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Published: 10 December 2022
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1

Campbell, Menzies. "British security and defence policy." RUSI Journal 142, no. 2 (April 1997): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446126.

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2

Clark, David. "Labour's defence and security policy." RUSI Journal 142, no. 3 (June 1997): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446146.

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3

Grant, Mark Lyall. "Updating Security and Defence Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R40—R46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000116.

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Executive SummaryThreats to the security of the UK are evolving with the changing nature of conflict and balance of power in the world. They are multiple and fragmented, and domestic and online as well as overseas in nature: principally state-based threats such as posed by Russian activity; terrorism; cyber-attacks; and serious organised crime. To respond, the United Kingdom will need flexible capabilities aimed at fostering infrastructural and societal resilience as much as conventional defence. Above all, the UK needs to focus on maintaining, promoting, and defending the international rules-based order, as represented by the UN and NATO among other institutions.The UK possesses significant assets to these ends, including its continuing status as one of eight acknowledged nuclear powers – a status that it should not abandon unilaterally; permanent membership of the UN Security Council; membership of the ‘Five Eyes' intelligence community; and its internationally respected armed forces.But effort and resources are required to support these commitments, for example in helping to encourage other European states to spend more on defence; in contributing to UN peace-keeping operations or other collaborative overseas actions; and most of all in ensuring that army and navy manpower is rebuilt. Two per cent of GDP is no longer sufficient for the proper defence of the nation. Even allowing for the demands of other parts of government, the target for defence spending should be raised in the next review to 2.2 per cent.The principal focus will need to be on efficiency and redeployment of resources as the current equipment-heavy procurement cycle comes to an end. In particular, investment needs to continue to be rebalanced towards new capabilities such as drone technology, offensive and defensive cyber and intelligence manpower.But, to avoid any weakening of the country's security, priority should be given to negotiating a new agreement on security and intelligence cooperation with its European allies to replace the arrangements it had within the EU.
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4

Phillips, Mark. "Policy-Making in Defence and Security." RUSI Journal 157, no. 1 (February 2012): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2012.664361.

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5

Deighton, Anne. "The European Security and Defence Policy." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2002): 719–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00395.

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6

Howorth, Jolyon. "Differentiation in security and defence policy." Comparative European Politics 17, no. 2 (March 21, 2019): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-019-00161-w.

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7

Bak, Pál, Gergely Németh, and Diána Szőke. "Foundations of Hungarian Defence Policy." Honvédségi Szemle 148, Special Issue 2. (2020): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35926/hdr.2020.2.1.

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This article aims to outline the foundations of contemporary Hungarian defence policy thinking, highlighting the factors which have shaped it during the last years. Hungary lies in a unique geostrategic position, at the crossroads of ‘eastern’ and ‘southern’ challenges. The study therefore begins by presenting an overview of Hungary’s place in the global security environment, especially in light of the instability currently characterising certain regions on Europe’s periphery. It then goes on to discuss the institutional framework of Hungarian security and defence policy, primarily concentrating on NATO and the EU CSDP. The newly adopted National Security Strategy, together with the National Military Strategy (currently under review) serve as the starting point for the analysis.Our study also pays particular attention to Hungary’s large-scale military modernisation programme, the Zrínyi Programme. Based on this, the authors identify three major challenges shaping the medium-term outlook for Hungarian defence policy. These are (i) the pressures of illegal mass migration; (ii) the challenges of transnational terrorism; along with (iii) the activity and potential for conflict among regional and global powers. In addition, the article briefly highlights the future challenges that Hungary must reckon with, including the security-related implications of global climate change, energy dependency, cyber defence, together with the proliferation of nuclear and conventional weapons.
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8

Nguyen, Dung Ngoc. "CHANGES IN THE NATIONAL DEFENCE - SECURITY POLICY OF JAPAN UNDER JAPAN-US STRATEGIC SECURITY MECHANISM WITHIN AND AFTER THE COLD WAR." Science and Technology Development Journal 12, no. 15 (September 15, 2009): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v12i15.2347.

