Journal articles on the topic '1971 Bangladeshi independence'
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1
Al-Mubarak, Tawfique. "Sarmila Bose, Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War." ICR Journal 4, no. 3 (July 15, 2013): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i3.470.
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In 1971, by a devastating war, Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) achieved independence from (West) Pakistan. Since then, both parties have documented and presented their research findings on the war. However, many of these findings have lacked credibility. Perhaps the only objective account on the 1971 war has been Richard Sisson and Leo Rose’s War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh (1991). Sarmila Bose’s recent work, Dead Reckoning, today constitutes a significant contribution to the research on Bangladesh’s war of independence, all the more so for its unique methodology in using multiple sources of original information and cross-checked eyewitness testimonies from all parties involved. Pakistani army personnel as well as Bangladeshi muktijoddhas (freedom fighters) and victims of the war were interviewed to authenticate currently available materials, many of which appear to have been exaggerated with the force of emotion. This distinguishes the work from many other books authored by proponents of either party to the conflict. This book is certainly an eye-opener for researchers on the 1971 war.
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Khan, Mahmud Hasan, and Ishtiaq Hossain. "The Rift Within An Imagined Community: Understanding Nationalism(s) in Bangladesh." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 2 (2006): 324–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106777371229.
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AbstractThe continuing debate in Bangladesh over the national identity of its people — whether one is a Bangali or Bangladeshi — is a post-1975 phenomenon. One of the main themes of the independence war (1971) was 'Bangali nationalism'. However, it was replaced with 'Bangladeshi nationalism' by a military government following a bloody military coup in 1975. This major change in the label of the national identity of the people of Bangladesh requires explanation. A sharp distinction in the nature of politics in Bangladesh between the pre- and post-1975 era offers an explanation of the politics of identity in Bangladesh. This study shows that the manifestations of these political identities have been represented discursively, according to the political ideologies adopted by the successive regimes in Bangladesh. This paper studies the material representations of national identity, specifically the discursive construction of national identity in Bangladesh. It investigates also whether national identity discourse is a creation of the political rhetoric during different eras or it is "over-determined" in Althusserian terms. In other words, this paper questions the ontological basis of national identity in Bangladesh.
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Thorp, John P. "Bangladesh, Bangladesh!—A Review Article." Journal of Asian Studies 45, no. 4 (August 1986): 789–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056087.
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In 1981 Bangladesh celebrated its first decade of independence. This milestone was marked by a sharp increase in publications about the new nation. Authors are fascinated and not a little surprised that the “international basketcase” of 1971 has survived a vast array of economic, social, and political afflictions. The authors are also concerned about the continuing survival of Bangladesh. Current writing is concentrated on either its political history or problems of economic development and represents a major contribution to filling gaps in our knowledge of Bangladesh. Unfortunately, although most contemporary authors have limited experience in Bangladesh, they do have well-developed theoretical perspectives that guide their constructions of Bangladeshi reality. Current writing proffers Weberian, neoclassical economic, and Marxist interpretations of Bangladesh. Little fresh, in-depth, culturally sensitive, representative reporting of Bangladeshis' own interpretations of the present and aspirations for the future is being done. Academia is failing the majority of Bangladeshis by not taking seriously their ideas, aspirations, and abilities.
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Islam, Muhammad Sajidul, Md-Khairul Islam, and Sabbir Hasan. "Commercial Films in Bangladesh: Impact Analysis (2009-2019)." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 8, no. 1 (April 11, 2021): 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol8iss1pp226-235.
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After the independence of Bangladesh (1971), new generation film development making take a place. Bangla commercial films can be divided before liberation, post liberation and modern era. Before liberation era; A. J. Kardar, Zahir Raihan, Khan Ataur Rahman, were the commercial Bengali film makers. During the Post liberation time, we have some extra ordinary movies like Sareng Bou (1978), Surjo Dighal Bari (1979) and so on. But in the modern era definition of commercial film has got a change. From 2009 to 2019 Bangladeshi audience got difference in commercial films. But having DT (Digital Technology) and other advancement given a development of Bangladeshi commercial film. But story making, acting, making, socialization and other things are gradually developing in Bangladeshi commercial films. This research will evaluate prospects and challenges of Bangladeshi commercial films from 2009 to 2019. However further research is recommended to develop making of Bangladeshi commercial films in respect of lifelike story, cultural dissemination and so on.
