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1
Camilleri, Anna. "Byron and Antiquity, ‘Et Cetera - ’." Byron Journal 48, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bj.2020.20.
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Byron’s interest in the classical past is manifest throughout his life and work. Alongside citations from and references to a remarkable catalogue of writers, thinkers, and historical figures, we also have extensive poetic responses to classical places, classical architecture, and to Greek and Roman art and sculpture. Yet it is clear that Byron’s classical pretentions are by no means underpinned by a thorough grasp of classical languages. His Greek in particular was extremely poor, and his Latin compositions barely better than the average eighteenth-century schoolboy’s. As I shall go on to demonstrate, this does not mean that attending to those moments when he does stray into classical allusion or composition is uninteresting, but it is Latin and not Greek that Byron engages with most frequently. Specifically, Byron’s less than proper Latin becomes a means by which he negotiates less than proper subject matter in his poetry.
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Biosca i Bas, Antoni. "Michel de Montaigne, traductor de griego. Sobre dos citas griegas y la traducción latina de Conrad Gessner." Çédille, no. 20 (2021): 237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cedille.2021.20.13.
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"Montaigne has traditionally been attributed a certain mastery of classical Greek. One of the arguments is the inclusion in his essays of abundant Greek quotations, some of them translated into French. It has never been disputed that Montaigne used anthologies to include classical quotations in his Essays, especially of Stobaeus, and that he was probably assisted by the Latin translation of Conrad Gessner. Some cases suggest that Montaigne, when translating the Greek quotations into French, followed the Latin version even when he disagreed with the original. These cases must be considered in order to better gauge Montaigne’s level of knowledge of the Greek language"
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Alonso Serrano, Carmelo A. "The Name ‘Palestine’ in Classical Greek Texts." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 2 (November 2021): 146–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0270.
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This article provides a contextualised exposition of classical Greek texts, in chronological order, from Herodotus to Eusebius of Caesarea (5th century BC-4th century AD), with brief biographical reviews and in which the name ‘Palestine’ appears. A Latin text by Pomponius Mela is also included for its reference to Gaza which, with the exception of the Septuagint texts, predates Arrian, Arrian of Nicomedia, a Greek historian of the Roman period, by nearly a century. The selection of classical texts explored in this article is not intended to be exhaustive; however, the exploration of these texts in connection with Palestine has never been attempted before. While avoiding historical, philosophical or literary criticism of these texts, this article focuses on the specific considerations of the name ‘Palestine’ in the classical literature.
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Jaeger, Mary. "Blame the Boletus? Demystifying Mushrooms in Latin Literature." Ramus 40, no. 1 (2011): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000187.
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Keeping in mind Emily Gowers's dictum that ‘food, for the Roman writer who chose to discuss it, was simultaneously important and trivial’, let us go on a mushroom hunt through the fragmented habitat of Latin literature, with some preliminary nosing about in the Greek. We are looking for μύκαι and μύκητες in Greek, and fungi in Latin, and we are keeping an eye open for one kind in particular, the boletus, although we also will stumble upon the occasional interesting fungus suillus (‘pig fungus’). We are not truffle hunting: tubera (Greek ὕδνα) are a topic for another day. Although no survey, however comprehensive, of the appearances of one foodstuff in Latin literature can do full justice to the individual sources, we can still gain something from an overview of the tradition; and although what we learn may be trivial, even the trivial can make its own small contribution to our understanding of a larger matter, in this case the representation of time and change in the Roman world.Ahead of us with knife and collecting basket roams the ghost of the Reverend William Houghton M.A., F.L.S., Victorian parson, Rector of Wellington parish in Preston township, Shropshire, a man with time on his hands—and at least two cats—who in 1885 compiled a list titled, ‘Notices of Fungi in Greek and Latin Authors’. Dr Denis Benjamin, author of Mushrooms: Poisons and Panaceas, says that ‘it would take the persistence of another classical scholar to discover if he [Houghton] missed or misrepresented anything’. Persistence, in the form of the TLL—in its infancy when Houghton was doing his research—the RE entry ‘Pilze’, Maggiulli's Nomenclatura Micologica Latina, and the PHI database, has indeed added to the good Rector's basket a few more specimens on the Latin side, some of which are useful for our inquiry.
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Cummings, Robert, and Stuart Gillespie. "Translations from Greek and Latin Classics 1550–1700: A Revised Bibliography." Translation and Literature 18, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0968136108000538.
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This is the first instalment of a two-part revision of the classical translation sections of the second edition of The Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, Vols 2–3. The recent discontinuation of the revised edition of CBEL deprives the scholarly world of an up-to-date version of the most complete bibliography of its kind; this contribution makes good that loss for this topic. Over its eventual two parts 1550–1800 it runs to some 1,500 items of translation for what might be held to constitute the golden age of the English classical translating tradition. Checking of existing entries in the listings has led to a large number of internal corrections, including deletions, but the records have been expanded by a net 20%, with several minor classical authors added. As compared to the previous CBEL editions of the 1940s, this reflects the availability of digital-era resources such as the English Short Title Catalogue.
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Marciak, Michał. "Hellenistic-Roman Idumea in the Light of Greek and Latin Non-Jewish Authors." Klio 100, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 877–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-0132.
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Summary Although ancient Idumea was certainly a marginal object of interest for classical writers, we do possess as many as thirteen extant classical non-Jewish authors (from the 1st c. BCE to the 3rd c. CE) who explicitly refer to Idumea or the Idumeans. For classical writers, Idumea was an inland territory between the coastal cities of Palestine, Egypt, and Arabia that straddled important trade routes. Idumea is also frequently associated in ancient literature with palm trees, which grew in Palestine and were exported throughout the Mediterranean. In the eyes of classical authors, the Idumeans were a distinctive ethnos living in the melting pot of southern Palestine. Ancient writers emphasized the Idumeans’ ethnic and cultural connections with the Nabateans, the Phoenicians and Syrians, and, finally, the Judeans, and also indicated that a great deal of Hellenization occurred in western Idumea in an urban context.
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Gillespie, Stuart. "Translations from Greek and Latin Classics, Part 2: 1701–1800: A Revised Bibliography." Translation and Literature 18, no. 2 (September 2009): 181–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0968136109000557.
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This is the second instalment of a two-part revision of the classical translation sections of the second edition of The Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, Vols 2-3. The recent discontinuation of the revised edition of CBEL deprives the scholarly world of an up-to-date version of the most complete bibliography of its kind; this contribution makes good that loss for this topic. Over its now complete two parts 1550-1800 it runs to some 1,500 items of translation for what might be held to constitute the golden age of the English classical translating tradition. Checking of existing entries in the listings has led to a large number of internal corrections, including deletions, but the records have been expanded by a net 20%, with several minor classical authors added. As compared to the previous CBEL editions of the 1940s, this reflects the availability of digital-era resources such as the English Short Title Catalogue.
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Levene, D. S. "God and man in the classical latin panegyric." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 43 (1998): 66–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500002157.
