political labels and women's attitudes." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2266.
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This thesis is an exploratory study of women's attitudes to political issues. The thesis poses the broad questions of what is the range of women's attitudes to specific issues, what patterns are there to women's attitudes and how well do traditional political categories describe women's attitudes? Attitudes of women to five civil rights or moral policy issues censorship, corporal punishment, the death penalty, abortion and homosexual law reform - are examined and the way women identify themselves in terms of feminism and the left-right spectrum is also discussed. A feminist approach is adopted and focus group interviewing is the methodology which is used for the study. Some of the labels used to describe attitudes to political issues and political identification are discussed. The way the women interpret the labels of left and right and feminism are examined and patterns of self-identification with these political terms are looked at. The attitudes expressed by the women to the five policy issues are categorised according to libertarian, liberal, conservative, neo-conservative, authoritarian or humanitarian labels. The patterns of attitudes and identification are explored. The findings are that diversity and plurality characterise the women's views. Their opinions cover almost the whole range of views on the five issues, they respond differently to the use of the left-right spectrum and the label of feminism, and almost every woman demonstrates an ideological profile which is uniquely her own. There are some similarities among the women, but patterns cannot be easily identified using the traditional political labels. There is also an assessment made of the value of the focus group methodology which has been used rarely in political science. The thesis ends by posing more questions. The adequacy of the liberal and conservative categories for classifying attitudes is raised and there are questions about whether the focus group interview method is gender specific.
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McCrystal, John. "For God or Man: Notions of Women in Seventeenth Century England." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2083.
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This study argues that 'new' ways of speaking about the nature and status of women are evident in the literary record of late seventeenth century England, particularly in the writings of Mary Astell (1666-1731). Writing to oppose the natural rights-based political theory of the 'Father of Modern Liberalism', John Locke, Astell employed the secular, rationalist, individualistic language which Locke himself used to argue the equal human dignity of women with men. Hers was the first unequivocal plea made by an English writer. The subject of this study is the provenance of these new modes of thinking about women. The result of a survey of primary sources, dating primarily from the period 1600-1700, it first seeks to show that seventeenth century England inherited a 'traditional' notion of women and their status from antiquity; scriptural, philosophical and empirical evidence of women's moral and intellectual equality with men coexisted uneasily with the consensual notion that they were men's subordinates. This notion survived the Continental and English Reformations to be incorporated into the theology of both the Church of England and the Puritans alike. Thinking and writing about women took place in the context of an 'ideology of order', wherein individuals were considered solely in relation to society and in terms of their obligations and status. It is then argued that the paradox of women's equal humanity and subordinate status first received serious interrogation during the political crises of 1640-1660. Radical Protestants, who placed the individual believer - male or female - at the centre of religious life, allowed women to participate to an unprecedented degree in worship. The potential of radical Protestantism to challenge the traditional subordination of women was obvious in the political theory of the 'Levellers', who secularised religious individualism to produce a programme of democratic reform. The invisibility of women in this proto-liberal programme is given special attention here. The paradox inherent in the traditional notion of woman was thrown into sharp relief, furthermore, in the course of the political debates between royalists and parliamentarians during the Civil War; both sides attempted to liken the relationship between king and people to that between husband and wife. The marriage analogue served to highlight the gap which was opening between political analysis and the justifications for the subordination for women. Finally, it is argued that renewed political crisis in the last two decades of the century saw the introduction of secular individualism to English political thought, reinforced with the 'new' metaphysics of Descartes. John Locke considered that since individuals constructed society for their own ends, they could resist government where these were not being served. Yet as Astell pointed out, Locke fell back upon the traditional assumption that women ought to be subordinated in this society to men. She adopted the new metaphysics to show not only that Locke's political conclusions were wrong and dangerous, but also to show that women, their subordinate social status notwithstanding, were of equal dignity and worth to men.Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.
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Prince, John D. (John David). "A study of the relationships between housing patterns, social class and political attitudes in three Auckland electorates." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2002.
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There is a strain of social criticism, dating back to the fifties and sixties, which alleged that New Zealand was about to become a society more clearly divided by lines related to "class". New Zealand was presented as a society in which a natural egalitarianism of social habits and attitudes had flourished. The critical voices of this earlier period feared that as New Zealand's economy evolved further, so would the degree of social demarcation within society. They expected that these changes would show up most rapidly, and with deeper effects, in the northernmost part of New Zealand, particularly in Auckland. There the postwar period's industrial development and population growth was greatest. In the suburbs of the north, middle class beliefs and life styles would develop. Suburban life, in areas of new housing containing those who most notably benefited from these changes, would provide mutual reinforcements for the evolution of a much more consciously middle class way of life. Many of the implications of this social criticism are explored in this thesis by means of a questionnaire professionally administered to a sample of 312 respondents in three Auckland electorates. East Coast Bays was chosen as an example of a burgeoning middle class suburb, Te Atatu as a newer area of working class settlement, and Birkenhead as a bridge between the two of them, socially and politically. The survey was administered shortly before the 1978 general election. A variety of facts about, and attitudes to, housing, employment, life styles, suburban locations and indistrialisation are explored. These are normally related back to the basic dependent variables of voting choice, electorate, the propensity to think in class terms, and subjective class identification. The overwhelming pressure of the evidence is that of continuity with the egalitarian past. The chief hypothesis tested is that "following on the most rapid processes of postwar industrialisation in New Zealand, new suburban contexts have evolved in Auckland in which the middle class beneficiaries of Auckland's growth are reinforced in attitudes that reject egalitarianism, accept differential rewards and life styles, and are associated with distinctive political and social attitudes". On the evidence presented in this study it must be rejected.
4
Wilson-Roberts, Guy. "Nuclear arms control negotiation with special reference to New Zealand and the comprehensive Test Ban Treaty." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2274.
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In 1996, at a special session of the United Nations General Assembly, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) was opened for signature. Within one week, seventy states, including all five nuclear-weapon states, signed the Treaty. This brought to an end fifty years of both nuclear tests and nuclear test-ban negotiations. For many states, the achievement of the CTBT was a major success for nuclear arms control. New Zealand played an important role in the early stages of the CTBT negotiation. Every year from 1972, New Zealand and Australia tabled a resolution in the General Assembly calling for a CTBT. After two decades of diplomacy, the resolution was adopted by consensus in 1993, allowing negotiation for a CTBT to take place in the Conference on Disarmament. Substantive negotiation for a CTBT began in 1993, but test-ban negotiations had been taking place almost since the start of nuclear testing in 1945. Like many other nuclear arms control issues, the negotiations had been dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. Engaged in their own nuclear arms race, the two superpowers pursued their own bilateral nuclear arms control negotiations to manage their strategic relationship. Until the CTBT negotiation, multilateral nuclear arms control was mostly limited to the Treaty for the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The NPT reflected the desire of many non-nuclear states to become involved in nuclear arms control and use multilateral agreements to place obligations on the nuclear-weapon states. While both bilateral and multilateral nuclear arms control often languished due to disagreements, multilateral nuclear arms control negotiation has also dealt with the complexity of reconciling the perspectives of many states. This complexity has made the use of negotiation theories difficult, although if used pragmatically, theory can be a useful tool for the study of negotiation events. Through the test-ban resolution, New Zealand was able to contribute to the process of reaching consensus by acting as a facilitator. New Zealand is a good example of how a small non-nuclear state can make a useful contribution in multilateral nuclear arms control negotiation, typically dominated by large nuclear-weapon states, and still advance its national interests.
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McMillan, Katherine Alexandra. "Citizenship Under Neo-Liberalism: Immigrant Minorities in New Zealand 1990-1999." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2347.
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Ideally, a citizen is an individual who is a formal member of a self-governing political community, with individual rights and freedoms that are equal to those of other citizens, and which are protected by law. This thesis investigates how closely the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities in New Zealand approximated this ideal during the 1990s. Its particular focus is on how the neo-liberal ideology of National and Coalition Governments between 1990 and 1999, and those Governments' understandings of the nature and political significance of ethnicity, affected the ability of those belonging to non-Maori ethnic minority groups to be full and equal members of the New Zealand political community, with an equal capacity for self-governance at the individual level and as members of the political community. The thesis takes the form of a survey of public policy and law over a period of nine years. Five broad areas or aspects of public policy are examined: the collection and dissemination of official 'ethnic' statistics; immigration and citizenship policy; civil rights provided for in domestic and international law; mechanisms for ensuring access to political decision-making; and social policy. The question asked in the thesis is whether the policies developed and administered in each of these areas during the 1990s enriched or detracted from the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities.
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Leitch, Shirley R. "Unemployment in New Zealand, 1981-1983: a study of the presentation by radio, television and the press of a major social problem." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2451.
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In New Zealand there is a marked scarcity of material on the workings of the indigenous news media. This thesis is intended to partially fill the large gap in New Zealand scholarship in this area. It provides a case study of the production of meaning by mainstream New Zealand news media organisations. Its purpose is to explicate the dominant messages in circulation from 1981 through 1983 regarding unemployment. The neutral face of the news discourse is shown to conceal the routinized signification practices of journalistic professionalism. These practices act to separate the normative from the deviant. They also serve the interests of society's established and legitimated institutions. This process was aided by the simplistic, as opposed to simplified, nature of news media presentations.
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Lyons, Katherine. "0027: the EU : an international agent in Palestine? : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in Politics at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1156.
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This thesis examines the ability of the European Union (EU) to impact on the Palestinian people and their institutions. Before using the formal concept of actorness to examine the extent of this impact, it presents a model of actorness that synthesises aspects of Bretherton and Vogler’s and Sjösjedt’s models. It uses the components of this model as a series of lenses through which to focus on and examine various facets of the EU’s influence. The analysis deals with diplomacy, aid, and the effects of the unexpected Hamas victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections. The thesis finds that the EU’s early lack of diplomatic direction improved for a period but was limited by its consistent inability to have an effect if it ignored the US. In the field of aid, the EU has been a more successful actor. However, the EU’s best efforts in these spheres have been undone by two EU blunders. First, it classified Hamas as a terrorist organisation and subsequently felt unable to provide aid to a Hamas-run government. Second it joined the Quartet in the hope of increasing its own diplomatic clout, but found that it had given the US the opportunity to erode its ability to act as an independent financial agent.
