Relevant bibliographies by topics / 230301 Defence and security policy

Academic literature on the topic '230301 Defence and security policy'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "230301 Defence and security policy"

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Campbell, Menzies. "British security and defence policy." RUSI Journal 142, no. 2 (April 1997): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446126.

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Clark, David. "Labour's defence and security policy." RUSI Journal 142, no. 3 (June 1997): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446146.

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Grant, Mark Lyall. "Updating Security and Defence Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R40—R46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000116.

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Executive SummaryThreats to the security of the UK are evolving with the changing nature of conflict and balance of power in the world. They are multiple and fragmented, and domestic and online as well as overseas in nature: principally state-based threats such as posed by Russian activity; terrorism; cyber-attacks; and serious organised crime. To respond, the United Kingdom will need flexible capabilities aimed at fostering infrastructural and societal resilience as much as conventional defence. Above all, the UK needs to focus on maintaining, promoting, and defending the international rules-based order, as represented by the UN and NATO among other institutions.The UK possesses significant assets to these ends, including its continuing status as one of eight acknowledged nuclear powers – a status that it should not abandon unilaterally; permanent membership of the UN Security Council; membership of the ‘Five Eyes' intelligence community; and its internationally respected armed forces.But effort and resources are required to support these commitments, for example in helping to encourage other European states to spend more on defence; in contributing to UN peace-keeping operations or other collaborative overseas actions; and most of all in ensuring that army and navy manpower is rebuilt. Two per cent of GDP is no longer sufficient for the proper defence of the nation. Even allowing for the demands of other parts of government, the target for defence spending should be raised in the next review to 2.2 per cent.The principal focus will need to be on efficiency and redeployment of resources as the current equipment-heavy procurement cycle comes to an end. In particular, investment needs to continue to be rebalanced towards new capabilities such as drone technology, offensive and defensive cyber and intelligence manpower.But, to avoid any weakening of the country's security, priority should be given to negotiating a new agreement on security and intelligence cooperation with its European allies to replace the arrangements it had within the EU.
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Phillips, Mark. "Policy-Making in Defence and Security." RUSI Journal 157, no. 1 (February 2012): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2012.664361.

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Deighton, Anne. "The European Security and Defence Policy." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2002): 719–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00395.

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Howorth, Jolyon. "Differentiation in security and defence policy." Comparative European Politics 17, no. 2 (March 21, 2019): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-019-00161-w.

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Bak, Pál, Gergely Németh, and Diána Szőke. "Foundations of Hungarian Defence Policy." Honvédségi Szemle 148, Special Issue 2. (2020): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35926/hdr.2020.2.1.

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This article aims to outline the foundations of contemporary Hungarian defence policy thinking, highlighting the factors which have shaped it during the last years. Hungary lies in a unique geostrategic position, at the crossroads of ‘eastern’ and ‘southern’ challenges. The study therefore begins by presenting an overview of Hungary’s place in the global security environment, especially in light of the instability currently characterising certain regions on Europe’s periphery. It then goes on to discuss the institutional framework of Hungarian security and defence policy, primarily concentrating on NATO and the EU CSDP. The newly adopted National Security Strategy, together with the National Military Strategy (currently under review) serve as the starting point for the analysis.Our study also pays particular attention to Hungary’s large-scale military modernisation programme, the Zrínyi Programme. Based on this, the authors identify three major challenges shaping the medium-term outlook for Hungarian defence policy. These are (i) the pressures of illegal mass migration; (ii) the challenges of transnational terrorism; along with (iii) the activity and potential for conflict among regional and global powers. In addition, the article briefly highlights the future challenges that Hungary must reckon with, including the security-related implications of global climate change, energy dependency, cyber defence, together with the proliferation of nuclear and conventional weapons.
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Nguyen, Dung Ngoc. "CHANGES IN THE NATIONAL DEFENCE - SECURITY POLICY OF JAPAN UNDER JAPAN-US STRATEGIC SECURITY MECHANISM WITHIN AND AFTER THE COLD WAR." Science and Technology Development Journal 12, no. 15 (September 15, 2009): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v12i15.2347.