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This paper is specifically concerned with the classical Latin panegyric, thus excluding both panegyrics from late antiquity, where the religious context is substantially different, and (at least in the first instance) panegyrical literature in Greek, with its distinctive linguistic and hence ideological background. I am, moreover, defining ‘panegyric’ to comprise only speeches in praise of a living person or persons: the religious status of living people, and the language applied to them, manifestly raise particular problems not present with other objects of praise.But there are on the face of things difficulties with this definition. There is an obvious overlap between panegyrical speeches and other forms of oratory: themes of praise can clearly play a role, for example, in forensic speeches. Conversely, according to both ancient theorists and modern commentators, panegyrics can be used to give advice, either openly or covertly – the latter when, for example, one recommends future clemency to a tyrant under the guise of praising examples of clemency in the past. I shall be dealing only with speeches that are overtly panegyrical in form, those whose ostensible object is not persuasion, but simple praise; but the limitation seems rather artificial.
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Crawford, Gregory A. "A Citation Analysis of the Classical Philology Literature: Implications for Collection Development." Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 8, no. 2 (June 10, 2013): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/b8hp56.
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Objective – This study examined the literature of classical (Greek and Latin) philology, as represented by the journal Transactions of the American Philological Association (TAPA), to determine changes over time for the types of materials cited, the languages used, the age of items cited, and the specificity of the citations. The overall goal was to provide data which could then be used by librarians in collection development decisions.
Methods – All citations included in the 1986 and 2006 volumes of the Transactions of the American Philological Association were examined and the type of material, the language, the age, and the specificity were noted. The results of analyses of these citations were then compared to the results of a study of two earlier volumes of TAPA to determine changes over time.
Results – The analyses showed that the proportion of citations to monographs continued to grow over the period of the study and accounted for almost 70% of total citations in 2006. The use of foreign language materials changed dramatically over the time of the study, declining from slightly more than half the total citations to less than a quarter. The level of specificity of citations also changed with more citations to whole books and to book chapters, rather than to specific pages, becoming more prevalent over time. Finally, the age of citations remained remarkably stable at approximately 25 years old.
Conclusion – For librarians who manage collections focused on Greek and Latin literature and language, the results can give guidance for collection development and maintenance. Of special concern is the continuing purchase of monographs to support research in classical philology, but the retention of materials is also important due to the age and languages of materials used by scholars in this discipline.
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Horsley, G. H. R., Elizabeth Minchin, and K. H. Lee. "The Teaching of Latin and Greek in Universities in Australia and New Zealand: Present and Future." Antichthon 29 (1995): 78–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000952.
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Most classical journals report on research on literary, historical and linguistic questions, and rarely allocate space to discussions of pedagogy at tertiary level. This article, however, falls into the latter category. It takes the form of a report on the teaching of Latin and Greek (both classical and post-classical) in universities in Australia and New Zealand; and it makes a number of suggestions regarding the future of the classical languages in this region.Any general examination by an outsider of the situation of Classics in Australian and New Zealand universities would readily conclude that most departments are managing well, or at least holding their own, compared to other disciplines. Student enrolments are high overall, since most departments, like those in Britain and North America, have expanded their teaching range to embrace ancient history, classical literature in translation and, in some cases, archaeology. This has been the situation for the best part of the last two decades. Often these subjects were introduced in order to ‘subsidise’ and protect the continuance of Greek and Latin with their smaller numbers; but they have been extremely popular with students in every university in Australasia in which they are taught. And so these teaching areas have come to have a life and a rightful presence of their own.
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Sayeed, Ollie. "Osthoff’s Law in Latin." Indo-European Linguistics 5, no. 1 (2017): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00501005.
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The sound change known as Osthoff’s Law, shortening a long vowel before a resonant-consonant cluster, was first explicitly described to have applied in the prehistory of Greek by Osthoff (1884). Since then, the existence of a similar sound change in Latin has been controversial in the literature, with claimed examples such as *vēntus > ventus ‘wind’. At one end, Simkin (2004) argues that Osthoff’s Law never took place in Latin; at the other, Weiss (2009) claims at least three independent rounds of Osthoff’s Law in the history of the Italic branch. I summarize the synchronic facts about pre-cluster vowel length in classical Latin using a comprehensive survey of the Latin lexicon, with a historical explanation for the vowel length in every form containing a cluster. I argue that Osthoff’s Law happened in Latin (contra Simkin), but only once (contra Weiss), around the 2nd century BCE.
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Novokhatko, Anna A. "Contemporary Metaphor Studies and Classical Texts." Mnemosyne 74, no. 4 (June 3, 2021): 682–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10109.
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Abstract This article reviews recent studies on metaphor theories applied to the classical corpus and argues that approaches from cognitive linguistics are essential for the re-interpretation of Greek and Latin texts. Its main focus are two monographs, Andreas T. Zanker’s Metaphor in Homer and Tommaso Gazzarri’s Theory and Practice of Metaphors in Seneca’s Prose. The volume of collected papers on spatial metaphors in ancient texts edited by Fabian Horn and Ciliers Breytenbach proposes that the Lakoff-Johnson approach to cognitive metaphor is productive and that mappings from empirically accessible domains construct abstract concepts in spatial models of mental activity.
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Delwiche, Theodore. "“And why may not I go to college?” Alethea Stiles and Women’s Latin Learning in Early America." Humanistica Lovaniensia 70, no. 2 (February 18, 2022): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.30986/2021.305.
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Presented here for the first time are the letters of a young, little-known American woman, Alethea Stiles (1745-1784), to her learned cousin Ezra Stiles (1727-1795), the seventh president of Yale College. Brief and no doubt modest though these two English and one Latin letter may be, they provide an important point of entry into the women’s world of classical education in early America. Increasingly, American classical receptionists are trying to look beyond the “founding fathers” and consider what the classics meant in early America for men and women alike. We might do well, however, to reconsider one of the long-standing premises of reception research: that women interacted with the classical past largely outside of Latin and Greek texts and wrote little in the ancient languages. Leveraging both her knowledge of Roman history and the Latin language itself, Alethea advocated for admissions into Yale College over two centuries before the institution would welcome women. Though this attempt would not succeed, the presence of Alethea in the historical record demonstrates that even institutions that explicitly excluded precocious young women still include them in the archives.
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Yasin, Ghulam, Shaukat Ali, and Kashif Shahzad. "Resonances of greek-latin classics in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky: a critical analysis." Acta Scientiarum. Language and Culture 43, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): e55354. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/actascilangcult.v43i1.55354.
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This research aims to probe the classical elements in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky and to show the author’s bent towards the classical authors and traditions. Dostoevsky is the giant literary figure of 19th-century Russian literature and he belongs not only to a particular time but to all times like many other great classic writers. The research is significant for exposing the author’s affiliation towards the epic poetry of Homer and Hesiod and the dramas of the preeminent Athenian tragedians, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Dostoevsky also becomes classic based on his dealings with the themes dealt by the classics like love, fight for honour, real-life presentation, the conflict between vice and virtue and the struggle of his tragic heroes to reach their goal. The research proves that Dostoevsky is a classic among the classics because of having close resonance with the classics in the art of characterization, the portrayal of tragic heroes, theme building and by including some elements of tragedy. The qualitative research is designed on the descriptive-analytic method by using the approach of Classicism presented by Mark Twain.
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Lapidge, Michael. "The archetype ofBeowulf." Anglo-Saxon England 29 (January 2000): 5–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002398.