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National defence - security is an especially important field for a nation in any age of time. In the case of Japan, this national defence - security problem pretty differs from that one in other countries. The paper focuses on studying the national defence – security policy of Japan within and after the Cold War, under Japan - US strategic security mechanism in order to understand the changes in aims , solutions and implementing the national defence – security policy of Japan in conditions of international and regional change.Begun with presenting the national defence - security policy of Japan in Cold War time, the paper pays attention into making clear some essential changes in the national defence – security policy of Japan , that was devided into 2 periods : 1991 -2001, 2001 - todays and rapidly increasing growth of the Self Defence Forces of Japan.
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9

Clark, David. "The labour party's defence and security policy." RUSI Journal 140, no. 2 (April 1995): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849508445900.

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10

Touray, Omar A. "The Common African Defence and Security Policy." African Affairs 104, no. 417 (September 1, 2005): 635–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi066.

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11

Dietl, Ralph. "Towards a European Security and Defence Policy." Cold War History 3, no. 3 (April 2003): 144–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740312331391678.

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12

Karpchuk, Nataliia. "European Union Security Policy: Historical Retrospection." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 1 (May 29, 2017): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2017-01-14-22.

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The EU security policy is an inseparable part of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy elaborated within the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. Sucurity and defence issues are quite vulnerable for any state sovereignty that is why it took Member Statets rather long time to agree on principles, directions and priorities of their common security policy as well as on cooperation with the NATO. With the development of the European Community, in the sphere of security policy a number of structures were established and a number of principled documents were adopted. The article researches the evolution of the EU security policy influenced by external cgallenges and threats
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13

Volodin, D. "Canada in New European Security System." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2010): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-5-72-82.

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The article is dedicated to Canada–Europe relations in the security and defence sphere in 2000s. The main attention is paid to Canada’s reaction to the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), and the significance of this new European initiative for the overall complex of Canada’s transatlantic ties. NATO and its role in Canada's defence policy are also covered in this study.
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14

Csernatoni, Raluca. "The Evolving Role of the European External Action Service in Security and Defence." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 1 (February 1, 2021): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021008.

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While significant scholarly work has been dedicated to the institutionalization of the European External Action Service (EEAS) and its role in shaping the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy goals, less attention has been given to the Service’s wider competencies and agenda-setting power in the case of the Common Security and Defence Policy. This article aims to assess the growing role of the EEAS in defence and in spearheading new ways of bridging foreign policy and security in a comprehensive manner. In doing so, the research explores how the security and defence dimensions were incorporated into the EEAS, by examining the processes of institutionalization in the EEAS crisis management structures in the post-Lisbon context, and by zooming in on the intergovernmental and supranational dynamics in the European security and defence architecture. The article finds that continued organizational innovation and the reinforcement of supranational mechanisms in the EEAS and the European Commission have had a positive impact on the EU’s security and defence, representing a step further in bridging the foreign policy, security and defence divides at the EU level. European Union, European External Action Service, European Security and Defence, High Representative
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15

SARGSYAN, AREN, and TIGRAN KOCHARYAN. "STRATEGIC DEFENCE REVIEW IN THE CONTEXT OF DEFENCE REFORMS." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 10, no. 1 (April 4, 2016): 142–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v10i1.195.

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The South Caucasus region is characterized by the presence of frozen conflicts, the activation of impending threats. For security and stability problematic is the important factor that the countries in the region have adopted a diametrically different security and defense strategies, policy of joining the centers of power and allies. Continuing development of defense capabilities is a logical choice for Armenia, which follows from the aims of the state and public security, and the maintenance and, if necessary, even the world compulsion. To achieve these objectives in the Republic of Armenia is carried out the process, which called the Strategic Defense Review.
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16

de Grave, Frank. "European Security and defence policy as a framework for defence co‐operation." RUSI Journal 147, no. 1 (February 2002): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840208446732.

