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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Khan, Akhtar Hssan. "1998 Census: The Results and Implications." Pakistan Development Review 37, no. 4II (December 1, 1998): 481–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v37i4iipp.481-493.

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The 1998 Census was the fifth nation-wide census to be held in Pakistan. The earlier censuses were held in 1951, 1961, 1972, and 1981. It was the British colonial administrators who started the tradition of holding nation-wide decennial censuses in the year beginning with digit 1. Regular censuses were held in British India from 1881 to 1941. Pakistan continued with this tradition and conducted its national censuses in 1951 and 1961. The 1971 census was postponed due to civil war leading to the separation of East Pakistan. But it was promptly held in the following year in 1972. The 1981 census was held on time in March 1981, preceded by the Housing Census in December 1980. The present author was the Census Commissioner at that time.

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2

Sharma, Vaasu. "India’s 1971 Intervention :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 5 (December 1, 2021): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.79.

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Just War tradition is used to morally evaluate the warfare which nations wage against each other. This paper aims to employ Just War principles to the 1971 IndiaPakistan war, that witnessed humanitarian intervention by India in East Pakistan which later became Bangladesh. Whether Indian intervention during 1971 Bangladesh liberation war fulfils the criteria of ‘just’ humanitarian intervention? This paper aims to investigate this related question by examining India’s intervention in East Pakistan from the perspective of Just War Theory principles. The paper initially explains the theoretical concept of Just War theory and then explains the notion of humanitarian intervention within the realm of Just War tradition advocated by Michael Walzer. Further the paper provides a brief background of genesis of 1971 war and Pakistan’s claim to sovereignty over East Pakistan citing UN Charter. Paper then delves upon the arguments provided by the Indian side in favour of Just Humanitarian Intervention in the backdrop of increasing brutality by Pakistan. Paper further, broadly assesses India’s intervention in terms of Jus Ad Bellum and six principles associated with it and also Jus in Bello and its subsequent principles. Paper finally concludes that India’s Intervention was in conformity with Just War Principles.

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3

Lüthi, Lorenz M. "Beyond Betrayal: Beijing, Moscow, and the Paris Negotiations, 1971–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 57–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.57.

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Contrary to later Vietnamese allegations, China did not “sell out” the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) during the last two years of the Paris negotiations (1971–1973). North Vietnamese, Chinese, Soviet, East European, and American sources show that Hanoi could have gotten from Washington an agreement similar to the final Paris Agreement (January 1973) as early as the spring of 1971. Sino-American rapprochement did not help the United States in the negotiations, as claimed by the North Vietnamese, because the Chinese side made no concessions at all on Vietnam. In fact, China increased military aid to the DRV. Similarly, U.S.-Soviet detente did not damage the North Vietnamese effort, although Moscow unsuccessfully tried to mediate between Hanoi and Washington. In the end, U.S. success in rebuffing the DRV's Easter Offensive and Hanoi's miscalculations about U.S. domestic developments in 1972 prolonged the Vietnam War unnecessarily.

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4

Craig, Dylan. "Screening the Border War, 1971–88." Kleio 36, no. 1 (January 2004): 28–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00232080485380021.

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5

Larsen, Kari. "Chronicles: Untitled." Harvard Educational Review 58, no. 3 (September 1, 1988): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.58.3.w75p36031w4442x1.

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In the poem below, Kari Larsen expresses the pain and sense of loss felt by a child whose country has been ravaged by war. Kari was born in Vietnam sometime in 1971. In the fall of 1973,her village was destroyed. Only a few small children survived the attack; Kari, then known as"Hang," was among them. She was adopted by her new family in 1974. Ms. Larsen searches for a remembrance of her heritage through a poetic vision of her birth mother and expresses her hope to be remembered in return.

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6

Halvorson, Dan. "From Cold War Solidarity to Transactional Engagement: Reinterpreting Australia's Relations with East Asia, 1950–1974." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (April 2016): 130–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00640.

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This article challenges the position that genuine and substantive Australian engagement with Asia began only in the 1980s during the final phase of the Cold War. In reality, the deepest points of Australia's political and security engagement occurred much earlier, from 1950 to 1971, with the most intense phase from 1966 to 1968. The Cold War instilled a sense of solidarity with the non-Communist states of East Asia, with which Australia fostered and mostly enjoyed close relationships. These relationships were grounded in shared values and a non-Communist identity that transcended the narrow security interest of Australia's “forward defence” strategy. The conditions for this solidarity were eroded from 1967 to 1972 by a series of compounding factors that transformed Cold War geopolitics in East Asia. By 1974, Australia had been politically distanced from the region with its engagement premised on a broadening but shallower transactional basis.