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It is a cardinal tenet of classical textual criticism that medieval scribes were most prone to error when copying from an unfamiliar system of script. Accordingly a good deal of attention has been given by classical scholars to what happens to a text when it is copied from one system of script to another, and to the characteristic sorts of error which such copying involves. The great French textual critic, Alphonse Dain, even coined a Greek term,metacharakterismos(μεταχαρακτηρισμός), to describe the scribal process of copying, character by character, from one script to anodier. (The Latin equivalent would betranslitteratio, which might be rendered ‘transliteration’ in English.) Dain was thinking principally of the transliteration of Greek uncial manuscripts into minuscule script; but the process is also known to have taken place in the transmissional histories of Latin texts, when works of classical literature in (say) rustic capital script were transliterated into the various regional minuscules. By observing patterns of repeated error, Latin textual critics have often been able to demonstrate that the archetype of such-and-such a text must have been written in a particular system of script. The first attempt at such a demonstration was apparently that by the humanist scholar Joseph Scaliger (1540–1609), who in hisCastigationes in Catullum(1577) showed that the archetype of all surviving manuscripts of Catullus was written in what he calledLangobardicae litterae, what we should describe as a form of pre-Caroline minuscule.
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Suthren, Carla. "Translating Commonplace Marks in Gascoigne and Kinwelmersh's Jocasta." Translation and Literature 29, no. 1 (March 2020): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2020.0409.
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This essay locates the moment at which commonplace marks were ‘translated’ from printed classical texts into English vernacular drama in a manuscript of Gascoigne and Kinwelmersh's Jocasta, dated 1568. Based on a survey of the use of printed commonplace marks in classical drama between 1500 and 1568, it demonstrates that this typographical symbol was strongly associated with Greek tragedy, particularly Sophocles and Euripides, and hardly at all with Seneca. In light of this, it argues that the commonplace marks in the Jocasta manuscript should be read as a deliberate visual gesture towards Euripides. In this period, commonplace marks evoked printed Greek rather than Latin tragedy, and early modern readers might bring such associations to the English dramatic texts in which these marks also appeared, including the First Quarto of Hamlet (1603).
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de Jong, Irene J. F. "Pluperfects and the Artist in Ekphrases." Mnemosyne 68, no. 6 (December 4, 2015): 889–916. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341706.
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This study discusses the figure of the artist in classical ekphrases, in particular the pluperfects of verbs of making of the type ἐτέτυκτο, ἤσκητο, ἐκεκόσµητο, ἐτετείχιστο, caelaverat, fecerat, struxerat which evoke that artist. After setting up a framework of the various other ways in which the artist can be represented in ekphrases, I zoom in on the pluperfects and show how they are used differently in Greek and Latin ekphrases: in Greek the medio-passive pluperfect describes a finished object while at the same time acknowledging the act of making and hence the maker; in Latin the active pluperfect occurs in analepses which evoke the act of making by a maker as an event of the past. I end with the remarkable use of the pluperfect by Vergil in the shield of Aeneas in Aeneid 8. He uniquely combines the Greek epic tradition of the refrain of verbs of making with the Latin analeptic force of the tense, in order to keep reminding the narratees of the maker of the shield, Vulcan, and his prophetic powers and of the earlier, crucial scene of the divine smith forging the shield.
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Faragher, M. "The fourth ‘R’ is rooted belief: Rex Warner and the politics of revisionist classicism." Literature & History 28, no. 2 (September 14, 2019): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197319870377.
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This article traces the historical devaluation of classicism within British academic and intellectual circles in the interwar years. I argue that the political tensions of the 1930s contributed to the movement away from a traditional classical approach and towards one informed by political and civic responsibility. In his novels and essays, Rex Warner’s focus on pedagogy repeatedly suggests that Latin or Greek tutelage, without the necessary focus on the liberal democratic values, can inadvertently bolster right-wing fascistic thought. Concern about classicism’s value within modern democracies is mirrored in interwar debates amongst contemporaneous educational reformers, whose concerns about classicism’s exclusivity would lead to the post-war dissolution of classical entrance exams and the complete reformation of the classics.
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Seppänen, Minna, and Antti Lampinen. "‘Interpreters of Interpreters’." Mnemosyne 72, no. 6 (October 31, 2019): 883–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342602.
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AbstractWe discuss analogies between oracular and grammatical interpretation, as reflected in our Greek and Latin sources from the Classical era to the High Empire. The two hermeneutical professions of µάντις and γραµµατικός both aim at elucidating the thought (διάνοια) involved in the interpretandum. This is a notion quite frequently made at one level or another in ancient literature, as evidenced for example in writings by Plato, Crates of Mallus, Aristarchus, Cicero, Nigidius Figulus, and Sextus Empiricus.
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Dementyeva, Vera V. "Athenaeum litterarum Demidowianum Jaroslaviense: Teaching Classical Philology and Ancient History." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 16, no. 3 (September 24, 2022): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2022-3-370-393.
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The article discusses the teaching of a number of subjects of classical studies - Latin and ancient Greek, ancient history and literature - by professors of the Demidov Higher Sciences School. The attention of P. G. Demidov to humanitarian subjects in the Athenaeum founded by him is noted (the official Latin name of the school was Athenaeum litterarum Demidowianum Jaroslaviense), as well as his personal invitations of classical philologists for teaching. The author connects the formation of P. G. Demidov’s interest to classical languages and to the sciences in general with his studies in Revel with Professor A. F. Sigismundi, about whom the article provides biographical information. The activity in Yaroslavl of classical philologists I. E. Sreznevsky, F. Schmidt and M. O. Khanenko, as well as A. F. Klimenko and S. A. Vilinsky is characterized. The content of speeches by S A. Vilinsky about the history and «successes of enlightenment» of the three ancient peoples - the Egyptians, Greeks and Romans is analyzed. It is concluded that classical studies at the Demidov School were originally an essential and very significant part of the formation of higher education in Yaroslavl.
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Farrell, Joseph. "Classical Closure: Reading the End in Greek and Latin Literature. Deborah H. Roberts , Francis M. Dunn , Don Fowler." Classical Philology 95, no. 1 (January 2000): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449475.
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D'Aronco, Maria Amalia. "The botanical lexicon of the Old EnglishHerbarium." Anglo-Saxon England 17 (December 1988): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003999.
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Recent research has established beyond question that, in the study of medicine at least, Anglo-Saxon England was far from being ‘a backwater in which superstition flourished until the mainstream of more rational and advanced Salernitan practices flowed into the country in late medieval times’. On the contrary, Anglo-Saxon medicine was at least at the same level as that of contemporary European schools. In ninth-century England the medical works inherited by ‘post-classical Latin medical literature (which included translations and epitomes of Greek and Byzantine medical authorities)’ were not only well known, but served as the basis for original reworking and compilation, as the example of theLæcebocshows. More important, it was in pre-Conquest England that, for the first time in Europe, medical treatises were either compiled in or translated into a vernacular language rather than being composed in Latin or Greek. Ancient medicine made substantial use of drugs obtained from plants; and therefore, since the sources of Anglo-Saxon medical lore were in Latin (or in Greek: but invariably known through the medium of Latin), it is not surprising that most medicinal herbs used in the preparation of Old English prescriptions were not indigenous to England or even to continental Germany. And since such medicinal herbs were not indigenous to northern Europe, it is evident that, in using them, speakers of vernacular languages were obliged to create a vocabulary appropriate to denote them.