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Islam, Muhammad Sajidul, Md Khairul Islam, and Sabbir Hasan. "Commercial Films in Bangladesh Impact Analysis (2009-2019)." CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (September 13, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/cenraps.v3i1.60.
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After the independence of Bangladesh (1971), new generation film development making take a place. Bangla commercial films can be divided before liberation, post-liberation and the modern era. Before the liberation era; A. J. Kardar, Zahir Raihan, Khan Ataur Rahman, were the commercial Bengali filmmakers. During the Post liberation time, we have some extraordinary movies like Sareng Bou (1978), Surjo Dighal Bari (1979) and so on. But in the modern era definition of the commercial film has got a chance. From 2009 to 2019 Bangladeshi audiences got different in commercial films. But having DT (Digital Technology) and other advancements have given the development of Bangladeshi commercial film. But story-making, acting, making, socialization and other things are gradually developing in Bangladeshi commercial films. This research will evaluate the prospects and challenges of Bangladeshi commercial films from 2009 to 2019. However further research is recommended to develop the making of Bangladeshi commercial films in respect of lifelike stories, cultural dissemination and so on.
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Alam, Shah. "BANGLADESH-INDIA RELATIONS: TRENDS AND CHALLENGES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 7, no. 12 (June 9, 2020): 243–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i12.2019.318.
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The smooth relationship between Bangladesh and India is essential for these two neighboring countries as the relationship between the two countries is historical. The relations between the two countries are also highly significant for the international relations of South Asia. The good relations between these countries originated since the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. Seemingly, the good relations between them have been prevailing and continuing since the independence of Bangladesh. However, the relations between Bangladesh and India has been complicated and intricate. The historical legacies have often strained the relations between these two nations instead of cementing the bond through ancestral ties. The relations have been further complicated by the prolongation in resolving the disputable issues like waters sharing treaties, immigrant infiltrations, killings in the border, and so many. Hence, most of the Bangladeshi citizens believe that relations between Bangladesh and India are imbalanced. Thus, this paper argues that a combination of all these factors has, therefore, contributed to developing anti-Indian feelings among Bangladeshi citizens. This study aims to identify and explain the presence of such an antipathy towards India among Bangladeshi people. Upon exploring the underlying causes behind the anti-Indian sentiment among Bangladeshi citizens, the paper, finally, outlines some policy implications.
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PP, Roy. "Physical Trauma As Presesnted In Monica Ali’s Brick Lane." History Research Journal 5, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i4.7167.
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Monica Ali was born in 1967 in Dhaka, Bangladesh, but grew up in England. Her English mother met her Bangladeshi father at a dance in northern England in the 1960s. Despite both of their families` protests, they later married and lived together with their two young children in Dhaka. This was then the provincial capital of East Pakistan which after a nine-month war of independence became the capital of the People`s Republic of Bangladesh. On 25 March 1971 during this civil war, Monica Ali`s father sent his family to safety in England. The war caused East Pakistan to secede from the union with West Pakistan, and was now named Bangladesh.
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Fazakarley, Jed. "Multiculturalism’s categories and transnational ties: the Bangladeshi campaign for independence in Britain, 1971." Immigrants & Minorities 34, no. 1 (October 2015): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.2015.1065739.
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Haider, Zaglul. "Biharis in Bangladesh and Their Restricted Access to Citizenship Rights." South Asia Research 38, no. 3_suppl (August 23, 2018): 25S—42S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728018791695.
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The Urdu-speaking Biharis of Bangladesh have been facing obstructions in enjoying full citizenship rights since Bangladesh gained independence from Pakistan in 1971. This minority, living on the fringes of Bangladeshi society, still mostly in camps, experiences discrimination particularly in obtaining passports and other travel and identity documents, despite legal assertions that they are citizens. Using theoretical and empirical research, the article seeks to identify the extent of this denial of sociopolitical and legal rights. The research finds discriminatory policies and practices in public service delivery at local levels, regarding access to public education and employment, but especially concerning passports and driver’s licences. This supports a conclusion that the Biharis of Bangladesh remain even today effectively stateless. Not fully protected by the bureaucratic state structures that should be engaged in non-discriminatory public service delivery, they are defrauded of basic rights and equal opportunities, notably the freedom to travel.