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17

Cooper, Neil. "British defence exports: Trends, policy and security implications." Contemporary Security Policy 16, no. 2 (August 1995): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523269508404115.

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18

RYNNING, STEN. "Realism and the Common Security and Defence Policy." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 49, no. 1 (December 15, 2010): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02127.x.

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19

Cowper‐Coles, Sherard. "From Defence to security: British policy in transition." Survival 36, no. 1 (March 1994): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396339408442729.

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20

Erdağ, Ramazan. "Towards European Security Integration: Boundaries of European Security and Defence Policy." Journal of European Integration 38, no. 2 (December 14, 2015): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2015.1115240.

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21

KATAHARA, Eiichi. "Analysing the Perceptions, Key Issues and Challenges of Japan’s New Defence White Paper 2020." East Asian Policy 12, no. 04 (October 2020): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000276.

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Japan’s new defence white paper offers an overview of the security environment surrounding Japan and the numerous issues concerning Tokyo’s defence and security policy. It highlights North Korea’s increasing missile-related technologies, China’s growing military power and assertive activities, and the impact of the COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) infection on security issues. Japan will likely remain a cautious security policy player while emerging as a robust military power with growing deterrence and defence capabilities.
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22

Rieker, Pernille. "Differentiated Defence Integration Under French Leadership." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Special Issue (August 1, 2021): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021029.

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Studies dealing with EU security and defence policy tend to focus exclusively on what is formally included in the Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Other initiatives taken outside this framework are frequently seen potentially undermining the development of EU defence – even when the intention is to strengthen defence capacity. This has been the case with the various initiatives taken within or closely linked to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as well as the recent French approach involving the European Intervention Initiative (EI2). An alternative perspective is to see these as integrated parts of a more flexible and differentiated European security framework where all these initiatives combined contribute to strengthening European defence capacity. Building on the argument presented in the introduction to this Special Issue, this article argues that France, as a leader in promoting ‘l’Europe de la défense’, has been instrumental in promoting this differentiated approach to European defence integration, especially under the Macron presidency. (This article is an output of a research project entitled ‘Balancing between integration and autonomy. Understanding the drivers and mechanisms of the EU’s foreign, security and defence policy’ (EUFLEX), funded by the Research Council of Norway (project number 287131) for the period 2018-21. France, differentiated integration, CSDP, European intervention initiative, security and defence
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23

Ferreira da Silva, Peterson, and Augusto W. M. Teixeira Júnior. "The relationship between defence policy, the defence budget, and force structure in contemporary Brazil." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 10, no. 2 (2022): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs/10.2.4.

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The roles and objectives of the Brazilian Armed Forces are strongly related to missions other than external security, despite having abundant natural resources to secure and regional interests that may be affected by great power competition in South America. Given this background, what are Brazil's main challengesregarding the relationship between defence policy, defence budget and force structure? To address this research problem, we explore an analytical approach that connects defence policy to budget execution in the context of civil-military relations in Brazil. The methodological framework of the paper is a qualitative approach, choosing a single case study as its research design. We adopted a broader historical perspective to raise observations to cope with the single-country study's classical limitations. Thus, the paper deals with two levels of analysis: domestic (Ministry of Defence) and international (geopolitical landscape). Based on official documents and budgetary data between 1999 and 2021, we trace the significant consequences of the Brazilian Armed Forces' continuous involvement in internal security issues, such as public security, border security, environmental crimes and migration crises. The paper reveals that Brazil's military spending, characterised by relatively high costs on personnel and low investments, has detrimental effects on defence acquisitions, training, readiness andoperations. Our main argument is that a more active civilian direction and assertive defence policy are fundamental factors to balance the Brazilian Armed Forces personneland investments expenditures.
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24

Shepherd, Alistair. "The European Union's Security and Defence Policy: a policy without substance?" European Security 12, no. 1 (March 2003): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662830412331307996.