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7

Ifidon, Ehimika A., and Charles O. Osarumwense. "Politics without Commerce? Explaining the Discontinuity in Soviet-Nigerian Relations, 1971-1979." African and Asian Studies 14, no. 4 (December 8, 2015): 289–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341345.

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The paper set out to explain the discontinuity in Soviet-Nigerian relations between the periods 1967-1970 and 1971-1979. The explanation usually given for the poor relations between Nigeria and the Soviet Union between 1960 and 1966 is the anti-communism of the Nigerian political elite; and ideological incompatibility for the non-vibrant relations between 1971 and 1979. These explanations appear idealistic and hypothetical. A major source of the problem of explanation is the consideration of Soviet-Nigerian relations only within the context of the Soviet-American Cold War struggle, from a trilateral perspective. What if the Cold War did not exist, what would have been the nature of Soviet-Nigerian relations? Adopting a bilateral framework, the paper argues that it was the inchoate state of trade relations, which would have provided the basis for continuity across administrations, that retarded Soviet-Nigerian political relations between 1971 and 1979.

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8

Mokhtar, Shehram. "Reading war photographs: the 1971 India–Pakistan war in the Anglo-American press." Visual Communication 19, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357219838602.

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This article examines photographs of the 1971 India–Pakistan war published in the Anglo-American newspapers: The New York Times and The Times (London) and magazines: Life, Newsweek, Time, and The Economist. The images projected the war as a spectacle and predominantly used photographic conventions associated with non-journalistic images. The photographs showcased a rather frank representation of the 1971 war, displaying images of failed military operations, dead or injured soldiers, POWs, and revenge killings. However, some of these candid documentary war photographs offer archival value in that they challenge and complicate historical amnesia and partial accounts of the war and conflict in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.

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9

Mondal, Papiya. "Indian support for Bangladesh during the war of 1971." Interactive science, no. 1 (77) (January 30, 2023): 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-558929.

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10

Pattanaik, Smruti S. "The Liberation War of 1971 and India." Strategic Analysis 45, no. 6 (November 2, 2021): 628–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2021.2001283.

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11

Bell, Rose. "Truth Commissions & War Tribunals 1971-1996." Index on Censorship 25, no. 5 (September 1996): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209602500527.

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12

Bartlett, Merrill L., Charles D. Melson, Curtis G. Arnold, George R. Dunham, and David A. Quinlan. "U.S. Marines in Vietnam: The War that Would Not End, 1971-1973." Journal of Military History 57, no. 2 (April 1993): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944085.

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13

Astuti, Anjar Dwi. "A PORTRAYAL OF NIGERIAN AFTER CIVIL WAR IN CHINUA ACHEBE’S CIVIL PEACE (1971)." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v3i2.875.

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African literature has strong relation with colonialism, not only because they had ever been colonized but also because of civil war. Civil Peace (1971), a short story written by Chinua Achebe, tells about how Nigerian survive and have to struggle to live after Nigerian Civil War. It is about the effects of the war on the people, and the “civil peace” that followed. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Nigerian-Biafran War, 6 July 1967–15 January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted annexation of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Knowing the relation between the story and the Nigerian Civil War, it is assured that there is a history depicted in Civil Peace. In this article, the writer portrays the history and the phenomenon of colonization in Nigeria by using new historical and postcolonial criticism approaches.Keywords: history, colonization, civil war

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14

Al-Mubarak, Tawfique. "Sarmila Bose, Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War." ICR Journal 4, no. 3 (July 15, 2013): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i3.470.

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In 1971, by a devastating war, Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) achieved independence from (West) Pakistan. Since then, both parties have documented and presented their research findings on the war. However, many of these findings have lacked credibility. Perhaps the only objective account on the 1971 war has been Richard Sisson and Leo Rose’s War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh (1991). Sarmila Bose’s recent work, Dead Reckoning, today constitutes a significant contribution to the research on Bangladesh’s war of independence, all the more so for its unique methodology in using multiple sources of original information and cross-checked eyewitness testimonies from all parties involved. Pakistani army personnel as well as Bangladeshi muktijoddhas (freedom fighters) and victims of the war were interviewed to authenticate currently available materials, many of which appear to have been exaggerated with the force of emotion. This distinguishes the work from many other books authored by proponents of either party to the conflict. This book is certainly an eye-opener for researchers on the 1971 war.