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Shuchi, Israt Jahan, and A. B. M. Shafiqul Islam. "Reading Allen Ginsberg’s September on Jessore Road: An Attempt to Ruminate over the Horrific Reminiscences of the Liberation War of Bangladesh." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.1p.41.
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Allen Ginsberg’s ‘September on Jessore Road’ captures the blood-stained history of the creation of Bangladesh through highlighting the unflinching struggle of the Bangladeshi people and their appalling plight that they went through during the country’s war of independence in 1971. This poem mainly reports on Ginsberg’s visit to the refugee camps located in the bordering areas of Jessore of Bangladesh and Kolkata of India in mid-September, 1971. Those camps sheltered millions of Bengalis who fled their homes fearing persecution and violence inflicted by the Pakistani occupation forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh. Ginsberg’s first-hand experience of encountering the refugees in those camps is reproduced in this poem where the poet very meticulously pens the untold sufferings that every individual experienced during that war time. The poem also criticizes the US government and all its state apparatus for not supporting the freedom loving Bengalis in that war. His original intent of composing this poem was to express solidarity with the Bengalis’ resolute craving for freedom on the one hand and to create awareness among the masses and form public opinion against Pakistani atrocities on the Bengali people on the other. This paper thus attempts to depict how Ginsberg puts all these aspects into words with a view to reminding us of the gory history behind the establishment of the modern state of Bangladesh.
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Chowdhury, Elora Halim. "When Love and Violence Meet: Women's Agency and Transformative Politics in Rubaiyat Hossain's Meherjaan." Hypatia 30, no. 4 (2015): 760–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12178.
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In official and unofficial histories, and in cultural memorializations of the 1971 war for Bangladeshi independence, the treatment of women's experiences—more specifically the unresolved question of acknowledgment of and accountability to birangonas, “war heroines” (or rape survivors)—has met with stunning silence or erasure, on the one hand, or with narratives of abject victimhood, on the other. By contrast, the film Meherjaan (2011) revolves around the stories of four women during and after the war, and most centrally the relationship between a Bengali woman and a Pakistani soldier. In this article, I investigate the anxieties underlying the responses to Meherjaan, particularly in association with themes of trauma—its absence or omnipresence—to nonnormative gender frames of national sexuality, and the notion of loving the Other. Drawing from feminist theories of vulnerability, ethics, and love, I want to explore these themes at two levels: the political message the film transmits, and its aesthetic choices and affects. Finally, I want to comment on the potential of this film, as feminist art, in furthering a dialogue around healing and ethical memorialization in relation to 1971 in Bangladesh.
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Razzaque, Mohammed Abdur. "Changes in Attitudes towards Advertising: 2007- 2018 Evidence from the New Generation Bangladeshi Consumers." European Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2019.v2i2-60.
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This paper presents a comparison of the attitudes of New Generation Bangladeshi consumers (18 – 24 years old) towards advertisement 10 years apart – in 2007 and 2017. Within five years of gaining independence in 1971, Bangladesh abandoned her socialistic path of economic development to adopt the capitalistic alternative. By the early 2000s, the country experienced substantial economic growth which resulted in the emergence of a “new rich urban consumer class. To attract these consumers, the then infant advertising industry in Bangladesh started to grow at a fast pace; but neither the marketers nor the advertisers had a clear understanding of the attitudes of these consumers towards advertising. In 2007, I conducted an empirical research that examined the perception of these consumers on various aspects of advertising as well as their media usage behaviour.Bangladesh economy made spectacular progress during the last decade resulting in the fast-paced development of a better organised consumer market and a thriving advertising industry to support the current new generation Bangladeshi consumers who are more affluent, technology savvy and who seek better information. This study examines the perception of these consumers on various aspects of advertising as well as their media usage behaviour and compares them with the responses of their cohorts of 2007. The analyses of the data reveal discernible differences in the attitudes of the two similar groups. The paper tries to explain the reasons for the differences and argues that they have important implications for the consumer marketing and advertising industry in Bangladesh.