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Edyvane, Valda. "Liberty, peace, and friendliness: the political ideas of Auberon Herbert." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/1908.
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The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.
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Robinson, Claire Elizabeth. "Advertising and the market orientation of political parties contesting the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University. School of History, Philosophy and Politics, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/243.
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This thesis proposes an alternative way of establishing a link between market orientation and electoral success, by focusing on market orientation as a message instead of as a management function. Using interpretive textual analysis the thesis examines the advertising messages of the highest polling political parties for evidence of voter orientation and competitor orientation in the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns. Relating manifest market orientation to a number of statistical indicators of electoral success the thesis looks for plausible associations between the visual manifestation of market orientation in political advertisements and parties' achievement of their party vote goals in the 1999 and 2002 elections. It offers party-focused explanations for electoral outcomes to complement existing voter-centric explanations, and adds another level of scholarly understanding of recent electoral outcomes in New Zealand.While the thesis finds little association between demonstration of competitor orientation in political advertisements and electoral success, it finds a plausible relationship between parties that demonstrated a voter orientation in their political advertisements and goal achievement. The parties that achieved their party vote goals in 1999 and 2002 tended to demonstrate an affinity for their target voter groups by showing images of voters and their environments and images of party leaders interacting with voters. They demonstrated concern for the satisfaction of the needs of existing voters by using words of togetherness and proving they had met their previous promises. They did not change their policy or leadership messages dramatically between campaigns. There was a visual consistency to their television, print and billboard advertising messages which rendered the messages easy to recognise and remember. They were clear about what they were offering in exchange for the party vote and recognised the need to offer something in addition to previous offerings in order to attract new voters.
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Thomson, Grant. "Community small scale wind farms for New Zealand: a comparative study of Austrian development, with consideration for New Zealand’s future wind energy development." Lincoln University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/961.
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In New Zealand, the development of wind energy is occurring predominantly at a large scale level with very little opportunity for local people to become involved, either financially or conceptually. These conditions are creating situations of conflict between communities and wind energy developers – and are limiting the potential of the New Zealand wind energy industry. The inception of community ownership in small scale wind farms, developed in Europe in the late 20th Century, has helped to make a vital connection between wind energy and end users. Arguably, community wind farms are able to alleviate public concerns of wind energy’s impact on landscapes, amongst a wide range of other advantages. In Austria, community wind farms have offered significant development opportunities to local people, ushered in distributed generation, and all the while increasing the amount of renewable energy in the electricity mix. This thesis investigates whether community small scale wind (SSW) farms, such as those developed in Austria, are a viable and feasible option for the New Zealand context. The approach of this thesis examines the history of the Austrian wind industry and explores several community wind farm developments. In addition, interviews with stakeholders from Austria and New Zealand were conducted to develop an understanding of impressions and processes in developing community wind energy (CWE) in the New Zealand context. From this research an assessment of the transfer of the Austrian framework to the New Zealand situation is offered, with analysis of the differences between the wind energy industries in the two countries. Furthermore, future strategies are suggested for CWE development in New Zealand with recommendations for an integrated governmental approach. This research determines that the feasibility for the transfer of the Austrian framework development of ‘grassroots’ community wind farms in the next 10 years is relatively unlikely without greater support assistance from the New Zealand Government. This is principally due to the restricted economic viability of community wind farms and also significant regulatory and policy limitations. In the mid to long term, the New Zealand government should take an integrated approach to assist the development of community wind farms which includes: a collaborative government planning approach on the issue; detailed assessment of the introduction of feed-in tariff mechanisms and controlled activity status (RMA) for community wind farms; and development of limited liability company law for community energy companies. In the short term, however, the most feasible option available for the formation of community wind farms lies in quasi community developments with corporate partnerships.
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Berlianto, Aprinto. "Tax competition and harmonization in Southeast Asia : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Public Policy at Massey University, Albany, New Zealand." Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/966.
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Policy makers in the Southeast Asian region are faced with many challenges in national policy taxation from globalization, in particular the increasing cross-border mobility of capital. One of the challenges is the competition to attract a mobile capital base which leads to a trend towards declining statutory corporate taxation rates and a pressure to harmonize taxation policy. This study explores taxation literature and uses empirical evidence from the period of 1996-2006 to examine tax competition and tax harmonization in the region. The study seeks evidence for the existence of tax competition by analyzing recent trends in two groups of measures of taxation: tax rates and tax revenues. This begins with looking at the trends of statutory corporate tax rate. Evidence is found for a decline in statutory corporate tax rates, developments commensurate with the existence of tax competition. On the contrary, the tax revenue data presented here, show that the expected decline in total tax revenues has not occurred; indeed, a significant increase has been recorded. It is also supported by empirical evidence of the ratio of corporate tax revenue either relative to GDP or to total tax revenue. The strengthening of these revenues has meant that the expected shift in the tax burden away from mobile to immobile factors has also failed to materialize. The two groups of measures of taxation thus provide apparently inconsistent views of the impact of tax competition. There follows an analysis of the elements of tax competition according to literature, in an attempt to draw out its implications for the experience within the Southeast Asian region. This study also examines the case for tax harmonisation and the Southeast Asian experience and it is concluded that the progress of tax harmonisation between countries has tended to be difficult to achieve because of the differences among the countries in terms of the tax structures and level of economies.
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Alexander, J. R. "Community indicators: development, monitoring and reporting." Lincoln University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1164.
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The New Zealand Government is striving to improve the way it measures progress and plans for change in an integrated ‘whole of government’ manner. The Local Government Act 2002 serves to strengthen participatory democracy and community governance. Under the Act, local authorities are charged with monitoring, and, not less than once every three years, reporting on the progress made by the community in achieving its outcomes for the district or region. These outcomes belong to the community and encompass what the community considers important to progress towards. Indicators that measure economic, social, environmental, cultural and democratic progress at local level are a primary tool that local authorities use to measure the progress towards their desired outcomes. To successfully track progress, it is important that indicators are technically sound and reflect the values of the entire community. The monitoring of indicators is expected to be ongoing and participatory. The New Zealand Government has leant heavily towards a decentralised locally driven approach to community indicators. The purpose of this study was to explore the manner in which different local authorities have undertaken community indicator: development, monitoring and reporting. This was undertaken through a two pronged approach: 1). A scoping exercise assessing the contents of eighteen local authority LTCCPs, 2). In-depth case studies of community indicator programmes of five of the eighteen local authorities. It was found that the approaches used to develop, monitor and report community indicators ranged abruptly across local authorities. Some councils appear to have relatively robust and meaningful indicator processes in place, which are both technically sound and have gained representative community input. In contrast, other councils hold a compliance mentality towards community indicators and have done the bare minimum when designing their indicator frameworks. These frameworks have tended to be council dominated with few opportunities for community involvement. In addition to this, local authorities poorly communicated indicators through their LTCCPs. The inadequate information detailing indicators processes is unlikely to both educate and promote community buy-in. Councils must place greater emphasis on the engagement of the entire community including other governmental departments, to ensure that indicators are relevant and meaningful for all. Consistency across local authority indicator frameworks will also help to ensure that all local authorities are working in an integrated manner towards the common goal of improving community well-being. Initiatives such as the Linked indicators Project and the Quality of Life Project are possible methods of ensuring consistent indicator frameworks. Finally, councils must provide greater information about community indicators within their LTCCPs.
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Tiongco-Cruda, Beatriz. "An assessment of the health human resource development provisions of the Philippine Nursing Act of 2002 : a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of Master of Public Policy, Massey University at Albany." Massey University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/870.
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Republic Act No. 9173, or the Philippine Nursing Act of 2002 enunciates a bevy of incentives under its Health Human Resource Production, Utilization and Development provisions, intended to stem the rising tide of Filipino nurses leaving the country to work overseas. Under Sections 30 to 34 of the Nursing Act, these incentives include the following: (1) upgrading the minimum base salary of nurses from salary grade 10 to 15; (2) establishing a nurse specialty program in government hospitals to upgrade the nurses’ skills whereby recipients of the program are required to work in government hospitals for two years; and (3) the provision of other benefits such as scholarship grants, free medical care, etc. These provisions are the government’s policy response to mitigate the impact of nurses’ migration and retain an adequate supply of skilled Filipino nurses in the country: This research is a qualitative study that seeks to assess the health human resource development provisions and their implementation and aims to help improve them. This study examines the responsiveness of the provisions to the needs of nurses, and identifies the deficiencies of the provisions by looking into the working conditions of nurses in two Philippine government hospitals. It also examines the processes and the factors affecting the implementation of the provisions. This study employed a combination of four data collection methods: (1) focus group interviews of nurses working in two Philippine government hospitals, (2) key informant interviews of officials of government agencies and private organizations tasked to implement the health human resource development provisions, (3) document analyses, and (4) researcher’s field notes/journal. The researcher conducted five focus group interviews with a total of 15 nurse participants and 12 key informant interviews. The nurses are working under conditions of low salaries and heavy workload, that is characterized by low nurse-to-patient ratios in the National and LGU Hospitals. The problems of inadequate nurse staffing, large number iii of patients and inadequate supplies in the two government hospitals are identified as causes for the heavy workload of nurses. The nurses want a salary increase that is commensurate to their heavy workload, their professional qualifications and long years of service. For the nurses, a salary increase signifies the government’s recognition of their dedication, hard work, and commitment to provide health care to Filipinos despite working under dire circumstances. The nurse specialty training program in areas such as oncology, nephrology, critical care, etc. has not been implemented because of the limited capacities of government hospitals to provide this kind of training and the lack of regulatory framework for the practice of nurse specialists in the Philippines. The other benefits have not been implemented as well. The provisions of the Nursing Act are deficient because they do not address the causes of the heavy workload of nurses. To improve the work conditions of nurses, the Philippine government needs to prioritize to the long neglected health sector by increasing the budgetary allocation in order to create more nurse positions in government hospitals, to provide adequate supplies and equipment for government hospitals and to improve the facilities for nurses.
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Rocha, Alberto Frederico Moraes da. "Case study of a Brazilian community association : a thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Public Policy at Massey University, Auckland, New Zealand." Massey University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/974.
