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1

Brandis, Dov Asher. "The 1979 Iranian revolution: the revolutionary revolution." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/192268.

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2

Kamrava, Mehran. "Causes of the Iranian Revolution of 1978-1979." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272469.

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3

Samii, Abbas William. "The role of SAVAK in the 1978-1979 Iranian Revolution." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251570.

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4

Mananian, Alfred. "A multi-perspective approach to the Iranian revolution of 1979." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272464023.

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5

Farokhfal, Reza. "Under Western eyes : the BBC and the Iranian revolution 1978-1979 : a discursive analysis." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/MQ64012.pdf.

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6

Fajri, Nurul. "The role of religious symbols in the Iranian revolution of 1979 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56939.

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This thesis will analyze the role of Shi'i religious symbols employed in the Iranian revolution of 1979. During the revolution, the Shi'i symbolic structure of the Karbala' paradigm or the symbols of Karbala' and of Husayn's martyrdom were extensively employed to mobilize the masses. Regarded as the Imam and as the symbol of the revolution, Khumayni extensively utilized such religious symbols in order to generate mass revolutionary political consciousness against the Shah's tyrannical regime. In other words, throughout the revolution the traditional 'ashura' mourning ceremony--commemorating a tragic historical event the martyrdom of Husayn who was killed on the battlefield of Karbala' on Muharram 10, 60/680--was transformed into and politicized to be a vehicle of mass revolutionary political mobilization.
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7

Hodjatpanah, Maryam. "International relations and social revolution : international aspects of the Iranian 1979 revolution and post-revolutionary state." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413175.

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8

Delkhasteh, Mahmood. "Islamic discourses of power and freedom in the Iranian Revolution, 1979-81." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2143/.

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This thesis has two aims: to expand scholarly understanding of the Iranian Revolution up to its transition to religious totalitarianism, and second, to present a non-deterministic theoretical framework for understanding revolutions more generally, which incorporates both structure and agency. Relying on a combination of extended interviews with leading participants and some hitherto unused primary sources, and with the help of secondary texts, it reconstructs the intense political struggles from 1979-81 and the ideological formations which shaped the revolutionary process, in four steps: (1) an analysis of the ideological foundations of competing discourses of Islam, in particular those of Khomeini, Shariati, Motahari, Bazargan and Banisadr; (2) a narrative of historical events and socio-economic and political changes which set the stage for the Iranian Revolution; (3) a narrative of the process of revolution itself; and (4) a narrative of the emergence of political struggle within the revolutionary movement, which drew on two competing discourses of Islam, those of power and of freedom. The analysis of this evidence seeks to demonstrate that dictatorship was not an inevitable consequence of the revolution, but due to four main causes: (1) lack of unity within the democratic camp, (2) poor use of available resources and opportunities, (3) specific, critical decisions, and finally (4) international factors. It also suggests a theoretical framework which makes it possible to critically analyse the process of revolution, which takes account of unique socio-historical contingencies.
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9

Kassam, Shelina. "The language of Islamism : Pakistan's media response to the Iranian revolution." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69615.

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In recent Muslim history, the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 has been a watershed event which has had--and continues to have--a significant impact on Muslim societies. Indeed, the Revolution is often perceived as the single most important example in contemporary times of the manner in which Islamism has been utilized as a revolutionary tool. The success of the Revolution in utilizing ideological Islam has had important implications for Pakistan, given the latter's reliance upon Islamism in its public life. This thesis examines editorial response in the Pakistani press to the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 and analyzes the factors which influenced this reaction.
Pakistan's response to the Iranian Revolution provides a glimpse into the nature of a country coming to terms with itself and its own interpretation of its dominant socio-political ideology. The Revolution highlighted already-existing tensions within the Pakistani national psyche: questions were raised with regard to the ideological direction of the country, its pragmatic concerns for security as well as the role of Islam in the formation of a public identity. The Iranian Revolution, by presenting differing perspectives on some of these issues--though all were framed within the context of the language of Islamism--served to deepen the collective Pakistani soul-searching. The nature of Pakistani response was essentially one of an intricate balancing act amongst competing loyalties, perspectives and imperatives. This response highlighted Pakistan's somewhat tense relationship with itself and its reliance upon Islam as a dominant socio-political ideology. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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10

Sharifi, Sima. "Manufactured Veils: A Study of Two Canadian Feminist Novels in Persian Translation after the 1979 Iranian Revolution." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35677.