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15

Hanfling, Oswald. "Alfred Jules Ayer." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x0000417x.

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Alfred Jules Ayer (1910– ) was born in London and educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He attended sessions of the logical positivist ‘Vienna Circle’ in 1932, and taught at Oxford from 1933 until joining the Army in 1940. His Language, Truth and Logic was published in 1936, and The Foundations of Empirical Knowledge in 1940. After war service he returned to Oxford in 1945, and became Grote Professor of the Philosophy of Mind and Logic at University College, London, the following year. The Problem of Knowledge was published in 1956. In 1959 he returned to Oxord as Wykeham Professor of Logic, a post he held until his retirement in 1977. He had been made a Fellow of the British Academy in 1952, and was knighted in 1970. Among his publications after he returned to Oxford are The Concept of a Person (1963), Philosophical Essays (1965), The Origins of Pragmatism (1968), Metaphysics and Common Sense (1969), Russell and Moore: the Analytical Heritage (1971), Probability and Evidence (1972), The Central Questions of Philosophy (1973), and Philosophy in the Twentieth Century (1982).

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16

Khan, Naveed A. "Strategic Impact of Submarines in Indo – Pak Wars – a Comparative Analysis." Polaris – Journal of Maritime Research 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/pjmr.2021.005.3.

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A lot has been written on the conduct of 1965 and 1971 wars by both Indian and Pakistani sides but most literature focuses on land warfare. Naval aspects of these wars are covered in the official histories and other books mainly written by Indian authors. No dedicated literature is available focusing on submarine operations. In 1961, the quest for submarines was commenced simultaneously by both Indian and Pakistani navies. The first submarine PNS/M GHAZI was acquired by Pakistan in 1964 whereas the first Indian submarine INS/M KALVARI was commissioned as late as 1967. The disadvantage of not having a submarine by IN was glaring in the 1965 war when IN was mostly confined to its own waters. In the 1971 war, both sides possessed submarines. Pakistani submarines created strategic cum tactical effects in both eastern and western theatres. PNS/M GHAZI’s over 3000 miles long voyage to the Indian east coast restricted IN aircraft carrier to Andaman Islands. PNS/M HANGOR’s sinking of INS KHUKRI on 9 December 1971 with 18 officers and 176 men on board changed the balance of war after IN’s devastating attacks on PN ships and Karachi on 4th and 8th December 1971. This article is an endeavour to analyse the roles played by submarine arms of IN and PN in Indo-Pak wars. The article also examines as to why PN submarines were more effective at the strategic and tactical levels vis a vis their counterparts in IN. Due to dearth of credible sources, PN submarines’ narrative is built upon eye witness accounts whereas IN events have been taken from credible Indian sources.

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17

Budding, Audrey Helfant. "Yugoslavs into Serbs: Serbian National Identity, 1961–1971*." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408515.

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In an essay published in September 1962, poet Pavle Stefanovic announced that in the next census he would identify himself as a Yugoslav rather than a Serb. Writing down “Serb” on official forms, Stefanovic said, had always made the sweat break out on his forehead, plunging him into “the nightmarish vision of an individual identity imposed upon me rather than chosen by my own will, one which fills me with polar opposites: pride and shame … a feeling of innocence and of culpability.” Mixed with his pride in parts of his Serbian heritage, he explained, was horror at the atrocities committed in the name of Serbdom by the Chetniks, the Serbian monarchist forces of the Second World War. Stefanovic emphasized that he was not rejecting Serbian identity because he thought the Serbian past was worse than others. Rather, he wished to throw off the symbolic weight attached to all national pasts. By declaring himself a Yugoslav, he thought, he could show that he considered nationality merely “a sort of historic-genetic address, a fact about one's origin,” and not a primary or sacred identity. In his eyes, choosing the Yugoslav identity meant asserting his own free will against the unchosen national collective, expressing his commitment to internationalism, and separating the future from a nightmare-ridden past.

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18

Campbell, Emily B. "The War on Drugs Turns 50." Contexts 21, no. 3 (August 2022): 46–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15365042221114989.

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A discussion of major developments since the war on drugs launched in 1971 including mass incarceration, the overdose crisis, and the Mexican drug war. Challenges are described and solutions considered.