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This is a Case Study Research done inside a poor community in Brazil. The main goal of the research is to facilitate this community to understand their problems and to overcome it. Therefore the researcher and the researched developed the following question ‘why NovaMosanta is not achieving its goals? The researcher wanted to work as a facilitator throughout the whole process of dialogue that aims to empower the community. Departing from that question and based on Freire’s ideas of education the research aims to build new knowledge from the interaction of academic and community knowledge. To implement this case study field research the researcher decided to use Participant observation and questionnaires. Surprisingly during the research the NGO called NovaMosanta faced the challenge of remodeling a public school without government help; otherwise the school would be closed. This NGO succeeded with the help of the New Zealand Government that gave NZ$15,000 to build two new classrooms in the school. Community members helped working in the remodeling and local commerce gave discounts to enable the remodeling. As a result the school will not be closed and the students will continue to study there. It also helped to increase community support and participation. Although not designed as a Participant Action Research, this thesis evolved to produce action and to change the community reality. It was an empowering process to the researcher and the researched. The community support increased and it also served s a catalytic event in the process of transformation and inclusion. Finally it clarifies the importance of producing fast results to maintain community support. You can check the research results in the links below that contain two local network reports about it. (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hz_FItXp3nM) & (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=py5emCNXRlo)
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Warren, Krystal Te Rina Fain. "Runanga: Manuka kawe ake: a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/955.
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This thesis examines the location and role of the runanga institution. As a prominent contemporary organization for Maori development, relevant theory locates runanga with regard to a broader developmental framework and their potential to function within it. The position of runanga, as a facilitator of Maori development, is assessed with reference to Dependency theory, World Systems theory and Modes of Production. These theories highlight the systematic historic dis-empowerment of Maori through the processes of colonisation with particular regard to runanga. The thesis also considers the evolution of the runanga since its migration from Hawaiki, its utilisation as a forum of colonial resistance, its co-option into the governmental system and its contemporary resurgence. This provides a historical overview of the runanga as an institution. In addition, Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whitikaupeka has been used as the case study which considers the issues of becoming a runanga and includes what the structure of the runanga might look like for Ngati Whitikaupeka as an iwi. The theories of Community Development and Empowerment are offered as means to counter the further dis-empowerment of Maori, where institutions such as runanga can utilise these notions to facilitate positive outcomes for iwi and Maori development. Field research contained in this thesis identifies some of the specific concerns and aspirations of Ngati Whitikaupeka iwi members. In utilising the notions of empowerment and community development the field research provides an explicit statement of Iwi aspirations to maintain the connection between Ngati Whitlkaupeka Iwi members at the flax-roots and Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whitikaupeka as a representative body that can facilitate those aspirations. Supplementary to this the iwi aspirations that have been identified in this study are intended to provide some direction for the runanga as the representative decision-making body moving into the future.
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Vachudova, Milada Anna. "Systemic and domestic determinants of the foreign policies of East Central European States, 1989-1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360008.
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Miller, Raymond 1953. "Social Credit, an analysis of New Zealand’s perennial third party." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2437.
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The main purpose of this thesis is to provide a history and political analysis of the organisation, policies, membership and leadership of the Social Credit party between 1953 and 1986. The introductory chapter describes the methodology and reviews the literature on third parties in general and Social Credit in particular. Chapter Two provides a prelude to the formation of the Social Credit Political League in 1953. It traces the movement's decline as an education and pressure group under the first Labour Government. Chapter Three examines the debate surrounding the decision t o engage in direct political action and describes the process by which the Political League was formed. Chapter Four considers the reasons for and the findings of the Royal Commission on Monetary, Banking and Credit Systems (1956) and accounts for the growing internal debate culminating in the removal of Mr Wilfrid Owen as Leader in 1959. In Chapter Five the impact on the party of Mr Vernon Cracknell's victory in Hobson in 1966 is considered, along with an assessment of his role in Parliament as the sole third party representative. The reasons for his defeat at the 1969 general election and replacement as Leader some six months later are investigated, and Chapter Six is devoted to the brief but stormy experiment with Mr John O'Brien as Leader, followed by his split from the League in 1972 and the formation of the New Democrat Party. The early Beetham years, including attempts to revise the party's monetary reform dogma, broaden the scope of its message, and to give it a more professional organisation are considered in Chapter Seven. I n Chapter Eight the reasons for and the internal consequences of the party's rapid rise in popularity from early 1978 and its decline after March 1981 are analysed. The chapter ends with an account of Mr Beetham's defeat as Leader in 1986. The thesis concludes that Social Credit's history as an electoral organisation has been conspicuously cyclical, that its progress has been regulated largely by the electoral performances of the two major parties and by the presence or absence of minor party competition, that its leadership has been distinctly oligarchic, and that Social Credit has not been one, but several different parties. Why has the party not been more successful? And why has it lasted so long? These questions are addressed in the final chapter.
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Winter, N. A. "Change in juvenile justice policy : implications for rights and responsibilities : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Social Science at Lincoln University /." Diss., Lincoln University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1286.
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Changes in juvenile justice are often attributed to increases in offending and media attention to crime. A "cycle" of reforms, which alternate between punitive and treatment type responses has been identified. This study explores the possibility that wider socio-political events also have implications for reforms. Nations in which welfare and juvenile justice systems are highly integrated, may exhibit different patterns of policy change than those observed elsewhere. Changes in juvenile justice policy in New Zealand and Sweden are examined. The implications of policy change for the rights and responsibilities of those involved in the juvenile justice system are also examined. This includes the State, juvenile offenders and their parents and the victims of crime. Particular attention is given to the status of parental rights.
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.
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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
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Bill, Amanda Elizabeth. "Creative girls: fashion design education and governmentality." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/4234.
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This thesis is concerned with creativity as an object of educational governance and a category of subjective identification. It studies a ‘creativity explosion’ in higher education in New Zealand, focusing on how fashion design students are being mobilized as subjects of creativity through ‘joined up’ modes of governance and technologies of educational choice. Using a poststructural ethnographic ‘methodology’ I explain how, from the late 1990s, models of educational governance began to appear dysfunctional and unable to deliver the attributes and capacities expected of citizens in a knowledge economy. I argue that creativity gained significance as a result of new ways of ‘thinking culture and economy together’. Neoliberal rhetorics representing creativity as flexible human capital and a generic, transferable skill needed by workers in the new economy, were articulated with liberal humanist notions about creativity, which are commonly understood and performed through the social categories of art. All kinds of individual and institutional actors took advantage of these shifting opportunity structures to position themselves with ‘creative’ identities. Within various cultural organisations, including universities, moves to strengthen a liberal agenda and retain creativity as a form of ‘arts knowledge’ with high cultural capital, rubbed up against counter-hegemonic strategies to enlist and develop more universal concepts about creativity as a collaborative endeavour, vital to new forms of capitalist enterprise. By historicising the context in which a new ‘normative doctrine’ of creativity has emerged, and by treating its theorisation as culturally performative, I develop the position that fashion design graduates, as ‘creative girls’, are highly productive performers in the new categories of cultural economy. However I argue that the creative girl occupies a subject position fitted to after-neoliberalised social and economic arrangements, not because she is shaped by neoliberal ideologies, but because she is made up by techniques and tactics of an ‘after-neoliberal’ governmentality. This demonstrates the mutual constitution of ‘creative economy’ and ‘creative persons’ and underlines the fact that despite after-neoliberal ambitions for managing education, there can be no simple cause and effect relation between higher education and economic performance.
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Mark, Simon. "A comparative study of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, New Zealand and India." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2943.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.
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Edirippulige, Sisira. "Ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka: obstacles to the peace process." 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/723.
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The complexity and magnitude of the Sri Lankan conflict have grown over the last five decades, making it one of the most protracted and devastating conflicts in the world today. With the prolongation of conflict, the chances for establishing peace have become distant, the gap between the two communities has widened, and new elements have been introduced to the conflict. The impediments to the establishment of lasting peace on the island encompass both domestic and external factors. Among the large variety of such factors, this study has focused on but a few. The analysis of the domestic factors dwells on the nature of the existing political structure, the characteristics of devolution, and the sources of violence. The examination of the external factors addresses the significance of geopolitics, the role of the Sri Lankan diaspora and the role of the international community. The exploration of the failure of the peace process in the island points to a combination of internal and external factors that impede the establishment of a liberal democratic political structure. Despite its reputation as a Third World democracy, the Sri Lankan polity has, since independence, increasingly developed into an illiberal democracy. Although possessing nominal features of a democracy, the Sri Lankan political system is saturated with highly undemocratic elements. Amongst these elements, the ethnocisation of the society, confrontational politics and violence are specifically addressed by this study. Moreover, this study contends that the deepening ethnic crisis is a direct result of the failure of outside actors to promote democracy in the island. Having been a victim of the Cold War neglect, Sri Lanka's continued isolation in the post Cold War era is largely due to its geopolitical position. Finally, the study identifies the contemporary role of diaspora communities as a severe hindrance to a lasting peace in the country. Apart from material contributions, the divided diaspora communities are a major source of illiberality, and this reflects upon the peace process in various ways. Thus the analysis concludes that lasting peace in the island is possible only through the promotion of genuine liberal democracy, both within and from the outside. Now more than ever before, the new realities of the post-Cold War era provide an atmosphere conducive to such a process.
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Pickett, Lance. "Robert Goodin’s green theory of value and the politics of fishing and the aquatic environment in New Zealand: an explanation as to how and why fisheries-related policy fails to meet Goodin's public policy and moral criteria for the maintenance of natural resources." 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/742.
Full textAbstract:
The proposition of this thesis is that, policy and legislation pertaining to natural resources, specifically the fisheries and the aquatic environment of New Zealand, do not meet Robert Goodin’s public policy and moral criteria for successful maintenance of such resources in accordance with his green theory of value. This proposition is derived from an assessment indicating a policy tradition in New Zealand resulting in failure to ensure ecological sustainability in accordance with this country’s international obligations to biodiversity and futurity. This thesis urges change from the prevailing narrowly economistic political agenda to one based upon Robert Goodin’s green theory of value. Such a political agenda would be promoted by a third force over and above the traditional parties of the Left and Right, arguably, The Greens: the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand. The argument for change is based upon an analysis of fisheries related policy and legislation in New Zealand to April 2000. The analysis is organised into successive historical periods, beginning with the arrival of the first Polynesians and ending with the outcome of the 1999 general election. These periods include the development of the common property subsistence fishery of the Maori and its commercial open access Pakeha successors, the institution of an export industry involving in turn delicensing, rationalization, privatization, corporatization, and the process of devolution of fisheries management to industry. It is argued the cumulative outcome is impoverishment of natural resources, the capitalization of Nature and the theft of the “people’s right of fishery”. Goodin’s green theory of value is carefully stated, developed, analyzed, and compared and contrasted with the prevailing economistic argument. The validity and desirability of the green theory of value and the political agenda to which it gives rise is established. This political agenda is found similar to that of green parties. The political and social milieu in which The Greens must presently operate is analysed. Current environmental policy in general, and fisheries related policies in particular are analysed and found incompatible with Goodin’s criteria. The outcome of policies and legislation affecting aquatic ecosystems-maintenance is examined in case studies covering major fisheries and the aquatic environment, and found to be generally disastrous. Alternative policies are proffered, based upon a green political agenda arising from a philosophy similar to that explicated in Goodin’s green theory of value.