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The patriarchal legal system and the socio-cultural institutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) relegate Iranian women to second-class citizens. Yet, Canadian feminist texts such as Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale (1985) and Carol Shields's Unless (2002) have been translated into Persian, in 2003 and 2005 respectively. Moreover, they circulate freely and are found in Iran’s National Library. This seeming discrepancy needs a systemic and contextually-based explanation. Four questions guide my dissertation: What happens to the texts as they cross the cultural boundaries into the receiving society? Specifically, which features of feminist texts are most vulnerable to censorial interventions and what does that reveal about the interplay of the hegemonic theocratic-patriarchy and translation? Finally, how is the Persian translation of feminist texts even possible, given Iran’s legal, political and socio-cultural antagonism toward women’s autonomy? In other words, what factors mitigate such translations? To answer these questions, I outline the legal representation of women in the legal discourse and the socio-cultural attitudes towards women’s rights in Iran subsequent to the (1906-1911) Constitutional Revolution and the 1979 Revolution, which led to an Islamist government. I examine the impacts of the IRI’s androcentric legislations on women’s rights, and the censorship mechanisms on Persian and imported feminist literature. I explore the types and extent of resistance to censorship, and I study the representation of women in school textbooks, cinema and Persian literature to analyze the impact that the interaction between the legal discourse, censorship and resistance has on cultural products. I conduct a comparative text analysis using theories of feminist linguistics and descriptive translation studies (Toury 1995; Cameron 1985, 1995) to investigate the extent to which patriarchal mechanisms influence the translation of the two novels. The goal is to determine how the legal and socio-cultural discourses of the target society affect the form and meaning of the translation, and to identify translation strategies that undermine the very features that make a novel female-centric. I demonstrate how these translation strategies consistently produce target texts that conform to the state-sponsored patriarchal agenda, and synchronize with the gender values and norms of the IRI.
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11

Palma, Mark C. "The 1979 Iranian Revolution, a study in the role of culture in the modernization of traditional societies." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ58070.pdf.

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12

Salimi, Gita. "Intergenerational differences in the experiences of middle-class Iranian migrant women post-revolution (1979) who are living in the UK." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/27623/.

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The focus of this research is on well educated, middle-class Iranian migrant women who left their homeland at least ten years ago and are now living in the UK. The purpose of this research is to consider the first generation (who individually decided to migrate to the UK) and the second generation (the daughters of the first generation who had no other choice but to live in the country that their parents had selected) of Iranian migrant women according to intergenerational differences in their experiences of the migratory process. This study explores how Iranian women migrants (first and second generation) understand their gender roles in their homeland (Iran) and in their host country (Britain), therefore mapping the impacts of migration onto their gendered subjectivities. Based on in-depth interviews, this research focuses on the reasons why the first generation Iranian women migrated to the UK, their views on their gender roles within the family and host society, and their attachment to cultural values. Iranian migrant women left their homeland and had to rebuild their lives in a new country. I examine whether their perceptions of gender roles have changed as a result of migrating to a new country. The study attempts to show the extent to which the Iranian women migrating to the UK were affected by the issues surrounding women's status in response to political developments in their homeland during the 1979 Revolution in Iran. I also seek to uncover if these Iranian women import the traditional roles into their new society, in particular how their views about women's status differ from those they held in Iran. By exploring the migration process among two generations of Iranian women in the same family, the thesis seeks to reveal the gap between the family cultures with regards to protecting the Iranian values, and the effect of the host country's culture on the actual practices of migrant women which lead to shaping their identity. It also examines the extent to which these migrant women have kept their cultural values and transferred them to their daughters.
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13

Shafafi, Pardis. "Secretly familiar : public secrets of a post traumatic diaspora." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11830.

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In 1979, the socio-­political landscape of Iran was transformed beyond recognition. After years of conflict between the Shah and a myriad of political opposition groups, it seemed that the people had indeed triumphed over an authoritarian monarch. As is now widely known, their short lived victory transformed into a systematic programme of terror that turned back on and attacked those that the Islamic Republic deemed contrary to its values. The ‘bloody decade' of the 1980s saw thousands of executions and disappearances under the cloak of the war with neighbouring Iraq. The records of these massacres are still largely unreliable and/or incomplete. The programme of terror in question, that ensued and persists up to the present day, has instigated a sprawling transnational Diaspora with a familiar but rarely divulged public secret. My doctoral thesis comprises two main parts in relation to these events. They are connected by the running theme of alternative narratives of past violence, and a post-­traumatic political activism. This is an intimate ethnography that examines global processes (revolution, Diaspora, transnational activism) from the vantage point of local and particular histories of Lur, former Fadaiyan guerilla fighters in Oslo. In the second part of this work, these histories are located within the collective movement of the Iran Tribunal, a literal attempt to make secrets public and to bring together subjective experiences of violence into a truth-‐telling process. Opening up a new space for critical reflection, this study proposes an alternative lens of analysis of tumultuous historical processes. With regards to their actors, efforts are made to better understand how lives and narratives are ordered around the characteristic disorder of violence, fear and Diaspora itself, and how subjective traumas manifest into collective, and in this case transnational, movements. My ethnography of disordered and interrupted lives works to inform studies of such critical contemporary realities as well as to ethnographically introduce the Iranian Diasporas' public secret of violence for wider anthropological enquiry, and to contribute towards its critical analysis.
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14