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25

Brylonek, Marek. "Bieżące trendy wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony Unii Europejskiej." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2014 (June 29, 2014): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.14.4.

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In 1999, soon after the European Union member states had decided to establish the European Security and Defence Policy, the processes of appointing adequate tools for its accomplishment also started. Decisions were made to create organs and institutions and to elaborate appropriate procedures which would enable fast and precise decision-making of planning and conduct in the field of security and defence. Since that time the European Union and its Security and Defence Policy have evolved in many aspects and are still evolving. Security researchers currently attempt to provide the answer to an important problem: what are the trends characterising changes in the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. The author, basing on research and own experiences of work in the politico-strategic planning structures of the European External Action Service, analyses current trends in the Common Security and Defence Policy, especially regarding the evolution of the Union’s organs and institutions, crisis management procedures, implementation of comprehensive approach and tendencies in the newly-deployed missions. This material is a result of extensive discussions and consultations conducted within a broad international and interinstitutional crisis management environment. It is based on interviews with high-level subject-related personnel and the listed bibliography
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26

Brylonek, Marek. "Tendencies in the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy." Internal Security 6, no. 1 (October 1, 2014): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/20805268.1122423.

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27

Mahncke, Dieter. "Russia's Attitude to the European Security and Defence Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 6, Issue 4 (December 1, 2001): 427–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/391109.

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28

Fiott, Daniel. "Debating European Security and Defence Policy: Understanding the Complexity." RUSI Journal 160, no. 2 (March 4, 2015): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2015.1031532.

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29

Mérand, Frédéric. "Social Representations in the European Security and Defence Policy." Cooperation and Conflict 41, no. 2 (June 2006): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836706063659.

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30

Keane 1, Rory. "European security and defence policy: from cologne to sarajevo." Global Society 19, no. 1 (January 2005): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1360082042000316068.

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31

King, Anthony. "The Future of the European Security and Defence Policy." Contemporary Security Policy 26, no. 1 (April 2005): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260500116075.

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32

Rolls, Mark G. "Thailand's post‐cold war security policy and defence programme." Contemporary Security Policy 15, no. 2 (August 1994): 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523269408404069.

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33

Schmidt, J. "Panos Koutrakos. The EU Common Security and Defence Policy." European Journal of International Law 24, no. 4 (November 1, 2013): 1257–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/cht075.

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34

Zwolski, Kamil. "Germany, Poland and the Common Security and Defence Policy: Converging security and defence perspectives in an enlarged EU." Acta Politica 48, no. 3 (June 26, 2013): 345–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2013.4.

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35

Menon, Anand. "Germany, Poland and the Common Security and Defence Policy: Converging Security and Defence Perspectives in an Enlarged EU." West European Politics 37, no. 1 (November 14, 2013): 222–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.853525.

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36

Ivančík, Radoslav. "O Európskej bezpečnostnej a obrannej integrácii v kontexte prístupu malých členských štátov Európskej únie k nej." Vojenské reflexie 17, no. 2 (2022): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/vr.a.2022.2.28-47.

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The European Union is a community of currently twenty-seven member states. Most of them are classified as smaller or small states in terms of geographical area and economic strength as well as military power. Therefore, one of the most researched topics within the European Union's foreign, security and defence policy concerns its small member states and their approaches to security and defence integration. Their interests in this area may differ significantly from those of the larger member states of the Union, as well as their strategies. Considering the already achieved progress in European integration in the field of security and defence, the author therefore deals in the study with the challenges and opportunities that the small member states of the European Union had to deal with. In the above context, within the framework of interdisciplinary theoretical scientific research, it assesses the previous research of small member states within the European security and defence policy, examines developments in the field of security and defence integration, and at the same time analyses the main discussions taking place in the professional literature about small member states of the European Union and their approach to security and defence integration.
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37

Vitelli, Marina Gisela. "The Impossibility of a Defence Policy in the Americas? Comparing Hemispheric and South American Security Concepts and Military Roles." Contexto Internacional 42, no. 1 (April 2020): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019420100004.