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Cocker, Alan. "'A Toaster with Pictures': The Deregulation of Broadcasting in New Zealand." 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2026.
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'A toaster with pictures' was the characterisation of television by the former chairman of the United States Federal Communications Commission and advocate of broadcasting deregulation, Mark Fowler. It encapsulates the view of the neo-liberal reformers who set about to deregulate broadcasting as part of the wide-ranging economic attack on the structures of state regulation. Broadcasting was a consumer industry like any other. It conformed to the rules of economic behaviour and performed at its optimum in an environment of a free market. This thesis traces the deregulation of broadcasting in New Zealand from its theoretical origins, to its adoption by policy advisors of the New Zealand Treasury, and its legislative enactment by the Government in the late l980s and early 1990s. But the account also traverses wider than those narrow boundaries. It is argued that in order to understand why this country undertook such a thoroughgoing reform of the broadcasting sector it is necessary to look at its history and account for the apparent wholesale rejection of the previous structures which were portrayed as regulated public service broadcasting. It is also essential to the story of broadcasting deregulation in New Zealand to determine why this country was a pathfinder of reform. The essential conditions which enabled the speedy implementation of the policy whilst in other nations the reform process in broadcasting was stalled, only partially implemented, or rejected. The comparative overview also brings into focus the arguments of the opponents of deregulating this ‘particular' or 'peculiar' industry with its social and cultural role in society. As New Zealand was the first nation deliberately to enact the deregulation of broadcasting, the final sections of the thesis look at the 'model' and assess its impact. The reforms have led to a new marketplace of broadcasting in which the audience is viewed as consumers rather than citizens. The dismantling of the social contract in broadcasting between the state and citizens and its replacement by supposedly individual contracts between broadcasters and consumers is, it is suggested, dysfunctional for democratic civil society.
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Molineaux, Julienne. "New Zealand's National Archives: an analysis of machinery of government reform and resistance, 1994-1999." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/3869.
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This thesis analyses the impact of the1990s new public management reforms in New Zealand on one particular agency, the National Archives. It explores the unique combination of features that enabled this small low-profile agency and its stakeholders to stymie some of the machinery of government reforms that were proposed. This thesis is a qualitative study that draws on material from primary and secondary sources, with a heavy reliance on official documents. It chronicles the lack of value placed on the archives’ administrative, constitutional and heritage functions by successive politicians and senior public servants. The thesis compares the values of the reformers, who had interests that were not specific to the Archives, and the values of the archiving professionals and their stakeholders, whose perspective was agency and policy-specific. The main reform time periods are 1994-2001, and 2005. While the clash between the two sets of values during this time is analysed chronologically, the thesis provides historical background prior to the reform period. The perspectives of various actors are told in their own words, where possible. This study illustrates the tensions between the need to co-ordinate the wider public sector with the peculiarities of a specific policy area. It also demonstrates the tensions between the highly theoretical and ideological nature of the public sector management reforms in New Zealand from the mid-1980s, and the values of one group of professionals that were not compatible with these reforms. While the policies of the reformers evolved over time, the values of the archivists were more static. These static values contributed to consistency in their preferred model of organisational design and placement within the public sector. Ironically the outdated legislation archivists complained about for decades and low political priority the policy area received, bestowed crucial protection against public sector management reforms that were contrary to international archival trends. Following a change in political leadership, the stable of professional values of the archive were adopted, removing archives from the policy change agenda.
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Tremaine, Marianne Gaye Nicol. "Her Worship the Mayor : women's leadership in New Zealand local government : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management, Massey University, Palmerston North, Aotearoa New Zealand." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1598.
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This study began with the premise that looking at leadership in a different setting might generate new understanding of how leadership works. Only four women mayors had held office in New Zealand before the 1980s but when their numbers grew over the next two decades, there were signs of a difference in their approach to leadership. Although the amount of scholarly work published on leadership is vast, the body of academic literature on local government leadership is slender. The possibility of finding new knowledge about leadership by studying women mayors made them an intriguing area to research. The research sought answers to two questions: how do women mayors perceive exemplary mayoral leadership and explain their own leadership practice; and how do women mayors' views of leadership compare with leadership theory? The information gathered to assist in answering the research questions included: interviews with three mayoral candidates in the 1998 elections, interviews with 18 of the 19 female mayors in office during the 1998-2001 term, and a case study of Jill White, mayor of Palmerston North from 1998-2001. The case study comprised a series of interviews with Jill White during the three year term, a selection of newspaper stories about the mayor and council gathered during 1998-2001 and interviews with four key informants about Jill White's leadership after she lost the election in 2001. The findings of the research were that the research participants saw leadership as a process that took place working with the community to achieve mutually desired leadership goals. Leadership was not generated by a single person's abilities, nor was it automatically linked to a position such as being mayor, although being mayor gave a lot of opportunities to participate in and encourage leadership. Four areas participants considered to be requirements of exemplary mayoral leadership were: being at the centre of webs of people rather than at the top of a hierarchy having less concern for ego than for working towards change being committed to making a difference in the community and/or the council being prepared to sacrifice their own interests for the good of the community Comparing participants' views of leadership with leadership theory showed that their descriptions and examples of leadership were closely related to transforming leadership (Burns, 1979), whereas transactional leadership in the sense of acting in your own self-interest or trading favours with others, met with strong disapproval. The heroic paradigm of leadership that has been prevalent in the literature, with its focus on the leader, was absent from the participants' accounts. Their achievements came from working with others and they saw the ability to involve others in the leadership process as the strength of their leadership. The implication of these findings is that the focus in much of the literature on individual attributes of people in leadership positions, as if they had to 'do' all the leadership themselves, is misplaced. Being concerned to make a difference with and through others is at the core of leadership.
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Siahaan, Asima Yanty Sylvania. "Women and local governance in Indonesia : a case study of engendering local governance in North Sumatra : a thesis presented in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New zealand." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1645.
Full textAbstract:
The main purpose of this thesis is to explore the complexities involved in engendering local governance and to identify strategies to encourage gender equitable partnerships between stakeholders in local governance in Third World countries. Local governance refers to the dynamic yet complicated process of interaction between state and non-state actors involved in local level development processes. Considering the invisibility of women in local governance, this study focuses heavily on women's agency, that is, the way women redefine and reconstruct identities and interactions in engendering local governance despite the given constraints. The central argument in this thesis is that engendering local governance requires transformation of structures and processes of governing at the local level so that they recognise and are responsive to differences between men and women in their values and responsibilities. Relevant institutions should then integrate these differences in policies and in managing development at the local level. Fieldwork in North Sumatra, Indonesia highlighted how the interlocking of public and private patriarchy complicates the engendering of local governance. Both within and beyond the household there are constraints put on women that impede their participation in local governance. Analysis of case studies of perwiridan (Moslem women's religious grouping), SPI (Serikat Perempuan Independen/ Union of Independent Women) and women working in local government found that relationships at the household level significantly influence gender relations in local governance. Reproduction of images of 'good' and 'bad' women is one of the most effective instruments to subordinate and control women in North Sumatra, meaning that it is not easy for women to formulate and defend their personal interests. Women often experience severe threats of physical, psychological and verbal violence when they attempt to influence formal decision making at the local level. Based on a further case study of the implementation of decentralisation, this study also found that decentralisation does not automatically bring local government closer to women due to the interweaving of structural, cultural, and financial barriers local government faces in implementing gender mainstreaming policies in North Sumatra. The intertwining of gendered structures of local government and gendered construction of the community contribute to the marginality of women in service delivery and in public decision making at the local level. This study rejects the assumption that women are passive recipients in local governance since they contribute significantly in fulfilling household and community needs and interests. Through knowledge and understanding to construction of power at the local level, women creatively produce and use alternative strategies which are based on their sexuality and traditional gender roles in challenging and transforming gender inequity at the local level and in improving the quality of everyday life. By raising women's self esteem, confidence and solidarity in reconstructing gendered relations at the household and community levels, women's grassroots organisations open up alternative arenas for political expression for women which is crucial for the realisation of good local governance.
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McNeill, Jeffrey Karl. "The public value of regional government : how New Zealand's regional councils manage the environment : a dissertation presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in Politics at Massey University, Turitea, New Zealand." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/724.
Full textAbstract:
A new regional level of government was formed in late 1989 as part of a comprehensive reform of New Zealand’s local government. Regional government was not new, but the comprehensiveness of reforms established a comprehensive regional layer of government across all of New Zealand and was part of a wider decentralisation of government functions. The new regional councils were intended to be the primary environmental policy and implementation agencies underpinning the parallel environmental resource management law reforms, promising a new era of regional government. This thesis examines the public value of this regional government structure two decades later using environmental management as a case study. Public value was assessed using substantive value, authorising agency and operational feasibility drawing on published data and a survey of perceptions held by environmental resource practitioners and stakeholders. The results indicate a low level of public value. Despite some improvements, and some regional variation, overall environmental conditions have deteriorated nationally since 1989. The councils also show low public support and apparent sector capture and vary in capability to undertake their functions. While sub-national environmental conditions and problems were identified, they do not match existing regional council jurisdictions, nor match each other. Most councils share many characteristics, suggesting uniform rather than separate management regimes are appropriate. Consequently, the efficacy of the regional council-based model for managing the environment is questioned. The role of the councils is also queried. Although classified as part of local government, these democratically elected regional councils are really multi-special purpose authorities that parallel a national government decentralised regional administration. Despite being endowed with a broad mandate to promote their communities’ well-being, most regional councils continue to exercise a narrow set of functions. These are based on their historical role as environmental management agencies. This discourages allocative efficiency, limiting their sustainable development capability. Importantly, the hierarchical policy-making system developed has been compromised by an ongoing lack of national level government policy. Recommendations for alternative environmental management institutional arrangements in New Zealand are made, while more broadly the implications of the research for regional studies identified.