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Nishat, Abu Jakaria, Shanjay Kumar Mukharjee, and Avakova Olga Victorovna. "Status of Service Delivery System of Bangladesh Railway: An Empirical Study." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 8 (August 29, 2021): 426–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.88.10650.
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The Bangladeshi Railway was given the name after the country gained independence in 1971. Even so, it had a history dating more than a century before that. By the turn of the century, it had just about 37 diesel-hydraulic and 231 diesel- electric locomotives. These ran about 100 coaches and 10900 freight wagons. This number has presently increased and it serves in a network of broad-gauges, dual-gauge and meter-gauge in around 440 railway stations. The public sector runs various transport modes like the Biman Bangladesh Airline, taxis, ferries, buses and other means that move freight around and out of Bangladesh. With a capacity to transport more than 60% of freight around Bangladesh, the public sector transport quite overshadows the BR, which suffers a number of challenges that cripple it to date. These challenges range in nature from lack of sufficient funds to operate the railway, to a poor railway network, part of which may be attributed to the Indo-Pakistan War that ground the services to a halt back between the 1960s and 1970s. Moreover, ongoing, coronavirus pandemic is proving to be another challenge that has grounded the normal operations at BR. The research has been conducted by a field survey using a structural and semi-structural questionnaires and face-to-face interview. A set of (---) questionnaires were given to (----) stakeholder at various levels at almost all the junctions in Mymensingh to observe the practical service delivery experiences of the railway sector. Over the survey a plethora of experiences have been gained which is givens as findings in this article and we have given some recommendations which will make this sector stronger.
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Nur, Shakila. "The Struggle this Time is the Struggle for Our Independence: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Historic 7th March Speech." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.2p.107.
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Political speeches are not mere linguistic texts encoded in verbal or written form. They also carry covert ideologies which are embedded in a country’s social, political and cultural context. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) can be used to investigate such interaction between discourse (speech/text), its covert ideology and the context. This paper sets out to analyse the historic 7th March, 1971 speech of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, which has lately been recognised by UNESCO as part of the world’s documentary heritage. Based on the work of Fairclough (1989, 1992, 2001) and Halliday (1978, 1994), a shared, discursive analytical framework within the CDA paradigm was employed to carry out the investigation. The analysis of 94 clauses identified a mutual existence of multiple linguistic and ideological patterns and strategies including the personal pronouns, mood blocks, modality and tense, the reference of the then-socio-political situation as well as the depiction of power relations between the speaker and the audiences. These strategies were intertwined in a wholesome way, thus revealing the ingenuity of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s leadership and his rhetoric skill. The study, by analysing the selected speech, attempts to fill the gap in CDA-based linguistic studies of political texts in the Bangladeshi context. The author believes that this attempt, in tandem, will act as a motivation and centre of attention for further scholarly endeavor in this field.
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Haider, Zaglul. "Canadian Policy Towards Bangladesh: How Does the North Look at the South?" African and Asian Studies 10, no. 4 (2011): 281–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x605562.
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Abstract The goal of the paper is to analyze the Canadian policy towards Bangladesh. In this paper I argue that Canadian approach towards Bangladesh was different in different phases of history. In the liberation war of Bangladesh Canada played a role that went against the interest of Bangladesh and suited with the triple alliance of the US-Pakistan and China. Against the backdrop of Cold War politics, Canadian policy demonstrated the reflection of her national interest. In the dawn of the independence of Bangladesh in the early 1970’s Canada revised its policy, immediately recognized the new nation and supported Bangladesh’s admission in to the Commonwealth, the United Nations and other international organizations. Since the threshold of Bangladesh’s journey Canada emerged as a development partner of the new nation. Apart from significant aid, Canada also provided immigration facilities to the Bangladeshis. All these are consistent with its national interest. I also focus on the Canadian concerns over the violation of human rights and poor governance that gradually eroded the image of Bangladesh among the Canadian policy makers. Finally, I suggest a way out to improve relations between the two countries of the ‘North’ and ‘South’.