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National defence - security is an especially important field for a nation in any age of time. In the case of Japan, this national defence - security problem pretty differs from that one in other countries. The paper focuses on studying the national defence – security policy of Japan within and after the Cold War, under Japan - US strategic security mechanism in order to understand the changes in aims , solutions and implementing the national defence – security policy of Japan in conditions of international and regional change.Begun with presenting the national defence - security policy of Japan in Cold War time, the paper pays attention into making clear some essential changes in the national defence – security policy of Japan , that was devided into 2 periods : 1991 -2001, 2001 - todays and rapidly increasing growth of the Self Defence Forces of Japan.
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Clark, David. "The labour party's defence and security policy." RUSI Journal 140, no. 2 (April 1995): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849508445900.

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Touray, Omar A. "The Common African Defence and Security Policy." African Affairs 104, no. 417 (September 1, 2005): 635–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi066.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "230301 Defence and security policy"

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Frey, Stefanie. "Swiss defence and security policy 1945-73." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268809.

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Dyson, Philip Thomas Adrian. "The politics of German defence policy : policy leadership, Bundeswehr reform and European defence and security policy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1778/.

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This thesis is a study of the role of policy leadership in German defence and security policy between 1990 and 2002, with particular reference to reform of the Bundeswehr. It situates this case study in the framework of a set of analytical perspectives about policy change derived from public policy theory, arguing that public policy theory has either underestimated policy leadership or failed to discriminate different leadership roles, styles and strategies. The author rejects the dominant contextualist and culturalist approach to leadership in studies of German defence and security policy in favour of an interactionist approach that stresses the dialectical interaction between policy skills and strategic context. The case study also shifts the focus in studies of policy leadership in Germany away from a preoccupation with the Chancellor to the role of ministerial and administrative leadership within the core executive. The thesis illustrates the strongly self-referential nature of Bundeswehr reform, despite adaptational pressures from Europeanisation and 'NATO-isation', and the domestic politics of base closures. It also shows how domestic macro-political arrangements predispose leadership roles in German defence and security policy towards brokerage and veto playing rather than towards entrepreneurship.
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Keogh, Darrin M. "European security and defence policy reform : a theoretical challenge." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507077.

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Stamate, Gheorghe. "European Security and Defence Policy, or Back to Political Realism?" Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2514.

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In the course of this master thesis I will argue the following:

a) ESDP project is an interesting initiative and concern issues that stand at the core of the EU integration processes. It relates to the most significant and updated development of the EU institutional, conceptual and strategic design, but is yet relatively unexplored and underdeveloped.

b) The aim of this study is to evaluate the efforts to enhance cooperation among European countries in the provision and use of military force. To set the scene and illustrate constrains and complications that bear upon activities in this field. Indeed, the author intends to recommend a theoretical framework, as a fundamental prerequisite for the proper study of EU Defense and Security Policy.

c) Constructivism and neo- Realism and their theoretical tenets offer an unexplored avenue to investigate and account for the development of the European Security and Defense Policy.

d) The efficiency of such an account depends on a meticulous evaluation of proposed theoretical approaches versus the emerging security complex. This theoretical choice allows for a construction beyond that of the unit or system levels of analysis and may therefore grant a causal role to perceived interests in terms of non- traditional approach to research in social science. Also it may thereby provoke an interest in terms of security and threat.

e) The originality and validity of a combination between Realism and Constructivism as a starting point for inquiries in IR may not only be relevant to an understanding of how such a development can unfold, but mostly how a real social phenomena can be unfolded by such a non-traditional theoretical approach.

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Wing, Ian Politics Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Australian Defence in transition: responding to new security challenges." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Politics, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38662.