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Katene, Selwyn. "The politics of iwi voice : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Maori Studies at Massey University, Wellington, New Zealand." 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/911.
Full textAbstract:
This doctorate thesis The Politics of Iwi Voice focuses on the struggle of a modern, urban iwi authority to secure political recognition from other iwi and the Crown as it attempts to assert an independent iwi voice, and exercise mana and tino rangatiratanga. The responses of the local iwi/Maori community, the Crown, and others to the re-emergence of the new iwi entity are critically examined. The thesis demonstrates how a small iwi group resists attempts to assimilate into a broader coalition of iwi, hapu, whanau and marae interests, preferring instead to maintain and develop its own distinctive identity. It uses the iwi Ngati Tama to exemplify the diaspora of an iwi, and shows how iwi identity and fortunes are buffeted by both iwi and urban contestations as well as changing political directions. The study suggests that a Ngati Tama future away from its homeland will depend primarily on the development of pragmatic adaptive and innovative strategies, and a fervent resolve to retain a distinctive identity, while participating in a dynamic and often oppressive environment. This thesis concludes that to maintain a distinctive iwi presence its members should have the right to decide who best represents them. An iwi is considered an appropriate vehicle to represent its members and manage its interests. In order to survive in a constantly changing environment, an iwi must be dynamic, flexible, relevant, and meet the needs of its membership. Further, its leadership should be focused on negotiating relationships in good faith - including third party interventions - and seeking pathways that will advance its interests into the future.
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Puketapu, Brendon Te Tiwha. "Māori organisation and contemporary Māori development : strengthening the conceptual plait : a thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Māori Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/913.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is primarily a study of organisational approaches used by Maori to achieve their development goals and aspirations. One focus is the impact of development ideas and practice, largely driven by international and national influence, upon Maori. Another focus is the role of the state in the direction and implementation of Maori development with particular emphasis on the impact of the structural adjustment programme. As a consequence, the relationships between Maori and the state, Maori and Maori, and Maori with others are critically examined. The thesis canvasses a number of disciplines including Maori history, ecology, sociology, anthropology, environmental studies, management, and development studies. Engaging with this broad spectrum of ideas and actions and using literature based, empirical and participatory research tools, three themes are explored. They are: (i) The theme of 'development' which examines international and national perspectives of development in order to identify the merits of Shifting the praxis of Maori development; (ii) The theme of 'organisation' which explores local and wider perspectives of organisational theory and practice in order to identify the implications for Maori organisations; (iii) The theme of 'relationship' which investigates a wide range of perspectives about the dynamic relationships between Maori themselves and with others, and the opportunities to reaffinn and build new relationships. The thesis concludes with an analysis of current thought and action before presenting five major conclusions. In essence and simply stated, if Maori self-determination is the destination then the journey is best guided by a Maori centred approach to development and organisational arrangements that are cognisant of the contemporary circumstances, in particular the relationship dynamics, that challenge Maori and the life choices they make.
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Knox, Colin. "Whakapumau te mauri : values-based Maori organisations : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Maori Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/912.
Full textAbstract:
The political and economic history of New Zealand since the turn of the nineteenth century has been characterised by the colonisation of the indigenous Maori people by settlers mainly from Britain. In 1840 the British Crown and representative Maori Rangatira signed the Maori language version of the Treaty of Waitangi, which guaranteed to Maori continuing ownership of their land and natural resources, and self determination under the protection of the Crown, What Maori did not know in signing the Treaty was that already thousands of new settlers were being recruited in Britain on the promise of a paradise, where vacant land could be purchased cheaply and every man was the equal of his master. While the Maori population was in decline following the introduction of disease and the musket, the immigrant European population exploded. It established a Westminster styled Government which in its early years included no Maori, and passed laws which over the next 50 years alienated Maori from 95% of their land, prevented Maori from accumulating capital and participating in the most rewarding industries, and imposed alien social institutions on a previously well organised and successful people. For many Maori in the twenty-first century, the legacy of colonisation has been either marginalisation in rural communities on land frozen by legal structures which run counter to traditional values and procedures, or migration to towns and cities where employment opportunities are mainly in less skilled work and subject to variation in the economy. This thesis examines the extent of the displacement of the institutions of Maori society and its impact on the development of Maori land and other assets. It proposes an approach which could assist shareholders in Maori land to reassert traditional values and tikanga and promote collective decision making, while gaining understanding of the concepts and language of business and organisations and a skill base for greater participation in the organisations which own and manage their assets. The research results are promising, with participants in a research project accepting an approach to governance and organisation which bridges tikanga and modem business structures. There is evidence from an extended case study that the approach engenders a confidence which has positive social and cultural outcomes while encouraging the development of Maori land
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Surbakti, Indra Murty. "Labour standards under decentralisation and globalisation : the impact of the minimum wage policy in West Java, Indonesia : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1608.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores the importance of the minimum wage policy in West Java, Indonesia, within the overall framework of development and in the face of globalisation and decentralisation. A holistic approach to the minimum wage policy is applied. Generally, the study assesses the impact of decentralized minimum wage fixing processes on employment and participation of trade unions. In addition, it explores whether the minimum wage policy assists workers in coping with the negative effects of globalisation. It also explores the link between minimum wages and decent work. This study reveals that while there is some evidence of employment losses due to increases in wage levels in West Java, it did not find conclusive evidence that minimum wage levels were the main factor responsible for the employment decline. It is likely that a combination of factors such as a decrease in global demand for Indonesian manufacturing products and the current macro-economic conditions in the country, are also responsible for the employment decline. This study finds that the process of minimum wage fixing at local level has a positive impact on trade union participation in wage bargaining. The empowerment of trade unions through new legislation has enabled independent trade unions to flourish, which allows workers to join any trade unions. Consequently, minimum wage bargaining at district/city level is more dynamic than the centralized system of minimum wage bargaining in the past. Trade unions are able to express their views on what the minimum wage levels should be. Moreover, the minimum wage fixing processes at local level have the potential to promote decent work. The minimum wage fixing processes are an alternative to wage bargaining and can accommodate even sectors where trade unions are least active or non-existent. The minimum wage processes at district/city level are already established and they are in position to expand to a wider framework of providing welfare for workers. However, decent work objectives will not be achieved without the full cooperation of both central and local governments. Under the current decentralisation process, where central and local government views are still not in agreement, it is difficult to see how decent work can be applied nationally. Thus, the minimum wage policy and trade union development are important in the overall development paradigm. Both ensure the existence of a rights based approach to development where workers are given rights to organize as well as earn a basic living. Nevertheless, the development of trade unions in developing countries is under threat from flexibilisation of the workplace in which jobs have become less and less secure. The minimum wage policy, however, is still viable because it covers all types of workers. At the very least, minimum wages provide a safety net wage that can prevent real wages from falling. The writer suggests that more studies should be conducted on the extent and effectiveness of trade union participation in minimum wage bargaining. In addition, further studies should be conducted on the effect of minimum wages and trade unions on non-standard or flexible workers. Flexible workers, whether they are fixed-term contract and outsourced workers, are becoming an important part of the global labour market and increasingly pose a challenge to the increasingly important role of trade unions in developing countries.
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Muliadiredja, Emy Perdanahari. "Indonesian energy policy pathways : from past trends to future alternatives : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Resource and Environmental Planning at Massey University, Palmerston North." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1605.
Full textAbstract:
The main achievement of this thesis has been the development of an operational system dynamics model of the Indonesian energy system. This model attempts to integrate a wide range of data so that policy-makers can understand the connections between economic, environmental and energy policy objectives. This is the first such model to be developed for Indonesia, building on previous modelling efforts that have been restricted to regression-based forecasting and optimisation modelling. The first part of the thesis provides a systematic analysis of background data, information and the context for the model development. These chapters review the historical and political context of energy developments in Indonesia; review past energy policies as well as emerging energy policy objectives; analyse the determinants of energy demand (by regression and divisia decomposition methods) and review energy supply options. The regression analysis concluded that GDP and household income had the most significant effect on energy demand. The effect of fuel price rises, on the other hand, did not exert a significant effect on energy demand. The divisia decomposition method found that, over the entire Indonesian economy, technical change was found to give a greater contribution to energy efficiency improvements (as measured by the energy:GDP ratio) than structural changes. The system dynamics model was developed and validated using the extensive data collected, refined and analysed in the first part of the thesis. The model consisted of an economic module (17 sector input-output model), energy demand module, electric power module, heat and transport fuel module, primary energy supply module and an environmental module. Five scenarios were developed from this model in order to analyse possible energy development pathways for Indonesia, over the 1998-2020 period. These scenarios reflected five themes Business-as-Usual, Environmentally Beneficial, Economic Efficiency, Self-Sufficiency and Balancing Trade-Offs. These scenarios were assessed using a number of policy evaluation criteria to measure various energy, economic and environmental policy objectives. All of these scenarios indicated that Indonesia's energy demand and hence CO2 emissions will grow significantly over the scenario period, even if Indonesia introduces some quite stringent polices to restrict these trends - eg, CO2 emissions are expected to increase by 189% under the 'Business-as-Usual' scenario; and even though they can be reduced to a 85% increase under the 'Environmentally Beneficial' scenario, this is still a significant and somewhat alarming increase in CO2 emissions. The scenarios also highlighted the trade-offs between different sets of policy objectives as an aid to energy planning and policy-making. Finally, further areas of research that could improve the model and its use were identified: improving the data on energy supply and demand (particularly the end-use characterisation), endogenise the economic growth dynamics into the model rather than depending on regression analysis, possibly converting the input-output structure into a computable general equilibrium model, including more sectoral detail, making the model at least partly spatially-specific, and investigating more participatory approaches for further developing the model so as to enhance its uptake.
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Thaksaphon, Thamarangsi. "Alcohol policy process in Thailand : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Massey University, Auckland, New Zealand." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1380.