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Abstract This article analyses the competing security perspectives of hemispheric and South American defence cooperation initiatives. While the Organization of American States (OAS) emphasises domestic roles for armed forces in the region, concentrating on internal threats such as organised crime and terrorism, the South American Defence Council (CDS) emphasises the traditional conception of security, concentrating on the defence of sovereign states against external military threats. Despite its apparent consistency, the concept of deterrent cooperation has not taken hold. While the literature interprets this failure as a cooperation problem, I argue that it is due to a deeper regional trend, namely the tendency to neglect external defence in favour of internal security roles for armed forces. After building a conceptual framework for clarifying these divergent perspectives, I show how they define the activities of the two competing organisations. Next, I address the conflict between the CDS’s conception of security and the security policies of OAS member states. Finally, I discuss domestic and structural obstacles to the adoption of common Latin American defence policies.
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38

Jukes, J. T. G. "Soviet security." Review of International Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1988): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113464.

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Most early attempts to assess Soviet behaviour in the defence and foreign policy fields perforce used historical methods, perhaps better known to political scientists under the title of the 'rational actor model', or assumed implicitly or explicitly a 'balance of power' framework, or imposed a 'world domination' totalitarian scenario for Soviet decision-making and setting of national goals.
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39

Węc, Janusz J. "Reforma wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony Unii Europejskiej w latach 2016-2017." Politeja 15, no. 54 (February 10, 2019): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.54.03.

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The Reform of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union in 2016‑2017The subject of the article is the reform of the Common Security and Defence Policy in 2016‑2017 following the adoption of the new EU External Security Strategy by the European Council in June 2016. The first part of the article analyzes the European Union’s Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy. However, the second part of the article reconstructs the process of implementing the global strategy and describes the successes and failures of the reform.
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40

Sherifi, Shkendije G., and Károly Nagy. "Small Countries and Cyber Defence." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2013): 329–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2013.2.14.

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Cyber security problems pose a particularly important challenge for Small Countries. Their achievements can easily be destroyed by a cyber attack. Therefore, Small Countries cannot rely on the great powers or alliance systems the same way they would in the case of a military threat. A new interpretation of the concept of cyber space creates a new approach to cyber security problems. This new approach and the cooperation with the cyber defence system of NATO facilitate the development of an individual cyber security policy and the support of social development.
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Rostoks, Toms, and Nora Vanaga. "Latvia’s Security and Defence Post-2014." Journal on Baltic Security 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 71–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jobs-2016-0045.

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Abstract This article takes a comprehensive look at developments in Latvia’s security and defence policies since 2014. The annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of the military conflict in Ukraine provided a major impetus for Latvian decision-makers to counter external and domestic threats to national security. The article discusses three key aspects of Latvia’s post-2014 security and defence developments. First, it looks at the transformation of security perceptions on the policy-making level. Second, the article discusses Latvia’s efforts to strengthen its military capabilities. Domestic security developments are also discussed. Third, differences between attitudes of Latvians and Russian-speakers towards a number of security and defence-related issues are presented. The article concludes that much has been done since 2014, but progress has been uneven. It will take more than just a few years to close the existing gaps in domestic and external security of Latvia.
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42

Hoijtink, Marijn, and Hanna L. Muehlenhoff. "The European Union as a Masculine Military Power: European Union Security and Defence Policy in ‘Times of Crisis’." Political Studies Review 18, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 362–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919884876.