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Gillespie, Stuart. "A Checklist of Restoration English Translations and Adaptations of Classical Greek and Latin Poetry, 1660–1700." Translation and Literature 1, no. 1 (April 1992): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.1992.1.1.52.
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Fortuna, Stefania. "Galen's de Constitutione Artis Medicaein the Renaissance." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 1 (May 1993): 302–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800044372.
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During the sixteenth century Galen'sDe constitutione artis medicae(i.224–304 Kühn) enjoyed a great success: in about fifty years it received four different Latin translations and three commentaries. Certainly this is also true of other medical classical texts, but such success is surprising for a treatise which did not have a wide circulation either in the Middle Ages or in the seventeenth century and later. In fact it is preserved in its entirety in only one Greek manuscript (Florence, Laur. plut. 74.3 = L of the twelfth or thirteenth century, with later corrections = L) and in a Latin translation by Niccolò of Reggio, who worked mainly for King Robert I in Naples in the first half of the fourteenth century. Furthermore, in his edition of 1679 René Chartier made a mistake, which the humanistic editors of the Greek Galen had avoided. The last part of theDe const, art. med.itself enjoyed a considerablefortunaas an independent tract on prognosis in the Greek and Latin manuscript tradition. The editors of the Aldine and the Basle editions knew such anexcerptum, at least in the manuscript Par. gr. 2165 (= P) of the sixteenth century, and rightly decided not to print it. Chartier found it in the manuscript Par. gr. 2269 of the fifteenth or sixteenth century, and published it in the wrong belief that it was a new treatise of Galen's (vol. ii. 170–95 = viii.891–5). He was followed by Carl Gottlob Kühn in his edition of 1821, who printed theDe const, art. med.in the first volume (289–304) and theDe praesagiturain vol. xix.497–511. The error was not publicly detected until Kalbfleisch in 1896.
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Srika, M. "A Critical Analysis on “Revolution 2020” - An Amalgam of Socio- Political Commercialization World Combined with Love Triangle." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 7, no. 10 (October 31, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v7i10.10255.
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Literature is considered to be an art form or writing that have Artistic or Intellectual value. Literature is a group of works produced by oral and written form. Literature shows the style of Human Expression. The word literature was derived from the Latin root word ‘Litertura / Litteratura’ which means “Letter or Handwriting”. Literature is culturally relative defined. Literature can be grouped through their Languages, Historical Period, Origin, Genre and Subject. The kinds of literature are Poems, Novels, Drama, Short Story and Prose. Fiction and Non-Fiction are their major classification. Some types of literature are Greek literature, Latin literature, German literature, African literature, Spanish literature, French literature, Indian literature, Irish literature and surplus. In this vast division, the researcher has picked out Indian English Literature. Indian literature is the literature used in Indian Subcontinent. The earliest Indian literary works were transmitted orally. The Sanskrit oral literature begins with the gatherings of sacred hymns called ‘Rig Veda’ in the period between 1500 - 1200 B.C. The classical Sanskrit literature was developed slowly in the earlier centuries of the first millennium. Kannada appeared in 9th century and Telugu in 11th century. Then, Marathi, Odiya and Bengali literatures appeared later. In the early 20th century, Hindi, Persian and Urdu literature begins to appear.
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Bauer, Martin M. "Schulübungen oder Kalenderblätter? Zur Interpretation einer Gruppe spätantiker Kulthymnen in der Appendix Claudianea." Philologus 166, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2022-0103.
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Abstract Until now, the short cult hymns to Liber, Mars and Juno in the Appendix Claudianea have mostly been seen as rhetorical school exercises. Yet a philological-historical analysis shows that they could be remains of occasional poetry from everyday life. The hymns are structured according to the Roman festival calendar and, on the basis of language and content, should probably be dated to the final phase of public non-Christian cult practice in the fourth century. The anonymous poet was familiar with classical Greek and Latin poetry, but reveals weaknesses in Latin prosody and metre. It can therefore be supposed that he should be identified as one of the many Graeco-Egyptian ‘wandering poets’, but probably not as Claudian himself.
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Bowie, E. L., and S. J. Harrison. "The Romance of the Novel." Journal of Roman Studies 83 (November 1993): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300984.
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Students of the ancient world are falling for the ancient Greek and Latin novels in increasing numbers, a state of affairs of which there were few intimations a generation ago. To be sure, theSatyricaof Petronius and theMetamorphosesof Apuleius were given standing-room on the edge of the classical canon, though few scholars and fewer students made the acquaintance of the complete texts. Encounters were usually restricted to theCena TrimalchionisandCupid and Psyche, and linguistic oddities were the chief topics of polite conversation (nothing evil in this, so long as other topics are not barred). There were of course exceptions, like Eduard Fraenkel's Oxford seminar on Petronius in 1958/9, where study of language was but one of many techniques harnessed to the establishment and interpretation of the whole text. The Greek novels were still wallflowers: partly, no doubt, because they constituted only a small portion of a vast Greek prose literature written in a period generally judged decadent, whereas the Latin novels were welcome and substantial contributors to the comparatively exiguous remains of Latin prose written by Romans at their imperial acme. No explosion of interest had followed Rohde'sDer griechische Roman und seine Vorläuferof 1876, and although some important work was done on establishment and interpretation of texts and on the development of the genre, scholars active in this field were isolated from each other and their results made little impact on their colleagues. Furthermore much of that work was focused, like Rohde's, on trying to elucidate the genre's origins.
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Akujärvi, Johanna. "… til Rusin-Strutar och Tortebotnar: Översättningars nytta enligt förord till svenska översättningar av antik litteratur under 1700-talets första hälft." Sjuttonhundratal 7 (October 1, 2010): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/4.2467.
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<p>For candy cones and layer cakes: The use of translations according to Swedish translators of classical literature from the first fifty years of the 18th century.</p><p>This is a study of prefaces and dedications to Swedish translations of Greek and Roman literature from the first fifty years of the eighteenth century. The introductory paratexts of this period are highly homogenous. Most cover the following five topoi: the importance of the chosen text is specified; the text and author are introduced; the usefulness of the translation is discussed; the principles of translation are touched upon; and, in conclusion, translators anticipate and try to deflect criticism of their work. Not only are the same topoi found in most translatory prefaces and dedications, but are moreover often filled with very similar arguments. The focus of this study is on the most central topos, that of the usefulness of the translation. As a rule, during this period translators tended toward utilitarian arguments to justify their translations. The use could be argued (1) to be the moral value of the text, (2) to help students to learn Latin and, to a lesser extent, Greek, (3) to make the subject-matter of the texts available to readers with no Greek or Latin, or (4) to further the development of the Swedish language and poetry. These utilitarian arguments are illustrated with quotations from the translatory paratexts and discussed with reference to contemporary debates.</p>
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Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Euzebiusz z Heraklei i jego "Homilia efeska" (CPG 6143) z etiopskiej antologii patrystycznej Qerellos." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 807–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4175.