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19

LaFeber, Walter, and Douglas Brinkley. "Dean Acheson: The Cold War Years, 1953-1971." Political Science Quarterly 108, no. 2 (1993): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152016.

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20

Yasmin Saikia. "Perpetrators' Humanity: War, Violence, and Memory After 1971." ReOrient 2, no. 1 (2016): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/reorient.2.1.0073.

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21

Mishra, Atul. "Dead reckoning: memories of the 1971 Bangladesh war." Contemporary South Asia 21, no. 1 (March 2013): 76–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2012.758473.

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22

Brown, James D. J. "China–Japan relations after World War Two: empire, industry and war, 1949–1971." International Affairs 94, no. 3 (May 1, 2018): 691–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy043.

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23

HODGSON, GEOFFREY M. "Editorial introduction to ‘Ownership’ by A. M. Honoré (1961)." Journal of Institutional Economics 9, no. 2 (December 21, 2012): 223–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413741200032x.

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Antony (Tony) M. Honoré was born in London in 1921 but was brought up in South Africa. He served in the British Army during the Second World War and was severely wounded in the Battle of El Alamein in 1942. After the war, he continued his studies at New College, Oxford, and he has lived and taught in Oxford for well over half a century, holding fellowships at several Oxford colleges. From 1971 to 1988, he was Regius Professor of Civil Law and a Fellow of All Souls College in Oxford. He is internationally known for his work on ownership, legal causation, and Roman law.

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24

Haque, Ziaul. "Richard Sisson and Leo E. Rose. War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh. New Delhi: Vistaar Publications. 1990. 338 pp.Price Rs 225.00 (Hardbound)." Pakistan Development Review 30, no. 1 (March 1, 1991): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v30i1pp.95-99.

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After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.

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25

Chadha, Vivek. "Politico-Military Strategy of the Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971." Strategic Analysis 45, no. 6 (November 2, 2021): 660–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2021.2001279.

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26

Hutchings, William, and Martin Amis. "The War against Cliché: Essays and Reviews, 1971-2000." World Literature Today 76, no. 3/4 (2002): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40157600.

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27

Higham, Robin D. S. "An Atlas of the 1971 India-Pakistan War (review)." Journal of Military History 69, no. 2 (2005): 606–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2005.0101.

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28

Wieringa, Saskia E. "Women, war, and the making of Bangladesh: Remembering 1971." Asian Journal of Women's Studies 22, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 349–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2016.1205380.

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29

Schofield, Julian. "Militarized Decision-Making for War in Pakistan: 1947-1971." Armed Forces & Society 27, no. 1 (October 2000): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x0002700108.

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30

D'Costa, Bina. "Women, War, and the Making of Bangladesh: Remembering 1971." Journal of Genocide Research 14, no. 1 (March 2012): 110–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2012.656994.

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31

Dipu, Tahmina Akter. "War Heroines of 1971 of Bangladesh: How they are Treated in our Society." CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (December 26, 2020): 456–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/cenraps.v2i3.48.

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The aim of this paper is during the post war how war heroines were treated what we can do for them. In 1971 women played a very important role during the war. Bangladesh sacrificed a lot of things for her independent. About three million people were killed & 4.50 lakh women were brutally raped by the Pakistani Army & their collaborators. During the war, Women made history. They had sacrificed their dignity, beloved son, husband & their life. Some of the brave women joined the Frontal & Gruella war, some provided food, shelter & medical treatment. But nowadays they were not recognized. During the post war they became remain in darkness. After the war their war didn't stop. They fought against their life, family even society. But father of the nation Bangabandhu acknowledged as a 'Bironggona' (Brave women). Only two women were endowed ' Bir Partik'. But gradually these women didn't have any facilities what they wanted. Some faced money problem, some oppressed the man society, and some lost their fertility some died without proper treatment. So we should take initiative in our own place for them.

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32

Fisher, Christopher T. "Israel and the Crisis of Radical Blackness." Genealogy 6, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6010019.

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This article examines the reach of Black Internationalism, a dialogue on race, politics, and modernity nurtured by Black nationalists in the United States, between 1971 and 1974. It focuses on Israel’s encounter with the topic and how Israeli political leaders neutralize its effects. Israel, one of America’s closes Cold War allies, faced three explosive movements with ties to the discourse and politics of Black Internationalism—the Israeli Black Panthers, the Black Hebrews, and the Jewish Defense League. Each group challenged the narrative of inclusion the nation cultivated since its inception. Israel’s ability to manage the crisis of Black Internationalism demonstrates the topic’s global reach in the final stages of the Cold War, but also its limitations.