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Reza, S. M. Ali. "Fifty Years of Bangladesh-Japan Relations: Japan’s Contribution to the Freedom Struggle of Bangladesh." Bangladesh Political Science Review 15, no. 1 (October 2022): 82–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.57074/vcfg2663.
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The year 2022 marks the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Bangladesh and Japan. Japan was one of the first countries to recognize Bangladesh officially, on 10 th February 1972, fewer than two months after the latter gained independence. This article investigates the great assistance that Japan extended to Bangladesh at this crucial juncture in its history, while also exploring several new insights into Japan’s contribution to the freedom struggle in 1971. The widespread support and cooperation of the Japanese people towards Bangladesh during its resistance against the Pakistan military were spontaneous and overwhelming. Many Japanese organizations, like the 'Japan-Bangladesh Friendship Association' (JBFA), the 'Bangladesh Solidarity Front' (BSF), and the Japan Red Cross Society (JRCS), made an immense contribution to Bangladesh's War of Liberation. Notable Japanese politicians and professionals, like Takashi Hayakawa (MP), Professor Tsuyoshi Nara, and Professor Setsurei Tsurushima, coordinated and strengthened their collective efforts to support Bangladesh. The Japanese press and media, like the Japan Times, Daily Yomiuri, and Asahi Shimbun, also played a very positive role in mobilizing public opinion in favor of the independence of Bangladesh. The Japanese government was sympathetic towards the defecting Bengali diplomats who left the Pakistani side and were in Japan under special permission from the Japanese government. Even the Japanese United Nations (UN) Mission came forward to sponsor or co-sponsor several resolutions supporting the means of Bangladesh. We earnestly hope that fifty years of bilateral relations will elevate into "heart- to-heart" relations, from a comprehensive partnership to a strategic partnership.
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Islam, Md Shafiqul, and Dr Subrata Saha. "The succeeding trends and disparity in Poverty reduction of Rural Bangladesh." ENSEMBLE 3, no. 1 (August 20, 2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2021-0301-a011.
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Bangladesh like other developing countries of the world has been striving to eradicate poverty after getting independence in 1971 and the country was considered as one of the poorest with about 70 percent poverty and only $200 per capita income in 1973-74. The present study analyses various data on poverty from the period 1971 to 2019 and finds that the country has reduced its poverty significantly to 10.5 percent in 2019 with more than $1909 per capita income. The poverty headcount ratio has decreased by more than 50% in the last 49 years. This study using National Households Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) data of various years and also using other international organizations’ poverty-related data tries to explore the poverty scenario of Bangladesh from 1974 to 2019 and to examine some new aspects of regional poverty in Bangladesh. The country has a great achievement in the absolute poverty reduction during these periods, but these poverty reduction trends are somewhat relatively lower than some neighboring countries (e.g India, Nepal, Bhutan). In addition, though the absolute poverty rate has been reduced at the national level (10.5% in 2019), the present study finds a huge disparity in poverty reduction at the regional level in Bangladesh. Poverty rates are still more than double as compared to the state poverty rate in some districts of Bangladesh. This paper shows that the regional inequalities, income inequalities, old aged people, widows, uneducated and unskilled labor, various tribal groups, and various forms of poverty throughout the life cycle are revealing disparity of poverty in the rural area of Bangladesh.
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Zubuair, Mahdee. "16th Amendment Controversy between Legislature and Judiciary: An Analysis." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v9i1.635.
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The constitution is the guide that leads a nation to prosperity. We cannot think of a modern state without it. So, after nine months of long blood-shedding battle in 1971, Bangladesh achieved her long-awaited independence and, therefore, made an instant effort to formulate a constitution rapidly, based on the ideological spirit of the war of independence. However, to accommodate the demands and will of the people and even sometimes to fulfill the narrow interests of the rulers, Bangladesh Constitution has been amended several times. Except for a few cases, almost every amendment; has a tremendous political impact on the constitution. Bangladesh's Constitution was recently revised to include a parliamentary procedure for judicial discipline for high court judges. The previous one supported judicial independence and separation of powers. The current system compromises judicial independence with accountability. As a result, the judiciary seems to fail to maintain its dignity and discharge its sacred responsibility.