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The thesis describes and analyses the Thai alcohol policy process in the period 1997 - 2006, in order to investigate the characteristics and areas for potential improvement of the Thai alcohol policy process. The analysis used several extant public policy models. The models covered three aspects of the process at the macro leve l : stages of development, the characteristics and behaviours of maj or policy players, and the policy context. At the micro level the analysis employs concepts of agenda setting, policy formulation, policy implementation, monitoring and evaluation, stakeholder relationships and policy context. Information on Thai alcohol policy was collected from two sources: secondary data included official documents, literature, technical publications and mass media; pnmary data was collected through stakeholder interviews. Thai alcohol policy, during this period became more comprehensive and more oriented to public health. Problem-reduction values gained momentum while economic values remained significant. Thai policy stakeholders focused on the formulation process, while implementation, monitoring and evaluation were neglected. Limited resources, human capacity and ineffective management exacerbated this situation. Incrementalism characterised Thai alcohol policy formulation; existing policy or the policy precursor was very important to the decisions made. Limitations in the availability, accuracy and utilisation of knowledge about alcohol consumption, related problems and alcohol policy also affected the process. The Thai alcohol policy process became a more open public policy sphere for stakeholders. Many new players made major contributions to the process. The mechanisms stakeholders use to influence policy have become more complex and included: technical knowledge, the use of mass media and civil movements, and coordination among stakeholders. A centralised bureaucratic administration and personal and institutional interests are critical features for official stakeholders, while connection to high ranking officials and representation in the process are significant for interest groups. The Thai cultural context had a crucial impact on the alcohol policy process; cultural features which are not explicitly covered in the Western policy models utilised include cronyism, relationships, representation, commitment, negligence, and compromise. These characteristics make the Thai alcohol policy process difficult to fully explain in terms of the available public policy theories.
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Kerslake, Maria Talaitupu. "Maloafua : structural adjustment programmes : the case of Samoa : a thesis submitted to Massey University in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Sociology Programme, School of Social and Cultural Studies, College of Humanities and Social Sciences, Massey University, Albany Campus, Auckland." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1423.
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Structural adjustment programmes have been promoted globally by international financial institutions as an answer to the financial problems of developing countries like Samoa. This thesis is a study of the history of structural adjustment programmes in the Independent State of Samoa, and focuses specifically on a case study of one particular programme: the restructuring and privatisation of the former Public Works Department (PWD). It seeks to compare the claims made for the reform process by development economists, development consultants and planners, politicians and reform managers, with the experiences of those who were involved in various roles in a particular type of reform: the privatisation of a Government utility. The PWD was chosen by the Samoan Government to kick-start its institutional reform programme. The Department had, over the years, suffered from poor management, corrupt practices, overspending and unaccounted funds which were all revealed in an Auditor General's Report tabled in Parliament in Samoa in 1994. This caused great embarrassment to the Government which had then to respond to these accusations. Government saw the reform of the PWD as a means to respond to public criticism of its lack of oversight, and discontent with the standard of the department's services in public works, institutional construction, repair and maintenance programmes. The study used a case study methodology to interview the people that were involved in the privatisation of the old Public Works Department (PWD). Various people who were, and are still, involved in the process of reforming Government institutions were interviewed. These included the politicians who both advocated and opposed the implementation of the reforms, the consultants who managed them for the Government and international agencies, and employees at all levels of the former Public Works Department. It explored PWD employees' personal and institutional experiences of the period before, during and since the reform of the agency. Despite the propaganda on the benefits that reform programmes have for the countries that implement them, the study has revealed different findings. It identifies and examines some important differences between the claims made by various stakeholders about the reforms, and the experiences of those who were directly involved in various ways. It has shown that people in different positions have different experiences of the same programmes, and that their experiences are significantly influenced by their social location and, specifically, whether they are "insiders" or "outsiders." It concludes by suggesting that since the structural reform project is likely to continue in Samoa for the foreseeable future, it is useful to identify those lessons from the PWD privatisation which might be applied to future projects to mitigate their social and organisational impact.
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Andrew, Colwell. "Barriers to affordable housing for mental health service users : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Public Policy at Massey University, Albany Campus, New Zealand." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1153.
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Housing is both a social issue and a determinant for well being and is an integral component of social policy. The research specifically looked at the barriers for mental health service users to accessing affordable housing. Previous studies have identified affordability, lack of choice and discrimination as specific issues in relation to people with mental illness and housing. While previous studies focussed on housing affordability in relation to the individual, this research considered the barriers to affordable housing for mental health service users in relation to the capitalist structure of society. The research utilised a Marxist theoretical perspective that views housing in terms of the social structures of society and the relationship to class. This approach was supported by the social model of disability, a social construct where those with disabilities are oppressed by the social structures of society. Another element of the research provided a history of government housing policy in New Zealand. A quantitative and qualitative approach was used to collect data which consisted of statistical information and information gained from interviews with the relevant participants. Analysis from a Marxist perspective explained, from the findings, that there are systemic barriers in accessing affordable housing for mental health service users within a capitalist system. From the findings, the social model of disability explained that there are structural disadvantages for mental health service users that result in barriers to accessing affordable housing. An analysis of the history of government housing policy in New Zealand, which has continually promoted the commodification of housing, also explained from the findings that there are systemic barriers to accessing affordable housing for mental health service users within a capitalist system.
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Indreswari, Meidyah. "Corporate governance in the Indonesian state-owned enterprises : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1510.
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Concern regarding corporate governance is a new phenomenon in Indonesia. It became apparent in the business community when the economic crisis hit the country in 1997. Due to its recent recognition, it appears that very little is known about corporate governance in Indonesia and there has been no academic study conducted on corporate governance in the Indonesian Stateowned Enterprises (ISOEs) despite the fact that their performance is closely linked to the development of the country. The main objectives of this study are two-fold: first is to examine corporate governance systems and the roles of the Boards of ISOEs; and second is to assess the effectiveness of government initiatives in improving corporate governance practices in ISOEs. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative methods. The quantitative analysis was derived from numerical data obtained from government reports and other public documents. The qualitative analysis was based on the results of in-depth interviews with key individuals and other sources such as public opinions published in the mass media. Several key findings were obtained from the results of this study. Firstly, the study found that using agency theory to explain the relationships between the agents and the principals was more problematic in ISOEs than those in private enterprises. This is because an ISOE is a loose coalition of various agents with no real owner. Consequently. agency theory, if it is used to redefine the relationships among parties in ISOEs. should be approached at two different levels. At the micro level the agency theory examines the agent-principal relationships among the ISOE management, the Boards and the government-the corporate governance tripod. At the macro level it examines the agent-principal relationships between the corporate governance tripod and the ISOEs stakeholders (the public, labour unions, politicians in the People's Representative Assembly and others). Secondly, the results of this study confirm the results of previous studies which found that Boards in SOEs were largely ineffective. To enhance Boards' effectiveness, this study suggests that as a quasi-owner the government needs to reduce its intervention in ISOEs' operations and empower the Boards by establishing employee representation on the Board. In addition, Board training and assessment should be a mandatory in the ISOEs. Thirdly, this study found that the initiatives on corporate governance carried out by the Indonesian government had been ineffective due to the lack of incentives, lack of commitment and consistency, lack of understanding of corporate governance and unclear programmes. Here, the key factor required to enhance effectiveness is strong-willed commitment of the government and ISOE management. Lastly, other factors such as culture, public governance and law enforcement have a great influence in the process of attaining good corporate governance practices. Therefore, there should be joint efforts among parties in the public sector to ensure that good corporate governance is achieved in conjunction with the attainment of good public governance.
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Nash, Simon Joseph. "Integrating citizens' agendas in New Zealand local government environmental planning and decision-making : an examination of two wastewater planning processes and implications for deliberative democracy : a dissertation presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social Policy at Massey University, Turitea, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/780.
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This research considers the problem of ensuring citizens having meaningful opportunities to provide input in local government environmental planning and decision-making. Planning processes are often as much a product of uncertain human behaviours as they are the result of rational activity and formal institutional arrangements. Both the conduct and outcomes of these processes are heavily influenced by conflicts between actors’ underlying perspectives, yet these perspectives are hard to define and their influence is very poorly understood by researchers. Instead, local government research focuses almost exclusively on institutional arrangements and substantive debates over physical resources. This research focuses on the influence of epistemological and procedural dimensions of actors’ perspectives on the integration of citizens’ agendas in environmental planning and decision-making in New Zealand local government. From a deliberative democratic perspective, I examine obstacles to the conduct of an effective integrative process and consider possible practical and theoretical responses. The research studies two local government wastewater planning processes. It combines Q-methodology with interviews, observation and documentary analysis. This approach allows me to identify actors’ subjective perspectives and to consider their influence on planning and decision-making. This combination of methods has not previously been used in local government research in New Zealand. The research shows that while conflicts between actors’ perspectives pose significant barriers to the integration of citizens’ agendas, they can also offer opportunities for addressing those barriers. Integration is clearly limited by a positivist, rationalist perspective that privileges objectivity in knowledge and planning practices. Integration is further limited by a competitive adversarial perspective. Nevertheless, there is also potential where deliberative perspectives are present that are more value-critical and that seek intersubjective understanding of actors’ inputs. Such compromise-seeking perspectives contribute to more communicatively rational planning and more legitimate and durable decisions. The thesis argues that councils should foster a change among actors towards a more deliberative perspective and should champion such behaviour themselves. Such change is often obstructed by the tacit, unacknowledged, yet persistent, nature of most actors’ perspectives. The thesis concludes that while transformation of perspectives is unrealistic, a more communicatively rational planning approach is achievable as a basis for legitimate decisions that more effectively integrate citizens’ agendas.
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Ulugia-Veukiso, Analosa. "What's God got to do with sex? : exploring the relationship between patterns of spiritual engagement and the sexual health activities of Samoan youth : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Public Policy at Massey University, Auckland, New Zealand." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/783.