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The conceptual understanding of security and the practicalities of national defence are interdependent. In many countries both are undergoing significant change. This work provides an international context but focuses on Australian defence, arguing that a transition is underway from old security thinking to new, and that this is evidenced by changes in policies and practical activities. The aim of this work is to demonstrate the interdependence between the current reconceptualisation of security and the practicalities of national defence. Old security thinking concerns military power relationships between states, in contrast with new security thinking, which uses a broader conceptual framework. These are described, providing benchmarks for the subsequent analysis. While it is acknowledged that change has occurred in security thinking throughout history, those developments observed since the end of the Cold War and the rise of globalisation signify a fundamental shift. To explore this shift, recent developments in the defence policies and military activities of four relevant nations are examined, providing an international context for the consideration of the primary case study of Australian defence. This case study draws on historical descriptions and empirical data to analyse developments in four spheres - Australian defence policy, current Australian Defence Force activities, recent military developments and contemporary Australian public debate. The weight of evidence supports the thesis of a transition in both security thinking, described as transitional security thinking, and ADF activities. Tensions are observed between the requirements of defending a nation against attack, and contributing to the expanding requirements of the broadened security agenda. Despite these tensions, the expansion in both security thinking and the associated activities of armed forces, is likely to continue. This expansion has important implications for Australia???s defence capabilities which are increasingly required to meet the demands of refocused national security. These demands contribute to the pressing challenges of convergence and overstretch. A strategy of integration is recommended to address these challenges and it follows the principles of whole-of-government security and sustainable partnerships. The application of these principles will require the ADF to emphasise capabilities with versatility and adaptability.
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Scannell, David Luke. "Legal aspects of the European Union's European Security and Defence Policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614899.

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Penttila, Risto E. J. "Finland's search for security through defence : defence policy in the stabilisation of Finland's international position 1944-1967." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.293486.

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Ivanovski, Hristijan. "A common defence for Europe." Israel Defence, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31255.

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One of the major analytical shortcomings regularly made by EU and NATO experts today lies with exclusively seeing the European defence project as a post-World War II (WWII) phenomenon and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as mainly a post-Cold War product. No analyst has so far seriously explored the idea of European defence predating WWII and the 20th century. Instead, since 1999 one frequently reads and hears about the ‘anomalous,’ ‘elusive’ CSDP suddenly complicating transatlantic relations. But the CSDP is hardly an oddity or aberration, and it is certainly not as mysterious as some might suggest. Drawing extensively from primary sources and predicated on an overarching evolutionist approach, this thesis shows that the present CSDP is an ephemeral security and defence concept, only the latest of its kind and full of potential. Drawing its deepest ideational roots from the (pre-)Enlightenment era, the CSDP leads to a pan-European defence almost irreversibly. A common defence for Europe is quite possible and, due to the growing impact of the exogenous (multipolar) momentum, can be realized sooner rather than later even without a full-fledged European federation.
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Huff, Ariella Rachel. "Parliamentary discourses on the European security and defence policy in Britain, Ireland and Poland, 1998-2008." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610552.

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Noetzel, Timo. "Making strategy : German defence and security policy in the post-Cold War period." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433281.

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Books on the topic "230301 Defence and security policy"

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Alberti, Maria Paola Pagnini. The European security and defence policy. [Italy]: La Mongolfiera libri, 2009.

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Dover, Robert. Europeanization of British defence policy. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub. Co., 2007.

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Australia. Defence 2000: Our future defence force. [Canberra]: Defence Publishing Service, 2000.

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Centre for Land Warfare Studies (New Delhi, India), ed. China's defence policy: Indian perspective. New Delhi: Centre for Land Warfare Studies, 2011.

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Faleg, Giovanni. The EU's Common Security and Defence Policy. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41306-8.

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Jundzis, Tālavs. Latvijas drošība un aizsardzība =: Latvia's security and defence. Riga: Junda, 1995.