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Abdin, Joynal. "Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Bangladesh." International Journal of Sustainable Economies Management 4, no. 2 (April 2015): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsem.2015040104.
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During the liberation war in 1971 a nationalist weave emerged which gives Bangladeshis a spirit of freedom and dignity of independence but it also results on more reserved position in case of economic policy. Policy makers at that period used to see foreign companies access with a negative eyes. Foreign investments were discouraged as a result foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow in Bangladesh till 1980 is very insignificant. The growth of Bangladesh's FDI inflow was around US$ 308 – 356 million for long fifteen years (1980 – 1995) which started with an amount of US $ 0.090 million in 1972. Afterwards this concept has been changed into a reverse position and government start encouraging foreign direct investment from 1990s. A series of policy incentives, investment sovereignty has been offered to the FDI investors including tax holiday for several years, duty free facility for importing capital machinery, 100% foreign ownership, 100% profit repatriation facility, reinvestment of profit or dividend as FDI, multiple visa, work permit to foreign executives, permanent resident or even citizenship for investing a specific amount, Export Processing Zone (EPZ) facility, and easy hassle free exit facility. Potential sectors of can attract more FDI are power generation, infrastructure development, private port establishment, joint venture with deep sea port establishment under PPP, ship building, ICT sector, call center, education, healthcare, mining, gas extraction, agro processed product, electrical & electronics, light engineering, and fashion designing etc. After so many incentives offered by the government till now FDI Inflow into Bangladesh is not at a satisfactory level. During last few years fresh FDI investment in not taking place. From the statistics of last few years it is quite clear that, reinvestment of locally earned profit is the major amount of FDI into Bangladesh. Fresh FDI inflow is decreasing day by day. Government has to investigate the issue and undertake necessary measures to increase fresh FDI into Bangladesh.
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Ahmed, Md Nazim Uddin, Md Rezwanul Kabir, and Tanzima Akter Jyoti. "Promising Relationship between Bangladesh and Russia." Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no. 3 (March 22, 2022): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sjhss.2022.v07i03.004.
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This study analysis to what extent Russia supported Bangladesh. Russia is a true friend of Bangladesh. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were established between Bangladesh and the Soviet Union on 25 January 1972. Bangladesh has maintained bilateral relations since the collapse of the Soviet Union, with a Russian embassy in Dhaka, and a consulate-general in Chittagong. Bangladesh has an embassy in Moscow, with the two countries enjoying close military, economic and political relations. This relationship is contributing to the development of Asian regional politics, economy, and culture. Bangladesh’s relations with Russia are historic. It would have been difficult for Bangladesh to achieve independence without the cooperation of the Soviet Union, and this continues to be recognized today.
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Khan, MohammadMohammad Shihab. "Political Myth of ‘Shonar Bangla’ and Rising Frustration in Bangladesh." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v6i1.871.
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The “Shonar Bangla” (Golden Bangla) political myth met some important historical needs during the time of the nationalistic movements in Bangladesh. However, it is likely to have created excessive expectations in regards to the managerial capability of the nationalists who successfully spearheaded the movements. Following independence in 1971, these nationalists could not translate even a tiny fraction of the myth into reality. Their dire failure in this regard might have produced a feeling of excessive frustration among Bangladeshis and as such, it may have adversely impacted the socioeconomic and political conditions in Bangladesh. By comparing some relevant data of Bangladesh and some of its peer countries (Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Turkey (MITT)), this study finds that the corruption perception index of the preceding year significantly and positively influences the current frustration level in Bangladesh. Despite some limitations of the data set, the findings are intuitively acceptable and instructive for all concerned.
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Hussain, Akmal. "An Alternative Planning Perspective for Regional Growth and Development in Pakistan." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 1, no. 1 (October 1, 1996): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.1996.v1.i1.a1.