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What’s God got to do with Sex? Exploring the relationship between Spiritual engagement and the sexual health activities of Samoan youth. Improving the health and social wellbeing of Pacific youth is a key priority for the New Zealand Government. When the Pacific youth population’s sexual health is compared with that of other ethnic groups in New Zealand there are clear disparities. At the same time, spiritual engagement is frequently noted as protecting young people from engaging in health-risk taking behaviours. Objectives: This study determines whether a relationship exists between patterns of spiritual engagement and the sexual health activities of Samoan attending secondary schools in New Zealand. Does going to church or rating spiritual beliefs as important influence the sexual health activities of Samoan youth? Method: This research analyses data from ‘Youth 2000’, a youth health and wellbeing survey conducted in 2001. The survey was conducted with approximately 10,000 New Zealand secondary school students which included 646 Samoan and 5219 New Zealand Europeans. Nine sexual health activities were explored. Data relating to spiritual engagement and the sexual health activities of Samoan and New Zealand European students were extracted from the survey, measured and compared. Results: A significant proportion of Samoan youth have not had sexual intercourse. Just under a third of Samoan students (32.1%) have had sexual intercourse, with the average age of first sexual intercourse around 14 years. Findings reveal that the spiritual engagement variables: church attendance and the importance of spiritual beliefs have mixed influences on the different sexual health activities of Samoan youth. Conclusions: This study reinforces the central importance of spiritual engagement in the lives of many Samoan secondary school students. Government policies and interventions require an understanding of key health behaviours and their related risk and protective factors specific to New Zealand youth.
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Islam, Md Mofakkarul. "Sustainability failure of donor-supported organisational reforms in agricultural extension : a Bangladesh case study : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Agricultural Extension and Rural Development, Institute of Natural Resources, Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/776.
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For several decades, international donor agencies have provided considerable support for organisational reforms within the agricultural extension system in Bangladesh. This support has been provided through a series of short-term projects that have experimented with a variety of novel extension systems. These have ranged from the centralised training and visit model to decentralised subdistrict based systems to an even more decentralised farmer-led extension system. They have also ranged from an extension system operated by a single government agency to systems run by a partnership between government and non-government organisations. The experimentation has also involved a country-wide or large-scale system to local or small-scale systems. Furthermore, the reforms have varied from a single organisation providing only advisory services to farmers to a constellation of organisations providing a combination of services. However, in virtually every case, when donor support was removed at the completion of a project, the extension reform was found to be unsustainable post-project. Despite the continued failure of donor sponsored extension reforms in Bangladesh, little is formally known as to why such reforms have been unsustainable. Such knowledge is critical if donor-assisted extension reforms in Bangladesh are to be effective and sustainable. Therefore, the overall aim of this study was to determine the reasons why a donor-supported extension reform becomes unsustainable in Bangladesh. From a review of literature, a conceptual framework was developed outlining the conditions/factors under which organisational systems or innovations supported through donor projects do, or do not, become sustainable. Using a qualitative single case study approach, a poorly sustained extension reform supported through a donor project was investigated in depth in Bangladesh. From this investigation, a model that explains the non-sustainability of a donor supported extension reform in Bangladesh was developed. Several theoretically important findings were identified in this study. The extension reform was poorly sustained because the principles underlying the reform lacked cultural legitimacy. This problem was compounded due to the presence of perverse institutional forces in the operational context, and because the extension agencies concerned lacked adequate human and financial resources. The sustainability of the extension reform was also compromised because of poor implementation performance, complex design, parallel modes of project implementation, a failure to develop recipient ownership, and poor capacity to learn and adapt the reform. The mechanisms by which these factors influenced the non-sustainability of the reform are described in detail. The results from this study suggest that the sustainability of donor-supported extension reforms cannot be achieved within the short time frame set out in most projects. Nor can such changes be sustainable unless they are aligned with the norms, values and traditions of extension agencies and rural people. In particular, sustainability will continue to be a serious challenge unless the perverse institutional incentives confronted by extension agencies and rural people are minimised. The donors concerned in Bangladesh should support a locally-owned and single reform idea rather than undertaking haphazard projects with varied ideas, improve inter-donor coordination and come up with a coordinated decision of not providing monetary incentives to extension agencies and rural people, support extension reforms according to the felt needs of recipients, and stop providing aid in the event of repeated failures.
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Dittmer, David Mark. "The clockwork lahar : examining issues management in a New Zealand public service context : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Management in Communication Management at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/803.
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Issues management has been practised over the past 30 years. However, the literature has focused on how corporations manage issues, while public service organisations have been ignored. This study looked at the issues management of a tephra dam-break lahar from 1996-2007 on Mount Ruapehu, New Zealand by a group of public service organisations. 19 interviews were conducted with people involved with the management of the ‘lahar issue’ to find out how the issue was managed. Further a content analysis of 309 articles from five newspapers, spanning the full eleven year period, was conducted to examine the salience (attention) given to the issue, the frames commonly used to present the issue and the sources who ‘drove’ the issue. The data from the content analysis was interpreted to create a five-stage lifecycle of the ‘lahar issue’. Further, data from the interviews was compared with a summary process of the issue management process. This comparison showed that five issues management process stages were employed to manage the ‘lahar issue’ although they were not referred to as such. Initially, the Department of Conservation consulted stakeholders during the development of options to deal with the lahar (1996-1999). Later in the lahar’s management, lahar stakeholders fell into two categories: internal - those involved with the mitigation and response - and external - the public. Internal stakeholders were communicated with through meetings and email. External stakeholders were communicated with through local media, presentations and meetings. Overall, it was concluded that media gave substantial attention to the lahar issue over the eleven year period. Some of those involved with managing the ‘lahar issue’ were able to identify the phases of media coverage. Further, this study identified ten frames that media employed when reporting the lahar. The most-frequently used frames were those focusing on the response (lahar response), describing the lahar (diagnosing causes of problem(s)) and discussing the potential impacts from a lahar (definition of problem(s)). Department of Conservation Scientist, Dr Harry Keys, was shown to be a primary definer – an influential source. The results suggest he defined coverage because of his status as both an official source, due to the organisation he was associated with, and also as an authoritative source due to his role as a scientist. Further, he was regularly drawn upon as a source over the entire period of the ‘lahar issue’ coverage.
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Vicente, Ria S. "Evaluation of the efficiency and effectiveness of the regional procurement service depots in the Philippines : a case of region 1 : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Public Policy at Massey University, Albany, New Zealand." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/835.
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The focus of this research is to examine the efficiency and effectiveness of recent procurement reform done by the Government of the Philippines, particularly the centralized procurement system for common-use supplies, materials, and equipment. The centralized procurement system is adopted with the intent of taking advantage of the savings inherent to bulk purchasing, streamlining procurement procedures, and reducing opportunities for corruption in the procurement of the abovementioned items. By legislative authority under Republic Act No. 9184, the centralized procurement system was made mandatory among all government agencies, government owned and controlled corporations and local government units in the purchase of their supplies, materials and equipment requirements. With the introduction of tighter budget and the stronger pressure for good governance, the contributions of procurement policy and institutions of procurements to the achievement of good governance and potential relation to development has been gaining global recognition. Given the association of procurement to the way public money is spent, the issue on corruption is also central to this research. There has been a growing recognition of the relationship between corruption and development – the more corrupt a country is, the more underdeveloped it becomes. With the daunting task of battling against corruption, the country’s strategy is to direct its efforts in combating corruption in specific areas, like public procurement. This thesis demonstrates that the centralized procurement system offers a significant reduction in processing times in the conduct of procurement. Additionally, it offers opportunities for savings generation with the cheaper prices of goods and the reduction of administrative cost associated with procurement. More over, it provides a procurement framework where opportunities for administrative corruption are reduced. This leads to the conclusion that the centralized procurement system is efficient in that it reduces administrative processing time and concomitant costs. This, in the long run, will benefit the procuring entities and ultimately the tax payers. However, the emphasis placed on achieving administrative savings is at the expense of other measures of effectiveness such as quality of goods being supplied and the quality of services being extended to client agencies. Moreover, the lack of effective inventory and control system may pave the way to greater waste. Without an effective inventory and control system as well as an improved quality control system, the centralized procurement system that works faster and cheaper may not be better after all.
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Hine, Susan Douglas. "The expression of values in the context of non-governmental development organisations : a case-study of Oxfam New Zealand : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy (Development Studies) at Massey University (Palmerston North)." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/752.
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This thesis is an exploratory study of the ‘expression of values’ within development organisations. I consider the value-bases of the economic and humanist paradigms of development, the nature of values and their relation to both organisational and personal positions, and how these impact on non-governmental development organisations (NGDOs). The expression of development values is embedded in theory, in practice modalities, in organisational structure and function, and in personal beliefs, attitudes and behaviours. Development values are also inherent in statements of an organisation’s vision and mission. More often than not these values are implicit, and do not always match with the organisation’s operations. In the course of this exploration I draw on the broad history of development paradigms, the influences of moral philosophy, and the evolution of NGDOs. I acknowledge the complexity of ‘development’, evident in the multiplicity of players and the multi-disciplinary nature of development in practice. A case-study of Oxfam New Zealand illustrates the significance of values and their relevance to operational functioning. My research methodology involved open-ended questionnaire techniques and analysis of secondary resources drawn from Oxfam publications. Analysis of findings reveals an interdependence between words and their meanings and the interpretation of both organisational and personal values. When the results of the case-study are aligned with the literature, my conclusions make a case for stronger articulation of values as an important future role and function of NGDOs, including Oxfam New Zealand. Values represent the why of development that shapes the how of development practice, and thus explicit values can enhance organisational strength and power.
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Bennett, Vernon Noel. "The role of the military within Official Development Assistance : policies, parameters and procedures : a thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1105.
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This thesis explores the relationship between development, Official Development Assistance (ODA) and the military in order to determine both the nature and effects of that relationship, and how the involvement of the military within ODA can be conducted in the most appropriate manner to support development. This study was conducted with regard to the current links between security and development within international relations and concerns that ODA is being drawn from a primarily development role to one that more explicitly supports national foreign and security policy ends instead. This issue is explored by defining development, ODA and the military as separate variables and then employing a grounded theory approach to develop an understanding of the relationship between them. The results of the study show that the involvement of the military within ODA and development may occur throughout the full range of operational contexts in which the military may be employed and can encompass activities throughout the scope of the functions of development. This involvement can in turn create a range of positive and negative impacts upon the conduct of ODA and development as the military serves to moderate the direction and strength of the relationship between the two. From this, the role of the military within ODA is identified as potentially an enabling, implementing and coordinating agency – primarily during times of crisis and conflict. The study then relates this role back to the wider context through considering the management of the military’s role and identifying the policies, parameters and procedures that may help to ensure that this role is conducted in the most appropriate manner for development.
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Greener, Peter. "New Zealand defence acquisition decision making: politics and processes." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2569.