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Classical oriental literatures, especially in Syriac, Arabic and Coptic languages, constitute extraordinary treasury for patristic studies. Apart from the texts written originally in their ecclesiastical ambient, the oriental ancient manuscripts include many documents completely disappeared or preserved in their Greek and Latin originals in defective form only. The same refers to the Ethiopian Christian literature. In this context so-called Qerəllos anthology occupies a particular place as one of the most important patristic writings. It contains Christological treaties and homilies by Cyril of Alexandria and other documents, essentially of the anti-nestorian and monophysite character, in the context of the Council of Ephesus (431). The core of the anthology was compiled in Alexandria and translated into Ge’ez language directly from Greek during the Aksumite period (V-VII century). Ethiopic homily by Eusebius of Heraclea (CPG 6143) is unique preserved version of this document, and also unique noted text of the bishop from V century. Besides the introduction to the Early Christian patristic literature and especially to the Qerəllos anthology, this paper offers a Polish translation of the Eusebius’s Homily with relative commentary.
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Jones, Rebecca. "Penetrating the Penguin ‘Wall of Black’: Theories from PGCE Research on How to Approach the Teaching of KS5 Classical Civilisation." Journal of Classics Teaching 17, no. 33 (2016): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631016000180.
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Is my PGCE drew towards its end, the prospect of my first teaching job loomed large in my mind. I had been forewarned that 50% of my teaching workload would consist of teaching Classical Civilisation, and that the majority of this would be at A Level. However, I did not have personal experience of the subject as a school pupil (I studied Latin, Greek and English Literature at A Level – there was no Classical Civilisation option), so I had no personal frame of reference or pre-formed opinion of how it might be taught best. The final research project of the PGCE course presented an ideal and much-needed opportunity to investigate the possible teaching strategies I should consider in preparation for my own teaching of the subject. I was particularly interested in how to ‘get through’ the seemingly vast amount of text which teachers often cited as a real challenge.
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Caner, Daniel. "Clemency, A Neglected Aspect of Early Christian Philanthropy." Religions 9, no. 8 (July 26, 2018): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9080229.
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In classical and early Christian usage the concept of philanthropia (philanthropy) rarely just meant “love for one’s fellow human beings” or generosity towards people whom one did not personally know. Classicists have pointed out that in both of these ancient traditions it was most synonymous with the Latin term clementia. As such, it had a concessive facet and a universalizing force: showing kindness to humans, even if doing so went against one’s natural or justified reluctance; being merciful, despite the fact that beneficiaries might not seem worthy of it. These observations have not informed prior scholarship on early Christian philanthropy. Based on a comprehensive survey of how the word philanthropia is used in church histories, hagiographies, monastic literature and church sermons written in the Greek language from the fourth to seventh centuries, this paper argues that the classical notion of philanthropy as clemency prevailed among Christian authors throughout late antiquity, and was fundamentally important in the early Christian promotion of universal almsgiving.
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Dickey, Eleanor. "ΚΥΡΙΕ, ΔΕΣΠΟΤΑ, Domine. Greek Politeness in the Roman Empire." Journal of Hellenic Studies 121 (November 2001): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631824.
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AbstractWhy did the Greeks of the Roman period make such extensive use of the vocative κύριε, when Greeks of earlier periods had been content with only one vocative meaning ‘master’, δέσποτα? This study, based primarily on a comprehensive search of documentary papyri but also making extensive use of literary evidence (particularly that of the Septuagint and New Testament), traces the development of both terms from the classical period to the seventh century AD. It concludes that κύριε was created to provide a translation for Latin domine, and that domine, which has often been considered a translation of κύριε, had a Roman origin. In addition, both κύριε and domine were from their beginnings much less deferential than is traditionally supposed, so that neither term underwent the process of ‘weakening’ which converted English ‘master’ into ‘Mr’. δέσποτα, which was originally far more deferential than the other two terms, did undergo some weakening, but not (until a very late period) as much as is usually supposed. These findings in turn imply that Imperial politeness has been somewhat misunderstood and suggest that the Greeks of the first few centuries AD were much less servile in their language than is traditionally assumed.
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Horsley, G. H. R. "Homer in Pisidia: Aspects of the History of Greek Education in a remote Roman Province." Antichthon 34 (November 2000): 46–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001179.
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In the pantheon of poets of all cultures and ages, Homer (however we respond to the ‘Homeric Question’) has a unique place. His primacy is due to the fact that his two epic poems encapsulated Hellenic culture, both for the Greeks themselves, and for others steeped in the ‘European tradition’ whether in antiquity or in subsequent ages. So much is this the case that the very name ‘Homer’ became an abstraction, summing up what it was to be Hellenic. All literature written by Greeks, in the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and Imperial periods, and much that was produced by others (including in Latin), looks back to the Iliad and the Odyssey, takes its rise from them, finds its locus in them. A canonicity was conferred on these poems such as on no other Greek text in equal degree. If Shakespeare was representative of an entire age in one culture, Homer summed up a culture itself.
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Segal, Eliezer. "A Funny Thing Happened on My Way to Sodom." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340094.
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As an illustration of the phenomena of “filtered absorption” or “controlled incorporation” of Greek and Roman culture into late classical Judaism, this article focuses on the depiction of Abraham’s servant, identified as Eliezer, in a passage in b. Sanh 109b, which consists largely of confrontations—several of them of a decidedly humorous or satirical nature—with the perverse laws, judges, and citizens of biblical Sodom. The manner in which Eliezer’s midrashic personality and role were fashioned by the rabbis evokes a familiar character from classical literature, namely the “clever slave” [servus callidus], a figure that was cultivated most famously by Plautus and which became a popular stock character in Roman theater. The article tries to reconstruct how the midrashic homilist adapted the Latin dramatic conventions for Jewish religious and exegetical purposes.Special attention is paid to the Talmud’s incorporation of the well-known motif of the “Procrustean bed”; noting the methodological and textual obstacles that plague our attempts to identify exactly which versions of that legend were being used by the Talmudic authors.
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Mascetti, Yaakov A. "Tokens of Love." Common Knowledge 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8723023.
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Contextualist scholars working on the rhetoric of corporeal presence in seventeenth-century English religious lyrics have naturally focused their attention on sacramental discourse of the Reformation era. As part of the Common Knowledge symposium on the future of contextualism, this full-length monograph, serialized in installments, argues that the contextualist focus on a single and time-limited “epistemic field” has resulted in a less than adequately ramified understanding of the poetry of John Donne, George Herbert, Aemilia Lanyer, and John Milton. What the contextualist approach misses is that even the religious discourses of the period were tied to a long and in no way local epistemological debate about signs and their meaning, whose roots are to be found in Greek and Latin rhetorical theory. This first installment of “Tokens of Love” commences a discussion of the role of classical pagan sign-theory in the development of Reformation sacramental discourse.
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Nielsen, Rosemary M., and Robert H. Solomon. "Horace and Hopkins: The Point of Balance in Odes 3.1." Ramus 14, no. 1 (January 1985): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00005026.
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In May of 1868, less than two years after Gerard Manley Hopkins left the English Church to become a Roman Catholic and after eight months spent teaching at Newman's Oratory School in Birmingham, the classical scholar burned nearly all of his poetry; he called the act ‘the sacrifice of my innocents’. Austin Warren describes Hopkins as feeling caught through his life between conflicting desires to be a pdet and to be a saint. This strain and the anxieties it produced appear in his later poems, such as ‘The Wreck of the Deutschland’ and ‘Heaven Haven’, and in his journals and letters. In the latter he describes the emotional effect he wanted poems to have upon readers: some poems must, Hopkins asserted, ‘explode’ within the reader. Intensifying the psychological reaction of the readers of literature was one of Hopkins's aims when he created poetry, just as it was a goal when he wrote redactions of the speeches in Shakespeare's tragedies or when he chose from among variant readings for Greek drama. In September 1868, when he entered the priesthood as a Jesuit, Hopkins began a new life of personal intensity and, perhaps to his own surprise, a second poetic career. But a number of poems survived the destruction. One is his translation of Horace's Odes 3.1, the longer of the only two extant translations of complete Latin poems. As with A. E. Housman's sole surviving translation of a Latin ode, Horace's 4.7, this one reveals a profound identification with Horace, a subtle understanding of the original poem, and an intense revelation of the mind of the English writer during the period of translating. The emotional intensity, technical virtuosity and psychological richness of the translation make Hopkins's version of 3.1 a significant poem for scholars of English and classical poetry.