Nasim, Mogharab. ""I Saw Myself Released": The Impact of Modernization on Women's Literature in Pre-Revolution Iran, 1941-1979." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34409.

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This thesis examines the first collections of modern Persian literature written by Iranian female authors in the context of a process of gender modernization during the Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reign (1941-1979). This thesis argues that women’s literature written during the period of transition from tradition to modernity is clearly influenced by the state’s gender policy and illustrates the changing position of women’s status in private and public life. Indeed, an examination of the collections of short stories and poems that were produced in this period demonstrates that female authors were concerned with the unveiling policy, arranged marriage and polygamy, women’s education, women’s social participation, women’s domestic obligations, women’s political awakening, and female sexuality. Furthermore, central themes covered by female authors changed significantly based on the transformations of gender politics the society experienced from the 1940s and 1950s to the 1960s and 1970s.
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15

Berry, Adam Jan. "From 'exporting the revolution' to 'postmodern Pan-Islamism' : a discourse analysis of the Islamic Republic of Iran's ideology, 1979-2009." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d3c9d107-002a-4732-a37b-f08a90736995.

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Since the early days of 1979, the Islamic Revolution of Iran has been seen as a phenomenon unique in history, one which must be viewed as somehow separate from other political Islamic movements in the 20th century. In chapter 1, this thesis problematizes this interpretation of the Revolution by analyzing it through the lens of an earlier ideological movement, pan-Islamism, and applying methods from the study of conceptual history to draw linkages between this movement and the Islamic Revolution, rooting it more deeply in the region’s political and intellectual history, and casting light on the poorly-understood pan-Islamic aspects of Iran’s Revolutionary ideology. In chapter 2, it applies methodological innovations from the digital humanities, more specifically corpus linguistics, in carrying out a series of five case studies to examine the transformation of Iranian ideology over time, by analyzing a set of five text corpora comprised of individual leaders’ writings and speeches. It further illustrates how theoretical advances in discourse analysis and history seem to be moving towards the same point, and how the application of corpus linguistic methods advances these bodies of theory. Chapters 3 through 7 comprise the case studies, which are, in order: Ruhollah Khomeini and Ali Khamenei, the two Supreme Leaders; Ali Akbar Hashemi Rasfanjani, Mohammad Khatami, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the three Presidents since 1989. These chapters illustrate through analysis of the textual data how each political leader has adapted the received political discourse to the exigencies of their times, and how pan-Islamism itself has remained a consistent, albeit dynamic, linking thread running through the period 1979-2009. By studying pan-Islamism in the Iranian context, we can explain several features of Iranian political discourse which otherwise seem incomprehensible, and better situate the Islamic Republic within the political and discursive transformations taking place at the regional level of the Middle East, and the global level of the Muslim umma.
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16

Pilvar, Nahid. "La presse iranienne depuis la révolution islamique : les deux âges d'or 1978-1979 et 1997-1998." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAL028/document.

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Cette recherche, insiste sur les deux périodes post révolutionnaires de relative décentralisation du pouvoir dans ce pays les période que les presses sont développer ; l'une dans les deux premières années après la victoire de la révolution de 1979 à 1981, et l'autreLa deuxième époque se situe pendant les deux premières années de la présidence de Mohammad Khâtami, vingt ans après l'installation de la République islamique
This research emphasizes the two periods of revolutionary post on decentralization of power in this country the period that the presses are developed; one in the first two years after the victory of the revolution of 1979 to 1981, and the otherThe second time is during the first two years of the presidency of Mohammad Khatami, twenty years after the installation of the Islamic Republic
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17

Ali, Luman. "British diplomacy and the Iranian revolution, 1978-1981." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/33884/.