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Whole document restricted, see Access Instructions file below for details of how to access the print copy.The spectre of block obsolescence of major weapons platforms loomed throughout the 1980s, facing successive governments with significant challenges as they worked to make sustainable decisions on replacement or upgraded equipment for the New Zealand Defence Force. This thesis identifies the critical factors that have shaped and influenced defence acquisition decision-making processes from the election of the Fourth Labour Government in 1984 and the subsequent ANZUS crisis, through to the events of 9/11 and the following 'war on terror'. The thesis explores and analyses decision-making processes in relation to six acquisition decisions which have been made over a twenty year period. These are the decisions on the ANZAC frigates; the military sealift ship HMNZS Charles Upham; the second and third decisions on the ANZACS; the lease of the F-l6 strike aircraft; the upgrading of the P-3C Orion maritime patrol aircraft; and the purchase of armoured vehicles for the Army - the LAV IIIs. A model of decision-making processes is developed and evaluated in order to undertake the analysis, with the model demonstrating its utility in analysing complex processes throughout the course of the thesis. From here the thesis concludes that whilst many factors are brought to bear, New Zealand's own view of the world, external relationships, and the timing of decisions are amongst the most significant elements impacting on the decision making process, whilst individual actors play a significant part in shaping the process. Although there has been a great deal of publicity in recent years about rivalry between the Services and the place of bureaucratic politics, it nevertheless is apparent that officials have continued to work with rigour over time to provide the best judgement and advice possible to Ministers. Three out of six of the case studies which have been analysed, the ANZAC frigates, the upgrade of the P-3 Orions and the LAV III, have been or are in the process of successful implementation. In each case officials have worked to ensure that they provided the Government of the day with the most appropriate advice upon which to base decisions, although that advice has not always been popular. The analysis of each case study demonstrates key aspects of the decision-making process providing specific insights into the way defence decisions are made.
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Pearce, Jane Louise Mary. "Is there an appropriate model of community wind turbine ownership for New Zealand? : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Social Policy at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/798.
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Historically, public ownership of telecommunications, railways, ports, and energy, amongst other infrastructure, has been important in New Zealand. In the electricity sector local authorities generated and supplied electricity from the early 1900s. Thus in a sense electricity generation was in the hands of community owned and operated trading enterprises. However, the reforms of the 1980s and 1990s brought significant restructuring of this infrastructure based on the market model of privatisation. Since 1992 energy companies have been required to operate as successful businesses despite being ultimately owned by community trusts which, in effect, hold the assets of the energy company in trust for the community. However, it is arguable as to whether this model actually pursues social and community objectives. Community ownership of wind turbines is common in some European countries, but there are currently no examples of this form of ownership in New Zealand. This thesis defines community ownership and by examining case studies in Scotland, Denmark and Australia, proposes a model of community ownership appropriate to wind turbine ownership in New Zealand. Specifically, this thesis seeks to identify community ownership models that are capable of promoting holistic environmental justice by reconciling social justice with ecological justice. A number of forms of community ownership are identified in the various case study countries and a comparative analysis is carried out of these exemplars. On the basis of these studies it is found to be possible for a form of community ownership of wind turbines to exist in New Zealand that incorporates both social justice and ecological justice principles as holistic environmental justice.
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O'Flaherty, Veronica Ann. "A very dim light, a very steep hill: women in the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party." 2005. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1481/1/OFlaherty.pdf.
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This thesis presents a contemporary approach to the problem of the lack of recognition of women in Australian society and politics using the Australian Labor Party (ALP) as background and the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party as a test case. It examines the paradox that women have had the vote in Australia for over a hundred years yet, in the largest political party officially dedicated to social equality, they still fail to hold leadership positions with the exception of Jenny Macklin who is Deputy Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (FPLP). Several writers have drawn attention to this puzzle of the lack of effective participation in general by women in Australian political life. Authors such as Joy Damousi, Anne Henderson, Marian Sawer and Marian Simms among others have begun the process of theoretical and historical analysis of women in politics in this country. Sawer and Simms are both prominent female academics in the field of Political Science. Their book, A Woman’s Place: Women and Politics in Australia (1993), is a good example of an emerging genre. Given my own particular academic interests, the thesis is based in the discipline of Political Science. It is not located primarily in the area of Women’s Studies, but feminist theories and ideas are applied, as are historical surveys and sociological perspectives to support my arguments and buttress conclusions. The aim of the work is to examine the Victorian Branch of the ALP between 1946 and 2005 and tests the hypothesis that a combination of societal and structural factors has been responsible for the exclusion of women for the most part from leadership positions in the Party. The Victorian Branch was chosen partly for reasons of access and manageable size, but also because it is representative of general trends in Australian politics. Essentially, this thesis is about the role of women in a major political party committed to the cause of working-class people. It does not deal with policy formulation or the dynamics of the parliamentary arena. Rather, it concentrates on the party’s culture and the structural and organisational factors which affect the participation rates and levels of influence of women. This thesis will contribute to knowledge by analysing the reasons for the exclusion of women from positions of power in the Victorian Branch of the ALP; it also draws lessons about the nature of politics in Australia. Indeed, it constitutes the first major study of the role of women in Victorian ALP politics—no such study currently exists. My own personal case studies will determine how and why and if male-dominated ‘traditions’ (patriarchy) are restricting the progress of women in the public sphere in this country. The research material from interviews with past and present female MPs (including former Victorian Premier Joan Kirner) and State Executive members will provide a great deal of invaluable information and opinion for other students of party politics. The thesis will give an opportunity for female ALP views to be expressed. A further contribution to knowledge will be to establish why injustices, inequalities and constraints have been placed on women which hinder their rise to power in the ALP and the Victorian Branch. It is significant to state that throughout Australia’s largely patriarchal history the nonrecognition, or misrecognition, of Australian women has been a form of exclusion resulting in their under- representation in leadership roles in the ALP and its Victorian Branch. Therefore, by studying the particular processes of how gender diversities are formed within a historical and ideological context, we can start to hypothesis on how and why women have been marginalised with the male-dominated ALP and the Victorian Branch. This thesis will examine why women in the Victorian Branch of the ALP have been largely excluded from decision-making positions. Has a combination of cultural, historical, sociological and structural reasons contributed to their exclusion until some thirty years ago when things began to appear to change? Are attempts to make the Branch more inclusive real or are they simply a form of Marcusian repressive tolerance? Therefore, in order to clarify specific aims of the project, one should ascertain why, despite the attainment of legal, political and social rights, there exists a significant inequality between the genders when it comes to achieving and exercising power and influence in the Federal ALP and the Victorian Branch. By researching those factors that create inequality, I hope to ascertain why women have been excluded from decision-making positions in the ALP and the Victorian Branch and document what changes have occurred and suggest future directional aims.
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Malik, Shahid. "Pakistan political environment: an impediment to democracy?" 2007. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/34057.
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This thesis systematically examines vital socio-political factors which are impediments to democracy in Pakistan since 1947. The object is not to reach a single verdict on whether or not the whole regime can legitimately be called democratic, but to determine by empirical observation how democratic it is in its various parts. Democratic audit is a systematic, qualitative assessment of the performance of a regime's many parts against agreed democratic standards.
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El, Gack Nawal El-Gaili. "Participatory approaches to development : an analysis of the experiences of development projects in Sudan : a thesis presented in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1455.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to explore and analyse the experiences of participatory development projects in Sudan. The study focuses on participation in development, an issue that has attracted debate and discussion since the early 1970s. To contribute to this discussion and create more knowledge on this issue the White Nile Agricultural Services Project (WNASP) and North Kordofan Rural Development Project (NKRDP) were selected as case studies. Through various methods the nature and potential of participatory development approaches and interventions have been explored with the aim of identifying the factors that influenced people's participation, and suggesting ways to improve the practice of participatory development at grassroots level. The study found that although the projects encouraged and claimed to adopt participatory approaches, people were not engaged in a process through which participation could achieve empowerment or create real changes in their lives. The outcome of people's participation in the projects was influenced by development providers' policies, credibility and behaviour of staff, nature and amount of resources, socio-cultural norms, power relations, and communities' previous experiences, organisation and level of education. This suggests that primarily, designing participatory development programmes requires an in-depth understanding of prevailing social, economic, political and physical environments. Secondly, development providers should adopt approaches that accept negotiations with communities and challenge oppressive situations. Finally, if participatory development is to achieve its objectives, local communities must be provided with resources, information and skills. Based on evidence from powerful individuals in North Kordofan, this thesis suggests a moral-obligatory approach as one of the ways to improve the practice of participatory development in Sudan. This approach requires a fundamental change in development providers' policies, visions and credibility. If the essence of participatory development is adhered to, and if strategies and plans are designed collectively then there is an opportunity for making real change in the lives of those addressed by development interventions. This thesis concludes that more research is needed to explore the values, role, and impact of development providers and facilitators, as well as the nature and potential of local communities' participative values, organisations and practices.
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Mohammed, Kassim M. "Managing risk : a case study of a non-government organisation that provides long-term care and support services for people with mental, intellectual and physical disabilities : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/792.
Full textAbstract:
This research examines the way employees perceive risk in a non-governmental healthcare organisation that provides care and support for people with mental, intellectual and physical disabilities. Thirty-four respondents from all levels and services within an NGO participated in in-depth semi-structured interviews to explore the meaning of the concept of risk from their own viewpoints, as well as their perspectives regarding types and sources of risk in their work and initiatives for controlling and dealing with such types and sources. This involved discussing the role of training in improving the awareness of employees in minimising risk, and the effect of training on the entire risk management process. Additional information was obtained by the researcher from documentation and personal observation. Themes that emerged from analysing data pointed to the interrelated link between perception and risk. Accordingly, the study found that risk is culturally constructed, individualistic, and subjective. It was evident that risk is a perceptual matter affected by beliefs, feelings, knowledge, culture, image, context, and the experience of people. The culture of fear of risk and of perceiving risk as something purely negative was dominant among the participants, who viewed risk as an unfavourable issue that does not have opportunities, which creates another source of risk – the risk of perception of risk. This research demonstrates that the perceptual aspect of risk emphasises the central role of people in any risk management process. For effective risk management, all perspectives should be considered. This requires a participatory system of managing risk, improving the awareness of people about risk, and modifying the culture of risk among them. Training has a significant role in the achievement of these fundamentals.