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Zbądzki, Jakub. "Transtekstualne aspekty łacińskiej parafrazy Batrachomyomachii autorstwa Jana Siemuszowskiego." Terminus 23, no. 44 (61) (December 30, 2021): 455–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843844te.21.018.14230.
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Transtextual Aspects of Jan Siemuszowski’s Latin Paraphrase of Batrachomyomachia The article aims to analyse how Jan Siemuszowski, author of a 1568 Latin paraphrase of the Batrachomyomachia, used the Roman epic tradition in his work in the context of Renaissance translations of the poem and how he approached the problem of losing references to Greek literature in the process of transferring the piece into another language. The current state of knowledge of Latin translations of Batrachomyomachia is not advanced, and the issue concerning the dialogue of the poem’s Latin versions with classical literature was recently raised solely by Aaron Vanspauwen, who observed that these works mirror transtextual devices of the Greek original, claiming at the same time that this may be accidental. However, there is sound evidence that the devices were deployed intentionally, as transtextuality appears mainly in texts based on emulation. In this case, it is worthwhile to investigate one of the clearest examples of making use of Roman epic tradition in a translation from Greek, which is a paraphrase made by Jan Siemuszowski, containing over 150 direct references to Latin poetry, especially Virgil and Ovid. To achieve this, Batrachomyomachia and Siemuszowski’s paraphrase were compared in a systematic classification using George Genette’s theory of transtextuality. They were found to have two categories in common, metatexts and intertexts, the latter serving as amplifications and parodies (in Genette’s sense) of epic schemes and heroes. In Siemuszowski’s work, the metatexts are visible in quotations that emphasize the fictional dimension of the work or its supposed grandeur. The allusions used in the amplifications exaggerate the power of heroes and their opponents, and the greatness of the entire world depicted. Moreover, the application of some of them to dangerous characters and phenomena seems to outline the perception of mice and frogs. The comic effect of parody is mainly achieved by highlighting the negative characteristics of animals in contrast to ancient models, especially certain types of figures such as gods, heroes or philosophers. Parody also relates to the stories of epic heroes, making them trivial or lending particular, unearned gravity to the animals. It is observed that Siemuszowski mostly used similar methods as the author of Batrachomyomachia. However, he often supplemented the verses with new, significant references to Virgil and Ovid, preventing the loss of transtexts in the process of translation. The complexity of his piece allows us to perceive it as a text of the third degree – in the terminology used by Katarzyna Warcaba. As a result, Siemuszowski’s paraphrase was in line with the trend of emulation-based translations, whose authors avoided translating the text literally and tried to compete with the original or other authors’ versions of the poem in terms of the techniques used in it.
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Zbądzki, Jakub. "Transtekstualne aspekty łacińskiej parafrazy Batrachomyomachii autorstwa Jana Siemuszowskiego." Terminus 23, no. 44 (61) (December 30, 2021): 455–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843844te.21.018.14230.
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Transtextual Aspects of Jan Siemuszowski’s Latin Paraphrase of Batrachomyomachia The article aims to analyse how Jan Siemuszowski, author of a 1568 Latin paraphrase of the Batrachomyomachia, used the Roman epic tradition in his work in the context of Renaissance translations of the poem and how he approached the problem of losing references to Greek literature in the process of transferring the piece into another language. The current state of knowledge of Latin translations of Batrachomyomachia is not advanced, and the issue concerning the dialogue of the poem’s Latin versions with classical literature was recently raised solely by Aaron Vanspauwen, who observed that these works mirror transtextual devices of the Greek original, claiming at the same time that this may be accidental. However, there is sound evidence that the devices were deployed intentionally, as transtextuality appears mainly in texts based on emulation. In this case, it is worthwhile to investigate one of the clearest examples of making use of Roman epic tradition in a translation from Greek, which is a paraphrase made by Jan Siemuszowski, containing over 150 direct references to Latin poetry, especially Virgil and Ovid. To achieve this, Batrachomyomachia and Siemuszowski’s paraphrase were compared in a systematic classification using George Genette’s theory of transtextuality. They were found to have two categories in common, metatexts and intertexts, the latter serving as amplifications and parodies (in Genette’s sense) of epic schemes and heroes. In Siemuszowski’s work, the metatexts are visible in quotations that emphasize the fictional dimension of the work or its supposed grandeur. The allusions used in the amplifications exaggerate the power of heroes and their opponents, and the greatness of the entire world depicted. Moreover, the application of some of them to dangerous characters and phenomena seems to outline the perception of mice and frogs. The comic effect of parody is mainly achieved by highlighting the negative characteristics of animals in contrast to ancient models, especially certain types of figures such as gods, heroes or philosophers. Parody also relates to the stories of epic heroes, making them trivial or lending particular, unearned gravity to the animals. It is observed that Siemuszowski mostly used similar methods as the author of Batrachomyomachia. However, he often supplemented the verses with new, significant references to Virgil and Ovid, preventing the loss of transtexts in the process of translation. The complexity of his piece allows us to perceive it as a text of the third degree – in the terminology used by Katarzyna Warcaba. As a result, Siemuszowski’s paraphrase was in line with the trend of emulation-based translations, whose authors avoided translating the text literally and tried to compete with the original or other authors’ versions of the poem in terms of the techniques used in it.
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Koutsoyiannis, Demetris, and Nikos Mamassis. "From mythology to science: the development of scientific hydrological concepts in Greek antiquity and its relevance to modern hydrology." Hydrology and Earth System Sciences 25, no. 5 (May 10, 2021): 2419–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hess-25-2419-2021.
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Abstract. Whilst hydrology is a Greek term, it was not in use in the Classical literature, but much later, during the Renaissance, in its Latin form, hydrologia. On the other hand, Greek natural philosophers (or, in modern vocabulary, scientists) created robust knowledge in related scientific areas, to which they gave names such as meteorology, climate and hydraulics. These terms are now in common use internationally. Greek natural philosophers laid the foundation for hydrological concepts and the hydrological cycle in its entirety. Knowledge development was brought about by searches for technological solutions to practical problems as well as by scientific curiosity. While initial explanations belong to the sphere of mythology, the rise of philosophy was accompanied by the quest for scientific descriptions of the phenomena. It appears that the first geophysical problem formulated in scientific terms was the explanation of the flood regime of the Nile, then regarded as a paradox because of the spectacular difference from the river flow regime in Greece, i.e. the fact that the Nile flooding occurs in summer when in most of the Mediterranean the rainfall is very low. While the early attempts were unsuccessful, Aristotle was able to formulate a correct hypothesis, which he tested through what appears to be the first scientific expedition in history, in the transition from the Classical to Hellenistic periods. The Hellenistic period brought advances in all scientific fields including hydrology, an example of which is the definition and measurement of flow discharge by Heron of Alexandria. These confirm the fact that the hydrological cycle was well understood in Ancient Greece, yet it poses the question why correct explanations were not accepted and, instead, why ancient and modern mythical views were preferred up to the 18th century.