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Exploiting recently-released files from the United Kingdom’s National Archives at Kew, this thesis is a case study of the complexities of engaging in diplomacy with a revolutionary regime – a regime that had come to power in a state with which there had previously been friendly co-operation and profitable commercial relations. Specifically, it analyses the evolution of the British diplomatic experience and especially the role played by British diplomats in dealing with Iran between 1978, when widespread discontent against the Shah made it clear that his pro-Western regime might not survive, through the revolution of 1979, the dawn of the Islamic Republic and the American embassy hostage crisis, until the end of 1981, by which time it was clear that Anglo-Iranian relations were mired in difficulties, with Britain conducting business via an ‘interests section’ under a protecting power, Sweden. The main purpose of this thesis is to investigate how well British diplomats performed as they conducted relations during a major revolution, against a highly uncertain backdrop, with Iranian domestic affairs in constant flux. Comparisons are made to the British experience of previous revolutions, especially those in France, Russia and China. In exploring the relationship and interactions between Britain and Iran, the thesis not only looks at how foreign policy towards Iran was shaped by the British government in London (particularly via the Foreign and Commonwealth Office), but also at how the British embassy, and later the interests section, in Tehran, helped to shaped policy at home while dealing with the grave uncertainties in Iran. To this end, in addition to looking at major international issues, like the fallout from the hostage crisis, the implications of the Iranian upheaval for the Cold War and the impact of the Iran- Iraq conflict, the thesis explores three major questions. In chronological order these are: the supposed failure of the embassy, under Sir Anthony Parsons, to predict the downfall of the Shah (where the thesis draws on works that discuss intelligence ‘surprises’); how diplomats at the embassy faced the upheaval in Tehran, during the revolution itself; and how the interests section was established and staffed, under Swedish protection. The thesis therefore combines some of the conventional focus of works of international history (such as political crises, war and trade) with questions that have arisen from the literature on diplomatic practice (such as the daily work of ambassadors, the value of interests sections as compared to embassies and interactions within the diplomatic corps).
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18

Nahavandy, Firouzeh. "Contribution à une sociologie politique des révolutions: le cas iranien." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213491.

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19

Jalaei-Pour, Hamidreza. "The Iranian revolution mass mobilization and its continuity during 1976-96 /." Thesis, Online version, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311633.

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20

Shannon, Matthew K. "An augury of revolution the Iranian student movement and American foreign policy, 1960-1972 /." View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-1/shannonm/matthewshannon.pdf.

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21

Klusener, Edgar. "How did East Germany's Media represent Iran between 1949 and 1989?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/how-did-east-germanys-media-represent-iran-between-1949-and-1989(9b223332-bfc9-4f9e-a2db-10c760510c46).html.

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This thesis examines how the press of the erstwhile German Democratic Republic represented Iran in the years from 1949 – the year of the GDR’s formation – until 1989, the last complete year before its demise on 3 October 1990. The study focuses on key events in Iranian history such as the overthrow of the Mossadegh government in 1953, the White Revolution, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and the Iran-Iraq war. It will be shown that although news and articles were based on selected facts, they still presented a picture of Iran that was at best distorted, the distortions and misrepresentations amounting to what could be described as 'factual fiction'. Furthermore, clear evidence will be provided that economical and political relations with Iran were a primary concern of the GDR’s leadership, and thus also of the GDR’s press and have therefore dominated the reporting on Iran. Whatever ideological concerns there may have been, they were hardly ever allowed to get in the way of amicable relations with the Shah or later with the Islamic Republic. Only in periods where the two countries enjoyed less amicable or poor relations, was the press free to critically report events in Iran and to openly support the cause of the SED’s communist Iranian sister party, the Tudeh. Despite East Germany’s diametric ideological environment and despite the fundamentally different role that the GDR’s political system had assigned to the press and to journalism, East Germany’s press was as reliant on the input of the global news agencies as any Western media. The at times almost complete reliance on Western news agencies as sources for news on Iran challenged more than just the hermeneutic hegemony the SED and the GDR’s press wanted to establish. After all, which news and information were made available by the news agencies to the media in both East and West was primarily determined by the business interests of said agencies. The study makes a contribution to three fields: Modern Iranian history, (East-) German history and media studies. The most valid findings were certainly made in the latter.
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Pelegrini, Mauricio Aparecido 1977. "Michel Foucault e a revolução iraniana." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279681.