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European defence policy: Beyond the nation state. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

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Taylor, Claire. European security and defence policy: Developments since 2003. London: International Affairs and Defence Section, House of Commons Library, 2006.

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Kurowska, Xymena, and Fabian Breuer, eds. Explaining the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230355729.

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Ries, Tomas, and Axel Hagelstam. Sweden and Finland: Security perceptions and defence policy. Helsinki: Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulu, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "230301 Defence and security policy"

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Cheeseman, Graeme. "Defence and security policy." In New Developments in Australian Politics, 249–70. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15192-9_14.

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Sakwa, Richard. "Defence and security policy." In Russian Politics and Society, 557–96. Fifth edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003053569-19.

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Muehlenhoff, Hanna L. "Security and defence policy." In The Routledge Handbook of Gender and EU Politics, 327–38. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge international handbooks: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351049955-30.

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Gummett, Philip. "Foreign, Defence and Security Policy." In Developments in West European Politics, 207–25. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25341-8_12.

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Gapes, Mike. "Labour’s Defence and Security Policy." In Rethinking the Nuclear Weapons Dilemma in Europe, 341–55. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09181-2_22.

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Weiss, Tomáš. "Foreign, security and defence policy." In Das politische System Tschechiens, 153–75. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-21559-0_8.

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Mengelberg, Sabine, and Jörg Noll. "Dutch Security and Defence Policy." In European Strategic Autonomy and Small States' Security, 167–81. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003324867-12.

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Bluth, Christoph. "Defence Policy in Transition." In Germany and the Future of European Security, 53–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403905222_3.

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White, Brian. "Security and Defence: Towards a Common European Defence Policy?" In Understanding European Foreign Policy, 142–55. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-333-98561-8_7.

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Hirsch Ballin, Ernst, Huub Dijstelbloem, and Peter de Goede. "Defence Policy in a Changed Security Environment." In Research for Policy, 87–117. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37606-2_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "230301 Defence and security policy"

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VEGIENĖ, Rasa, and Edita LEONAVIČIENĖ. "EU INTEGRATED POLITICAL CRISIS RESPONSE SYSTEM WITHIN THE SCOPE OF THE EU COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY: THE ROLE OF NEGOTIATION AS INSTRUMENT TO MANAGE CRISIS." In International Scientific Conference „Contemporary Issues in Business, Management and Economics Engineering". Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cibmee.2021.631.

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Purpose – examine the European Union (EU) integrated political crisis response system, within the scope of the EU common security and defence policy and the present value of negotiations as a tool. Research methodology – a systematic analysis of the scientific literature and descriptive methods were applied to analyse actual and recent theoretical scientific work on integrating the European Union security and defence policy. We were discussing the concept of security from the theoretical perspective of constructivism, presenting the essential features. The empirical part of the work proves how discourse theory may help develop both negotiations and constructivism methodology. Findings – Negotiation theory play an important role in crisis management, developed proposals for the theory and methodology of negotiations. Research limitations – research does not cover negotiations in the context of military actions; the research examines the only civil empirical case of COVID-19 crises. Practical implications – presented conclusions show how the development of negotiations theory may substantially increase responsiveness to any EU crisis. Originality/Value – this study as interdisciplinary combined mixed methodologies: constructivism methodology of threat identification was compared with discourse theory (Austin’s) speech act.
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Ivan, Lucian. "Management of Covid-19 Crisis at the Level of Defence Industry." In International Conference Innovative Business Management & Global Entrepreneurship. LUMEN Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/ibmage2020/21.