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Cesario, Marilina. "Ant-lore in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 40 (December 2011): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675111000123.
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AbstractTwo Old English versions of a sunshine prognostication survive in the mid-eleventh century Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 391, p. 713, and in a twelfth-century addition to Oxford, Bodleian Library, Hatton 115, 149v–150r. Among standard predictions promising joy, peace, blossom, abundance of milk and fruit, and a great baptism sent by God, one encounters an enigmatic prophecy which involves camels stealing gold from the ants. These gold-digging ants have a long pedigree, one which links Old English with much earlier literature and indicates the extent to which Anglo-Saxon culture had assimilated traditions of European learning. It remains difficult to say what is being prophesied, however, or to explain the presence of the passage among conventional predictions. Whether the prediction was merely a literary exercise or carried a symbolic implication, it must have originated in an ecclesiastical context. Its mixture of classical learning and vernacular tradition, Greek and Latin, folklore and Christian, implies an author with some knowledge of literary and scholarly traditions.
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Wełna, Jerzy. "On early pseudo-learned orthographic forms: A contribution to the history of English spelling and pronunciation." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 46, no. 4 (January 1, 2011): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10121-010-0010-9.
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On early pseudo-learned orthographic forms: A contribution to the history of English spelling and pronunciation The history of English contains numerous examples of "improved" spellings. English scribes frequently modified spelling to make English words and some popular borrowings look like words of Latin or Greek origin. The typical examples are Eng. island, containing mute <s> taken from Lat. insula or Eng. anchor ‘mooring device’ (< Fr. ancre), with non-etymological <h>. Although such "reformed spellings" became particularly fashionable during the Renaissance, when the influence of the classical languages was at its peak, "classicised" spellings are also found earlier, e.g. in texts from the 14th century. In the present contribution which concentrates on identifying such earliest influences on spellings in Middle English attention is focussed on the regional distribution of reformed spellings, with a sociolinguistic focus on the type of the text. The data for the study come from standard sources like the Middle English Dictionary (2001) and Oxford English Dictionary (2009).
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Thomas, J. David. "Italo Gallo: Greek and Latin Papyrology (Translated by M. R. Falivene and J. R. March). (Classical Handbook, 1.) Pp. v + 153; 16 half-tone plates. London: Institute of Classical Studies, 1986. Paper, £9." Classical Review 38, no. 2 (October 1988): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00122930.
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Prus, Robert. "Influence Work, Resistance, and Educational Life-Worlds: Quintilian’s [Marcus Fabius Quintilianus] (35-95 CE) Analysis of Roman Oratory as an Instructive Ethnohistorical Resource and Conceptual Precursor of Symbolic Interactionist Scholarship." Qualitative Sociology Review 18, no. 3 (July 31, 2022): 6–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.18.3.01.
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Despite the striking affinities of classical Greek and Latin rhetoric with the pragmatist/interactionist analysis of the situated negotiation of reality and its profound relevance for the analysis of human group life more generally, few contemporary social scientists are aware of the exceptionally astute analyses of persuasive interchange developed by Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian.
Having considered the analyses of rhetoric developed by Aristotle (384-322 BCE) and Cicero (106-43 BCE) in interactionist terms (Prus 2007a; 2010), the present paper examines Quintilian’s (35-95 CE) contributions to the study of persuasive interchange more specifically and the nature of human knowing and acting more generally.
Focusing on the education and practices of orators (rhetoricians), Quintilian (a practitioner as well as a distinctively thorough instructor of the craft) provides one of the most sustained, most systematic analyses of influence work and resistance to be found in the literature.
Following an overview of Quintilian’s “ethnohistorical” account of Roman oratory, this paper concludes by drawing conceptual parallels between Quintilian’s analysis of influence work and the broader, transcontextual features of symbolic interactionist scholarship (Mead 1934; Blumer 1969; Prus 1996; 1997; 1999; Prus and Grills 2003). This includes “generic social processes” such as: acquiring perspectives, attending to identity, being involved, doing activity, engaging in persuasive interchange, developing relationships, experiencing emotionality, attaining linguistic fluency, and participating in collective events. Offering a great many departure points for comparative analysis, as well as ethnographic examinations of the influence process, Quintilian’s analysis is particularly instructive as he addresses these and related aspects of human knowing, acting, and interchange in highly direct, articulate, and detailed ways.
Acknowledging the conceptual, methodological, and analytic affinities of The Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian with symbolic interactionism, an epilogue, Quintilian as an Intellectual Precursor to American Pragmatist Thought and the Interactionist Study of Human Group Life, addresses the relative lack of attention given to classical Greek and Latin scholarship by the American pragmatists and their intellectual progeny, as well as the importance of maintaining a more sustained transcontextual and transhistorical focus on the study of human knowing, acting, and interchange.
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Izzet, Vedia, and Robert Shorrock. "General." Greece and Rome 62, no. 1 (March 25, 2015): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000321.
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Twelves Voices from Greece and Romeby Christopher Pelling and Maria Wyke sounds like a title specially commissioned by this very journal, though, alas, we can claim none of the credit! The collaboration arose out of a BBC Radio 3 series on classical literature in collaboration with the Open University and should have a broad appeal. Of the twelve voices six are Greek, six Latin: for the poets, Homer, Sappho, Virgil, Horace; for the tragedians, Euripides; for the historians Herodotus, Thucydides, Caesar, Tacitus; with Cicero for the orators (and philosophers…) and Juvenal for the satirists, paired with the final ‘voice’ in the collection: Lucian (a striking sign of the growing interest and marketability of Second Sophistic and Imperial Greek authors). This is a stimulating and enjoyable read, which carries one swiftly along. It is not a didactic regurgitation of literary and cultural history (though the final section on ‘Translations and Further Reading’ gives all the references one needs for further research) but a celebration of the continuing relevance of the Classics:The texts of the ancient world can still speak, not just to us, but with us, and in a range of exhilarating and disturbing ways. They still matter, and what they talk about can still be fresh (whether empire, masculinity, nature, urbanity, madness, rationality, religious commitment and disbelief, family and friendship, desire, or death). (x)
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Holzberg, Niklas. "Lvcvbrationes Langfordianae - (F.) Cairns (ed.) Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar. Thirteenth Volume 2008. Hellenistic Greek and Augustan Latin Poetry. Flavian and Post-Flavian Latin Poetry. Greek and Roman Prose. (ARCA Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers and Monographs 48.) Pp. viii + 390. Cambridge: Francis Cairns, 2008. Cased, £55, US$ 110. ISBN: 978-0-905205-50-2." Classical Review 59, no. 2 (September 15, 2009): 465–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0900064x.
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Paul, Joanna. "Reception." Greece and Rome 61, no. 2 (September 12, 2014): 308–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000151.