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Orientador: Luzia Margareth Rago
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Em 1978, Michel Foucault escreveu uma série de artigos jornalísticos para o periódico italiano "Corriere della Sera". Intituladas "reportagens de ideias", tinham como objetivo acompanhar o nascimento das ideias no cruzamento com os acontecimentos do tempo presente. No âmbito deste projeto, realizou duas viagens ao Irã (em setembro e novembro), onde acompanhou de perto a movimentação popular durante os eventos da Revolução Islâmica. Para compreender as raízes da oposição ao governo do xá Reza Pahlavi em seus diversos locais de manifestação, Foucault não se restringiu a conversar com os líderes revolucionários, mas entrevistou diferentes categorias de manifestantes, desde os trabalhadores organizados até os profissionais liberais e intelectualizados, passando pelos diversos níveis de organizações religiosas espalhadas pelo país, dos mulás líderes tribais aos aiatolás das grandes cidades de Qom e Teerã. O que lhe interessava era assistir ao nascimento de uma nova forma de pensar entre os iranianos, e isto só seria possível se ele estivesse lá, em meio ao fervilhar revolucionário. O conjunto de textos, que compreende também artigos, manifestos e entrevistas publicados na imprensa francesa, foi objeto de enorme polêmica, principalmente devido aos desdobramentos posteriores à revolução, com a instauração de uma ditadura teocrática de caráter persecutório às minorias e aos direitos humanos, e permaneceram até hoje pouco explorados teoricamente. Esta dissertação pretende analisar as reportagens iranianas de Foucault a partir de sua construção textual, dos conceitos introduzidos e das diversas interpretações que as cercam. Estrutura-se, assim, em três eixos: o primeiro tem o objetivo de recuperar a trama conceitual interna às reportagens; o segundo, analisar as críticas recebidas e seu contexto teórico; o terceiro, apresentar a espiritualidade política como principal inovação introduzida no corpus teórico foucaultiano. Pretende-se destacar, ainda, ressonâncias dos textos iranianos em outras questões elaboradas por Foucault
Abstract: In 1978 Michel Foucault wrote a series of news articles for the Italian newspaper "Corriere della Sera". Called "journalism of ideas", the articles had the purpose of following the birth of ideas upon its crossing with present times¿ events. Within the scope of this project, he made two trips to Iran (in September and November), where he followed up close the popular movement during the events of the Islamic Revolution. In order to grasp the roots of the opposition to the Shah Reza Pahlavi government in its several places of manifestation, Foucault did not restrain himself to talking to revolutionary leaders but rather also interviewed different categories of protestors, from organized workers to independent and intellectualized professionals, going through the several level of religious organizations spread out through the country, from mullah tribal leaders to Ayatollahs of the large cities of Qom and Tehran. Foucault was interested in witnessing the birth of a new form of thinking among Iranians and it would only be possible if he would be there present, amidst the revolutionary effervescence. The set of texts, which comprises also articles, manifestos and interviews published by the French press was object of great polemic, mainly due to the unfolding of events following the revolution, with the instauration of a theocratic dictatorship having a persecutory nature against minorities and human rights, and remaining until nowadays not much theoretically explored. This dissertation has the purpose of analyzing the Iranian reportages by Foucault from its textual construction, of concepts introduced and several interpretations surrounding them. Therefore, this paper is structured in three axis, the first having the purpose of retrieving the internal conceptual scheme of the reportages; the second being the analysis of criticism received and its theoretical context; the third being to present the political spirituality as the main innovation introduced to Foucault¿s theoretical framework. It is intended to emphasize yet the resonances of the Iranian texts in other issues elaborated by Foucault
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História
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23

Manghebati, Gelareh. "Almost Iranians: the forgotten people of Iranian Balochistan. Exploring armed ethnic conflict and terrorism in Iranian Balochistan after the 1979 Islamic Revolution." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/30755.

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The Iranian region of Balochistan is located in southeastern Iran and the majority of its population are Balochs who have a distinct ethnoreligious and cultural identity. The Balochs are Sunni Muslims and have been systematically marginalized in a predominantly Shia country since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In 2003, organized violence commenced in the region as the Iranian central government retaliated against Baloch paramilitary forces with even more violence. As a result, a cycle of direct and structural violence continues to affect the region to this very day. This thesis is a qualitative study that explores scholars and other experts’ perceptions and images of some of the causes behind the eruption and escalation of both physical and structural violence in Balochistan. It also examines how these experts perceive the construction of “the other” by the Iranian government who is contributing to this unending cycle of destructive conflict.
October 2015
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