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Against the background of a sense of crisis in the European Union and in international politics, European Union Member States have since 2016 increased their cooperation within the Common Security and Defence Policy, for example, establishing the European Defence Fund. Scholars have long pointed out that the European Union lacks the necessary ‘hard’ military power to influence international politics, subscribing to and constituting an image of the European Union as not masculine enough. We are critical of these accounts and develop a different argument. First, building on insights from feminist security and critical military studies, we argue that the European Union is a military power constituted by multiple masculinities. We consider the European Union to be a masculine military power, not only because it uses and aims to develop military instruments, but also because of how militarism and military masculinities permeate discourses, practices and policies within Common Security and Defence Policy and the European Union more broadly. We argue, second, that the crisis narrative allows the European Union to strengthen Common Security and Defence Policy and exhibit more aggressive military masculinities based on combat, which exist alongside entrepreneurial and protector masculinities. These developments do not indicate a clear militarisation of Common Security and Defence Policy, but, rather, an advancement and normalisation of militarism and the militarised masculinities associated with it.
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43

Duke, Simon, and Hanna Ojanen. "Bridging Internal and External Security: Lessons from the European Security and Defence Policy." Journal of European Integration 28, no. 5 (December 2006): 477–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036330600979714.

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44

Vicente Oliva, Silvia, and Angel Martinez-Sanchez. "Technology roadmapping in security and defence foresight." foresight 20, no. 6 (November 12, 2018): 635–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/fs-12-2017-0074.

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Purpose This paper aims to provide an analysis of Spanish Defence National Foresight Exercise. Design/methodology/approach The analysis is based on a content analysis of public domain Spanish Defence National Foresight Exercise, and a study directed to analyse the impact on defence technological and industrial base. Findings Foresight studies on the defence and security environment uses hybrid methodologies, but rarely involve all the stakeholders, and specially the citizens. The authors place a particular emphasis on the impact of these defence and security foresight studies, and following policies to increase the competitiveness and advanced technologies in the future. The analysis of the Spanish contractors allows an evaluation of the roadmaps as a policy instrument for the industrial defence industry. The main challenges for the next exercises in the European countries are to increase the interest in the firms’ intelligence systems, and the participation and representation of citizens as a way to guarantee their rights. Therefore, a technology roadmap must be complemented with other more participative foresight methods. Originality/value Foresight studies on the defence and security environment have been the subject of very few systematic analyses of impact. This paper makes a contribution to such analysis.
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45

Blank, Stephen. "Russian defence policy in the Caucasus." Caucasus Survey 1, no. 1 (September 22, 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23761202-00101006.

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Since the Russo-Georgian war of 2008 Moscow has embarked upon a steady and relentless military buildup across the Caucasus. This buildup actually accelerated after 2010, allegedly on account of Russian expectations that the West would attack Iran and of Iranian retaliation against US-Israeli interests and allies in the Caucasus. Such unrealistic pretexts are more likely to be justifications for Moscow’s determination to assert through military means a continuing neo-imperial project in the Caucasus. Russian policies and military deployments make clear that Russia still cannot accept the independence and sovereignty of the South Caucasus states and aims at having a completely free hand to use force in the region as it sees fit. This can only detract from the region’s security. These developments are the focus of this article.
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46

Kubin, Tomasz. "Wpływ wyjścia Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej na wspólną politykę bezpieczeństwa i obrony UE." Przegląd europejski 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0016.

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The exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union (so-called Brexit) is one of the most important events in the process of European integration. It has a lot of extremely remarkable implications – both for the EU and for the United Kingdom. Among other, Brexit will affect the security of the United Kingdom and the EU. The aim of the study is to answer the research question: how will Britain’s exit from the EU influence the EU common security and defence policy? In order to answer this question, the factors that are most relevant to the United Kingdom’s significance for the EU’s security and defence policy will be identified. This will show how the EU’s potential of the security and defence policy will change, when the UK leaves this organisation. The most important conclusions are included in the summary.
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47

Kaynar, Mete Kaan, and Gökhan AK. "THE EU/CFSP AND NATO: POSSIBILITY OF A CO-EXISTENCE AS BROTHERS-IN-ARMS?" International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i1.2017.1728.