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A recent special issue of the Classical Receptions Journal marked the twentieth anniversary of the publication of Charles Martindale's Redeeming the Text. Latin Poetry and the Hermeneutics of Reception. Although the rich and various examples of classical reception scholarship that have appeared over the past two decades are by no means all cut from Martindale's cloth, the ‘seminal’ and ‘influential’ nature of his study is surely not in doubt. It is fitting, then, that this issue's round-up of reception publications focuses on a small cluster of recent studies that, like Redeeming the Text, explore the complex reception histories of Latin literature, and do so with a keen eye to the theoretical underpinnings of such scholarship; fitting, too, that our first title, Romans and Romantics, features Charles Martindale among its editors. The eighteen essays in this collection in fact range well beyond literature, with visual culture and the physical fabric of the city of Rome playing an important role; but encounters with Latin texts are a central component of the book, and the overarching theoretical and methodological framework for examining them bears the clear imprint of Martindale's reception manifesto. The introduction emphasizes the importance of remaining alert to the two-way dynamics of reception: not only do the contributors explore the ways in which Romanticism was shaped by antiquity, but they also examine the impact that Romanticism has had on subsequent views of antiquity. Although the idea of reception as a two-way process is often parroted, its implications are not always interrogated and explained so carefully as they are here. Most valuably, Romans and Romantics acknowledges and confronts the overly simple ‘myths’ that attach to our ideas of both the classical and the Romantic, showing how notions of what Romanticism ‘is’ are just as contingent and subject to distortion as those of the classical. So, for example, Timothy Saunders' fascinating chapter on ‘Originality’ successfully challenges the assumption that Romanticism was in some way antithetical or inimical to Roman studies, and that it was responsible for the lasting negative impression of Latin (literary) culture as imitative and inferior. Instead, he argues, ‘Romantic notions of originality’ (85) were more complex than we might assume, and could certainly find space for recognizing and celebrating Rome's creative use of its Greek heritage. Other chapters offer useful studies of the ‘varied, vital, and mutually sustaining’ (v) interactions between Romantics and Romans, including accessible accounts of key authors such as Shelley, Byron, and de Staël. Particularly worthwhile, though, is the final section, ‘Receptions’. By focusing on post-Romantic material, it lays bare our own modern preconceptions of the Romantic movement and encourages contemplation of how receptions of Romanticism are as important as receptions of Rome. Ralph Pite's excellent chapter on Thomas Hardy, for example, shows how this author, and many of his late nineteenth-century contemporaries, might be disappointed by visiting Rome: their expectations of the city, shaped by their own Romantic inheritance, could be undermined by the revelation of the modernized capital of a newly unified Italy, ‘threaten[ing] the post-Romantic traveller's cherished idea of ‘an eternal city frozen in time’’ (328).
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Powell, J. G. F. "Old Age in Classical Literature - Thomas M. Falkner, Judith de Luce (edd.): Old Age in Greek and Latin Literature. (SUNY Series in Classical Studies.) Pp. xv + 260. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1989. $49.50 (Paper, $16.95)." Classical Review 41, no. 1 (April 1991): 93–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00277421.
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Oleniak, M. "RENAISSANCE RESEARCH ON SIMILE (16TH–18TH CENTURIES)." Вісник Житомирського державного університету імені Івана Франка. Філологічні науки, no. 2(95) (December 17, 2021): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/philology.2(95).2021.130-150.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the study of the concepts of simile in the Renaissance during the 16th –18th centuries in both Western and Eastern traditions. It outlines the transition from the classical fundamentals to their renaissance interpretation in the European specialized literature, the original texts of which became the subject of analysis. The correlation of terminology of different epochs is established and the dependence of scientific thought on the historical stage of society development is highlighted. It was found that because simile was regarded as a rhetorical figure, interest in it was limited to specific practical tasks related to the art of eloquence and, to a lesser extent, belles-lettres style. The functions of the described category, which were singled out by leading linguists, are stated as well as the most influential researchers who deepened the development of the basic principles of simile interpretation by classical rhetoricians. The article proves that the content, scope and hierarchy of terms for simile differ depending on the eras and the authors of rhetoric, reflecting the specifics of translation of ancient Greek and Latin texts, the development of linguistic thought and deepening the analysis of ancient Greeks and Romans. It is established that only at the end of the 18th century the English term "simile" was introduced as a descendant of a number of ambiguous, not always specialized terms (homoeosis, icon, paradigm, parabola, similitude, resemblance, comparison), often synonymous with one another.
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Möller, Alda Bryndís. "Íslenskukennsla í Bessastaðaskóla 1806–1846 og á fyrstu árum Reykjavíkurskóla." Orð og tunga 19 (June 1, 2017): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/ordogtunga.19.2.
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The school at Bessastaðir in Iceland (1805‒1846) prepared students for the clergy and further studies at the University of Copenhagen. Despite its emphasis on classical languages and theological studies it is considered to have had considerable influence on the development of the Icelandic language and language norms in the 19th century. The article discusses the status of the Icelandic language in the school curriculum but it also highlights the multi-disciplinary nature of language instruction through translations from Greek and Latin under the supervision of renowned experts in Old Icelandic who also were keen supporters of Icelandic language vocabulary development. Many able students built on this experience to pioneer the development of Modern Icelandic.Icelandic lessons in the Bessastaðir School timetable consisted of translations from Latin and Danish with less emphasis on literature; some attention was paid to grammar while orthography varied. The school was cramped and the building not fi t for purpose. This state of affairs prevailed until the school moved to Reykjavik in 1846, which opened up great possibilities. Finally, teaching of modern languages, including Icelandic, could be developed in the curriculum.Timetables in the Reykjavik Grammar School show increased emphasis on the subject Icelandic, both in number of hours and variety of content. Teaching of the subject was prescribed by official regulations and included Icelandic grammar as well as modern and medieval literature. Standardised orthography was developed and firmly established in the early years of the school by rules that were largely based on Old Icelandic. These rules are still mostly applicable in modern day Icelandic texts. The article describes these developments in the first few years of the Reykjavik Grammar School, largely based on the school ̓s archives and significant essay mate-rial from students at the time.
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Boldrer, Francesca. "Tra gli Inferi e le stelle: un problema testuale nel mito di Orfeo in Virgilio (georg. 4,509) e il Leitmotiv astronomico nelle catabasi da Omero a Dante (con echi di Apollonio Rodio)." Philologus 166, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2022-0108.
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Abstract The article treats the presence of stars in terrestrial landscapes, in opposition to the Underworld and in connection to the topos of katabasis, above all in order to pursue in more depth a textual problem in the fabula Orphei of Vergil’s Georgics (4,509 astris / antris). The philological question is approached both on the basis of context and in relation to the descent into Hades of Aeneas, as well as in diachronic comparison with the earlier Homeric katabasis of Odysseus and the later otherworldly voyage of Dante in the Commedia. This internal and intertextual investigation reveals multiple functions of the celestial bodies in similar stories, as well as analogies between Homer, Vergil and Dante, linked by interests in nature and astronomy and by reciprocal influences. In fact, the Greek model and the Italian emulator seem to help clarify the contested passage in the Vergilian katabasis of Orpheus, while the Latin poet and Dante (who also share echoes of Apollonius Rhodius) rework a celestial detail already present in the νέκυια of Homer. Finally, both these classical authors, as well as Ovid, are subtly present at the ends of the three parts of the Commedia, each of which closes with the suggestive and symbolic image of “stars”, which evokes and renews an ancient tradition.