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According to estimates and analyses by the international community of economic analysts, the medical crisis generated by the Covid-19 pandemic will induce a major economic and financial crisis worldwide which, in conjunction with the current geopolitical situation, characterized by a high degree of uncertainty (e.g. strategic economic confrontation between the US and China, the position of force adopted by the Russian Federation), will affect production and supply chains, amplify the phenomenon of the adoption of trade policies of a protectionist nature, and, indirectly, will significantly affect national defense budgets. In this fluid geopolitical context, characterized by insecurity and systemic instability, a strategic rethink and recalibration of defence policies can be predicted in a new context, defined by the multipolar competition and the asymmetry of geopolitical geometry, the conflict between civilizational models (competition between democracy vs. autocratic/totalitarian political regimes), to the detriment of regional and international collective security arrangements. Changing government priorities generated by the pandemic crisis generated by Covid-19 may lead to a reduction in budgets for military endowment programs. Most governments allocate about 2% of GDP annually to the defence sector. Given the pandemic generated by Covid-19, there is a risk that some states will significantly reduce the budget allocated to the defence industry in order to increase the budgets for health systems, given the need to expand hospitals, as well as the purchase of medical equipment and services. In Romania, the topic of tools and opportunities that may be able to ensure the improvement of the effects and overcoming the economic crisis is currently being discussed through active economic measures, including in the field of the defence industry. In Romania, however, the path from debate to public policy and strategy assumed and applied is traditionally long and hard, requiring more pragmatism in addressing strategic economic issues.
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Reports on the topic "230301 Defence and security policy"

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Alt, Josef. The Future of the European Security and Defence Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada475658.

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Millar, Katharine, James Shires, and Tatiana Tropina. Gender Approaches to Cybersecurity: Design, Defence and Response. The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37559/gen/21/01.

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Gender approaches to cybersecurity explores how gender norms shape specific activities pertaining to cybersecurity design, defence and response. In each of these three pillars, the research identifies distinct dimensions of cyber-related activities that have gendered implications and, thus, need to be considered from a gender perspective. The report proposes recommendations for the incorporation of gender considerations throughout international cybersecurity policy and practice, so as to ensure that cybersecurity improves the security of people of all gender identities and expressions, as well as international peace and security. The ultimate conclusion is that these two levels of security cannot be separated.
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Davies, Will. Improving the engagement of UK armed forces overseas. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135010.

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The UK government’s Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy, published in March 2021 alongside a supporting defence command paper, set a new course for UK national security and highlighted opportunities for an innovative approach to international engagement activity. The Integrated Review focused principally on the state threats posed by China’s increasing power and by competitors – including Russia – armed with nuclear, conventional and hybrid capabilities. It also stressed the continuing risks to global security and resilience due to conflict and instability in weakened and failed states. These threats have the potential to increase poverty and inequality, violent extremism, climate degradation and the forced displacement of people, while presenting authoritarian competitors with opportunities to enhance their geopolitical influence. There are moral, security and economic motives to foster durable peace in conflict-prone and weakened regions through a peacebuilding approach that promotes good governance, addresses the root causes of conflict and prevents violence, while denying opportunities to state competitors. The recent withdrawal from Afghanistan serves to emphasize the complexities and potential pitfalls associated with intervention operations in complex, unstable regions. Success in the future will require the full, sustained and coordinated integration of national, allied and regional levers of power underpinned by a sophisticated understanding of the operating environment. The UK armed forces, with their considerable resources and global network, will contribute to this effort through ‘persistent engagement’. This is a new approach to overseas operations below the threshold of conflict, designed as a pre-emptive complement to warfighting. To achieve this, the UK Ministry of Defence (MOD) must develop a capability that can operate effectively in weak, unstable and complex regions prone to violent conflict and crises, not least in the regions on the eastern and southern flanks of the Euro-Atlantic area. The first step must be the development of a cohort of military personnel with enhanced, tailored levels of knowledge, skills and experience. Engagement roles must be filled by operators with specialist knowledge, skills and experience forged beyond the mainstream discipline of combat and warfighting. Only then will individuals develop a genuinely sophisticated understanding of complex, politically driven and sensitive operating environments and be able to infuse the design and delivery of international activities with practical wisdom and insight. Engagement personnel need to be equipped with: An inherent understanding of the human and political dimensions of conflict, the underlying drivers such as inequality and scarcity, and the exacerbating factors such as climate change and migration; - A grounding in social sciences and conflict modelling in order to understand complex human terrain; - Regional expertise enabled by language skills, cultural intelligence and human networks; - Familiarity with a diverse range of partners, allies and local actors and their approaches; - Expertise in building partner capacity and applying defence capabilities to deliver stability and peace; - A grasp of emerging artificial intelligence technology as a tool to understand human terrain; - Reach and insight developed through ‘knowledge networks’ of external experts in academia, think-tanks and NGOs. Successful change will be dependent on strong and overt advocacy by the MOD’s senior leadership and a revised set of personnel policies and procedures for this cohort’s selection, education, training, career management, incentivization, sustainability and support.
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Niblett, Robin. Global Britain in a divided world: Testing the ambitions of the Integrated Review. Royal Institute of International Affairs, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135195.