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33

Rahman, H. M. Mostafizur, and Syadani Riyad Fatema. "YOUTH’S PERCEPTION ON THE SPIRIT AND ACHIEVEMENT OF THE 1971 LIBERATION WAR OF BANGLADESH: A QUALITATIVESTUDY." EPH - International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 3, no. 4 (November 10, 2018): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/eijhss.v3i4.66.

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Bangladesh as a nation state is yet struggling to ensure full rights for the citizens since its independence in1971, which was achievedby the dint of killing about 3 million lives, raping2,00,000 women, and displacing 10 million people. This country hadto face severalmilitary interventions throughits democratic journey rombirth. Therefore, thedemocratic process has been hampered and did not flourish on its natural flow. In addition, the extremist Islamic political parties (who played a predominantly antagonistic role during the 1971 liberation war) also continued their backdoor politics against the sentiment of the 1971 liberation war as well as against the liberal political party such as Bangladesh Awami League. For these obstructions on the way tothesmooth development of this country, mass people to the scholarsare now in qualmabout how far to go to ensure the fruit of independence for its citizens. However, this contradiction has created the two groups broadly: one group argues that people of this free country yet to wait for enjoying the basic needs/rights, and the other group out rightly supports that people are happy on the point that they, at least, areliving in their own country which has its separate sovereignty.This paper considered tenuniversitystudents from the University of Dhaka and Noakhali Science and Technology University purposively for in-depth interviews.The study was conducted to know about how the youths perceive the spirit and achievement of the 1971 liberation warin this twenty-first century. Results show that the students are very positive about the achievement of the 1971 liberation war and they are very enthusiastic to know about this blood sacrificing war

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34

Boriçi, Dr Sc Gjon. "The fall of the Albanian - Chinese Relations 1971-1978." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i1.218.

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The Albanian - Chinese relations in the years of the Cold War were thrilling as much as dramatic. The age of their flourish in the '60-ies, unfortunately did not last for long. The Albanian sponsorship that China be admitted in the UN with full rights was a test that Enver Hoxha should exploit for the good of the Albanian people. It was a historic and unrepeated opportunity for little Albania to escape the political and economic impasse since the breakup of relations with the Soviet Union in 1961. The incompetence of the Albanian leadership to understand the trends of the age would mark the following political failure of Albania and would influent in the total isolation of the country. It's not difficult to understand that Albania had historic opportunities to join the Western side but chose to align with the Eastern bloc. The beginnings are with sensational approach with Tito's Yugoslavia. After that the Albanian political leadership kept Albania under the umbrella of the Soviet Union and at the end with China. After the end of the relations with China in 1978, Albania paved the way of the total isolation. The secret visit of the President Nixon's national security adviser Dr. Kissinger to China in July 1971 was interpreted by the Albanian communist leader as a betrayal of the Marxist ideology. Enver Hoxha responded with a harsh and rude letter on August 6th 1971 urging China to not accept the visit of President Nixon the following year. This was the first major break in the relations between the two countries. Since then, the help from China for the weak Albanian economy would decline till the unavoidable break of July 1978. The methodology used in this paper is strictly comparative history analyzing the way diplomacy and politics should work to achieve the set aim.

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35

Muldoon, John F. "Carroll Revisited: Innovations in Rehabilitation, 1938–1971." Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness 80, no. 3 (March 1986): 617–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145482x8608000301.

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A review, with biographical information, of Thomas J. Carroll's accomplishments in, and influence on, services for blind persons from 1938 to 1971. Paper discusses Carroll's leadership in transferring rehabilitation concepts developed during World War II for blinded servicemen to community agencies with emphasis on his role in expanding psychosocial and mobility programs.

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36

Śmieja, Wojciech. "Masculinity, Disability, and Politics in Polish War-Disabled Memoirs (1971)." Aspasia 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2021): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2021.150107.

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This article offers a contextualized analysis of disabled Polish war veterans’ memoirs published in 1971. This set of documents constitutes a remarkable source for understanding how masculinity and male corporeality are narrated and negotiated between politics, social and family lives, private and public spheres. The article focuses on the conventions and conditions of war-disability discourse production in Poland during the long sixties; it also highlights biographical tensions between appreciation of veterans’ masculinity in political discourse and their often emasculated position in social structures, families and private lives.