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At the outset, Europe needed to develop its defense policy and structure in line with its foreign policy while the Union was evolving in institutional enlargement process during every other 10 years of time. The reason was not behind it, but in the façade of the Union building. Otherwise the Union would not be able to enable Europe to play its full part in world affairs while the ‘security’ was gaining a key-role in the international politics and relations. Since there was a security vacuum in Europe after WW’, the US urged European states to create a sort of defence structure embedded to already-formed NATO or integrated with NATO, but including German Army in both cases. Decades had passed and in the late 1990s the European Security Defence Identity and Policy was formed up as a parallel structure to NATO systems. Eventually in the start of 2000s, the EU system turned into a Common Security and Defence Policy for member states only. This research tries to explore and analyze the effects, paradigms, prospects and coexistence possibilities of this two polar-defence-system in the Europe, that’s to say between NATO and the CFSP.
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48

Whitman, Richard G. "The UK and EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy after Brexit: Integrated, Associated or Detached?" National Institute Economic Review 238 (November 2016): R43—R50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011623800114.

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None of the existing models for the future trade policy relationship between the UK and the EU come with a predetermined foreign and security policy relationship. This article assesses how the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be organised post-Brexit. It provides evaluation of the current EU-UK interrelationship in the fields of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and assesses the degree to which the UK is presently integrated into EU decision-making and implementation. It highlights that the UK needs to determine the degree to which it wants autonomy or even divergence from existing EU policies. The article concludes by rehearsing the costs and benefits of three possible future relationships between the UK and EU foreign, security and defence policy: integrated, associated or detached.
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49

Knutsen, Bjørn Olav. "A Weakening Transatlantic Relationship? Redefining the EU–US Security and Defence Cooperation." Politics and Governance 10, no. 2 (May 18, 2022): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i2.5024.

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The aim of this article is to discuss how a weakening transatlantic relationship influences European defence cooperation and integration. It also asks how these observed patterns of weakening EU–US relations can be explained and what the consequences might be for the EU’s efforts to build a stronger and more coherent security and defence policy. Building upon a “comprehensive neo-functionalist” approach first coined by the Norwegian scholar Martin Sæter, European security and defence policy should be seen as part of an externalisation of EU integration as a response to weakening transatlantic relations. The debate on European “strategic autonomy,” the Strategic Compass, and the European “defence package” should therefore be considered as part of such an externalisation process of actively influencing and reshaping the transatlantic relationship. When analysing European security and defence, the article also shows that it is misleading to regard European integration as something to be subordinated to NATO. Nevertheless, a European security deficit does exist due to differing perspectives among member states on how the EU process should relate to NATO. The article, therefore, concludes that strategic autonomy can only be developed with close EU–NATO cooperation. Furthermore, a more multipolar world order where the EU no longer can rely upon a transatlantic security community to the same extent as before challenges the EU’s role as a defender of multilateralism and poses new challenges to the EU’s common foreign and security policy.
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50

Paterek, Anna. "Traktat lizboński i jego implikacje dla francusko-niemieckiej współpracy w obszarze Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony Unii Europejskiej." Politeja 15, no. 54 (February 10, 2019): 287–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.54.19.

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The Lisbon Treaty and Its Implications for French‑German Cooperation in EU’s Common Security and Defence PolicyFaced with internal and external pressures the EU’s security and defence policy has become one of the most dynamic fields of European integration. This paper describes declared ambition of Franco‑Germancooperation to strengthening the EU in European security and defence. In light of a more demanding security environment Berlin and Paris have awakened the so‑called „Sleeping Beauty of the Lisbon Treaty”, The Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), introduced by the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. They managed to find a compromise and to turn PESCO into a process as much as to create a new framework to deepen defence cooperation amongst EU Member States. The conclusions argue that the relaunch of the Franco‑German motor is key to European defence.
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