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In the Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy, published in March 2021, the UK government set out four strategic objectives for ‘Global Britain’. A year later, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the shift to a more divided world have put the vision of the UK as a ‘problem-solving and burden-sharing nation with global perspectives’ to an urgent and severe test. This research paper finds that the UK has made clear contributions to its objectives of upholding the values and security of the liberal democracies. But it has undercut its commitments to support global resilience, and its international economic agenda remains very much a work in progress. The government must now prioritize rebuilding its relationship with the EU; leverage the G7 to avoid being sidelined by closer US–EU cooperation; and give greater strategic purpose to its trade agenda. It also needs to follow through on its commitments to support the resilience of the international community, or it will fail to live up to its goal of launching a truly global Britain.
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6

Pfeifer, Claudia. Women in Multilateral Peace Operations in 2022: What is the State of Play? Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/kijm3695.

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In the year 2000, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security stressed the importance of the full and equal participation of women in all efforts towards the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, including UN peace operations. Following the resolution, organizations and member states involved in multilateral peace operations affirmed their commitment to increase women’s participation in these activities. More than 20 years after the adoption of the resolution, some progress has been achieved in enhancing women’s representation in multilateral peace operations, but much remains to be done. This booklet provides data on aggregate personnel trends, annual snapshots of data on women’s representation in leadership, and annual averages of women personnel in peace operations and in member state contributions. It looks at UN peace operations, European Union Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions and operations, and Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) field operations. The objective is to support the efforts of multilateral organizations and their member states to increase the representation of women in multilateral peace operations. The statistics presented in the booklet aim to inform and foster the debate on the future of the women and peace and security agenda within the context of multilateral peace operations. They illustrate to what extent the organizations deploying multilateral peace operations and their member states are making progress towards increasing women’s representation in multilateral peace operations. This overview also enhances the transparency of multilateral peace operations and provides insights into recent trends and developments.
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7

Smit, Timo. Delivering the Compact: Towards a More Capable and Gender-balanced EU Civilian CSDP. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/jipm5735.

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European Union (EU) member states established a political compact in 2018 to strengthen the civilian dimension of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Among other things, they committed to raise the number and share of seconded personnel in civilian CSDP missions to at least 70 per cent and to promote a better representation of women at all levels. The compact has been regarded positively despite mixed results. Personnel secondments have not substantially increased and there remains significant variation in burden sharing between EU member states. The share of seconded personnel actually decreased overall—from 66 per cent in 2018 to 60 per cent in 2022—and in almost every mission. Women’s representation has increased modestly in recent years and reached 24 per cent in 2022. Civilian CSDP is at a critical juncture. EU member states will adopt a new Civilian CSDP Compact by mid 2023. Several trends that were not conducive to raising the share of seconded personnel continued during the implementation of the current compact, but some of these may be reversing. This paper makes recommendations on how EU member states can renew and complement their commitments on increasing secondments and women’s representation, based on the ongoing need to strengthen civilian CSDP missions and on lessons learned from the current compact.
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