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37

Leary, William M. "The CIA and the "Secret War" in Laos: The Battle for Skyline Ridge, 1971-1972." Journal of Military History 59, no. 3 (July 1995): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944620.

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38

DasGupta, Soham. "Anti-Indian factions in Bangladeshi Politics (1971 – 2014): A Brief Survey." ENSEMBLE 2, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2020-0202-a013.

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India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.

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WEIN, SIMON. "Courage: The heart of the matter." Palliative and Supportive Care 3, no. 2 (June 2005): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478951505050145.

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Cancer is frequently compared with war. The daily newspapers report on such-and-such a person's battle against cancer. A patient declares, “I will fight it with everything I've got.” One country has called its peak body “The Association of War against Cancer.” In America the National Cancer Act of 1971 “declared war on cancer” (Levy, 2005). Thus is cancer declared the enemy, which must be conquered.

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Billah, Maruf. "Non-retroactivity in Prosecuting Crimes against Humanity and International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (August 30, 2020): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p180.

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The International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh (ICTB) was set up by Bangladesh through the adaptation of the International Crimes Tribunal Act 1973, as an internal mechanism trying to prosecute and punish Bangladeshi perpetrators who committed international crimes in Bangladesh liberation war in 1971. After a long disappearance from the public eye, the Tribunal was reemerged in 2010. The recent cases decided by the Tribunal have revealed that the international crimes; namely, crimes against humanity, were allegedly committed in 1971, while the relevant Statute was enacted in 1973, and was implemented in 2010. Recently, the ICTB is prosecuting crimes against humanity retroactively, which might have violated the prohibition of penalizing certain conducts committed by the perpetrators before the enforcement of such conduct as a law banning such demeanor as an offense. Therefore, this study firstly analyzes the rule against retroactivity in international criminal law. Secondly, it investigates the justification of the retroactive criminalization of crimes against humanity at the first International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, and its crystallization into the regional and international legal instruments. Thirdly, the study examines the characteristics of crimes against humanity as an international crime, to scrutinize whether the ICTB needs to fulfill such requirements either in 1971 or 2010. Then, it illustrates various judgments of the ICTB, demonstrating that it does not comply with the rule prescribed by international laws either in 1971 or 2010, in prosecuting crimes against humanity retroactively. Lastly, the study concludes by forwarding ways necessary to the ICTB in retroactive prosecution of international offenses.

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Cutler, David M. "Are We Finally Winning the War on Cancer?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 22, no. 4 (October 1, 2008): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.22.4.3.

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President Nixon declared what came to be known as the “war on cancer” in 1971 in his State of the Union address. At first the war on cancer went poorly: despite a substantial increase in resources, age-adjusted cancer mortality increased by 8 percent between 1971 and 1990, twice the increase from 1950 through 1971. However, between 1990 and 2004, age-adjusted cancer mortality fell by 13 percent. This drop translates into an increase in life expectancy at birth of half a year—roughly a quarter of the two-year increase in life expectancy over this time period and a third of the increase in life expectancy at age 45. The decline brings cancer mortality to its lowest level in 60 years. In the war on cancer, optimism has replaced pessimism. In this paper, I evaluate the reasons for the reduction in cancer mortality. I highlight three factors as leading to improved survival. Most important is cancer screening: mammography for breast cancer and colonoscopy for colorectal cancer. These technologies have had the largest impact on survival, at relatively moderate cost. Second in importance are personal behaviors, especially the reduction in smoking. Tobacco-related mortality reduction is among the major factors associated with better health, likely at a cost worth paying. Third in importance, and more controversial, are treatment changes. Improvements in surgery, radiation, and chemotherapy have contributed to improved survival for a number of cancers, but at high cost. The major challenge for cancer care in the future is likely to be the balancing act between what we are able to do and what it makes sense to pay for.

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Condoy Franco, Inés. "The depiction of war in literature for children. An approach to the topic." Anuari de Filologia Lleng�es i Literatures Modernes - LLM, no. 11 (January 3, 2022): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/aflm2021.11.10.

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Last great-armed conflicts resulted in literary reactions, and after World War ii it was a huge production of children’s literature in order to approach the issue to young readers and help them to understand what happened. It can be considered the prelude of the recent politicization and introduction of different conflicts that children’s literature is nowadays experiencing. When Hitler Stole Pink Rabbit (Judith Kerr 1971), Carrie’s War (Nina Bawden 1973) and Good Night Mister Tom (Michelle Magorian 1981) are part of these post-war publications and through their analysis, it is aimed to study how the historical circumstances of the World War II are approached to children. Addressing how their authors represent the conflict, the separation and the family relations that play a crucial role on these works and children literature in general. Analyzing how society of the time is portrayed trough different motifs as the journey, the female figures or the war itself. The techniques they use and how do they overcome a common conflict of displacement, what can help young readers to learn strategies to face their own problems in real life.

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VAN SCHENDEL, WILLEM. "A War Within a War: Mizo rebels and the Bangladesh liberation struggle." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (October 20, 2015): 75–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000104.

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AbstractIn 1971 a war led to the creation of Bangladesh. Instantly three narratives sprang up: the war as a national triumph, the war as betrayal and shame, and the war as a glorious campaign. Today more layered interpretations are superseding these ‘first-generation narratives’. Taking the case of insurgents from neighbouring India who, against their will, became embroiled in the war, this article seeks to contribute to ‘second-generation narratives’ that challenge the historiographical apportioning of blame and the national/ethnic framing of the conflict. The article uses hitherto-unpublished photographs from private collections to demonstrate how the war for the liberation of Mizoram (India) and that for the liberation of Bangladesh became entangled. Jointly they produced a ‘war within a war’ that unsettles common assumptions about both these struggles.

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Ranjan, Amit. "Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971: Narratives, Impacts and the Actors." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 72, no. 2 (May 6, 2016): 132–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928416637921.

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Bose, S. "Fragments of Memories: Researching Violence in the 1971 Bangladesh War." History Workshop Journal 73, no. 1 (February 23, 2012): 285–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbr057.

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RAJ, JAGDISH. "Indo-Pakistan Relations since the 1971 War-An Indian Viewpoint." Australian Journal of Politics & History 20, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1974.tb01098.x.

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Al-Mubarak, Tawfique. "Sarmila Bose , Dead Reckoning : Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War." Islam and Civilisational Renewal 4, no. 3 (July 2013): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0009774.

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Hershatter, Gail. "Disquiet in the House of Gender." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 4 (November 2012): 873–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812001180.

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When I was a child at the height of the Cold War, the press painted China in vivid primary colors—red menace, yellow peril, blue-clad masses. China was a back-burner story, however, compared to the Soviet threat, and my education through high school never touched upon it. A shift in public attention began with the 1971 China visit of the U.S. ping-pong team and Nixon's state visit in February 1972. Suddenly the mainstream U.S. press discovered beggar-free streets, healthy children, acupuncture anesthesia, and national optimism.

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Curry, Kristen. "Addressing Health Disparities in Cancer through Service-Learning." Undergraduate Journal of Service Learning & Community-Based Research 4 (November 22, 2015): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.56421/ujslcbr.v4i0.193.

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In 1970, cancer was the second leading cause of death in the U.S. and the American people sought answers. In response, at the 1971 State of the Union address Richard Nixon asserted that he would, “Ask for an appropriation of an extra $100 million to launch an intensive campaign to find a cure for cancer, and I will ask later for whatever additional funds can effectively be used. The time has come in America when the same kind of concentrated effort that split the atom and took man to the moon should be turned toward conquering this dread disease. Let us make a total national commitment to achieve this goal” (DeVita). Almost a full year later, in December 1971, Nixon signed the National Cancer Act, which was popularized as “The War on Cancer.” This act allotted $1.5 billion dollars for cancer research over the next three years.

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Gerson, Ralph J. "ROBERT E. WARD." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 02 (April 2010): 379–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000399.

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Professor Emeritus Robert E. Ward of Stanford University died at the age of 93 on December 7, 2009, in Portola Valley, California. Dr. Ward was a professor of political science and the first director of the Center for Research in International Studies at Stanford University from 1973 to 1987. He was also a senior fellow of the Hoover Institution. Dr. Ward received his B.A. degree from Stanford University in 1936 and his Ph.D. from the University of California (Berkeley) in 1948. During World War II, he served in U.S. Naval Intelligence, receiving the Legion of Merit award. From 1948 to 1973, Dr. Ward was on the faculty of the University of Michigan. Professor Ward joined the Stanford faculty in 1973, serving as a professor of political science from 1973 to 1987 and Director of the Center for Japanese Studies from 1965 to 1968 and 1971 to 1973.

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