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In Pakistan, historically, regional economic disparity has been an important political issue. During the 1960’s the economic disparity between East and West Pakistan fueled the movement for provincial autonomy in East Pakistan and subsequently the movement for national independence in what became Bangladesh in 1971. During the late 1970’s and 1980’s the issue of regional disparity between the provinces of what remains of Pakistan has acquired an explosive potential. However, this is an issue that has been charged by emotion, and it may be time now to begin a serious analysis to enable effective policy formulation to overcome the problem.
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Haider, Zaglul. "Unfolding Canada-Bangladesh Relations." Asian Survey 45, no. 2 (March 2005): 322–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.2.322.
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Canada has been a strong supporter of Bangladesh since the latter's Independence in 1971. Though bilateral trade relations have yet to blossom, Bangladesh was the top Asian recipient of Canadian aid in 1999––2000. Nevertheless, Bangladesh, with little diplomatic weight, generally loses bargaining power in bilateralism, as it has with Canada, whose aid significantly benefits Canadian economic interests.
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Rahman, Tahmina. "Party System Institutionalization and Pernicious Polarization in Bangladesh." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218817280.
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This article traces the development of political polarization in Bangladesh since its 1971 war of independence. I show how polarization is elite-driven, hinging mostly on competing views of the foundation myth of the nation. One major political bloc has emerged that ties national identity tightly to religion (Islam), where the other bloc prefers a national identity tied to ethnicity and use of the Bengali language. I show how an underdeveloped party system has contributed to the resulting political and societal polarization that stems from this ideological divide, which was created by elites as they attempted to consolidate party power. Further, I make a case that the activities of the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT)—established in 2010 to prosecute those who aided the Pakistani army in committing war crimes during the 1971 war—actually increased polarization and made it pernicious. Instead of healing the nation, the ICT exacerbated old political cleavages and instigated violence and social tension, making Bangladesh’s young democracy more unstable and careening.
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Azad, Abul Kalam. "Bangladesh: An Umpired Democracy." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 3, no. 6 (June 15, 2012): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v3i6.704.
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This paper reveals that there has been a continuous political confrontation between two archrival political forces in Bangladesh since independence in 1971. In the course of the confrontation, the country has seemingly been divided into two forces: BAL forces and anti-BAL forces. The democratic development in this country since 1991 is a by-product of this confrontation. In 1991, because of the continued mistrust between the two confronting forces, a unique system of interim government (non-party caretaker government) was produced that kept working as a catalyst of power transfer in a democratic way from one government to another till 2008 election from 1991.
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Islam, M. S. "IS THERE CIVIL SOCIETY IN BANGLADESH?" Juvenis scientia, no. 12 (2018): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32415/jscientia.2018.12.10.
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Сivil society is a group of people excluded from the government and the army and providing a counterbalance and control of the state at the national and local levels in the country. In Bangladesh, since independence in 1971, civil society organizations have been successfully involved in social development, but they have been criticized not to be able promote democracy in Bangladesh because of their support for political parties. Therefore, it impedes strong opposition to corruption and non-democratic activities in the country. In this article, using the historical method, the author analyzes the features and role of civil society in Bangladesh.
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Arif, Md Kamrul Hasan. "The Status of the Bihari Community in Bangladesh under Domestic and International Law." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 25, no. 4 (September 20, 2018): 664–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02503006.
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The problems concerning the Bihari community is one of the oldest long-standing issues between Bangladesh and Pakistan. In 1971, after the independence of Bangladesh, the Bihari lost their citizenship. Presently, they are stateless and living in various camps in different parts of Bangladesh. This community wanted to be repatriated to their own country, Pakistan, but it denied them citizenship status, although a large number have been repatriated to Pakistan as their country of origin. Recently, in March 2015 the Supreme Court of Pakistan rejected the issue of stranded Pakistanis in Bangladesh regarding repatriation or taking these people back. This article has tried to determine the status of the Bihari community, what a lasting solution might be, and what the role is of international organisations in helping this community under domestic and international law.
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Ruhullah, Mohammad Eisa, and Dyah Mutiarin. "The Roles of Alliances in Governments’ Relationships Between Bangladesh and Indonesia Epoch of H. E. Sheikh Hasina and H. E. Joko Widodo: The Case of Rohingya Refugees (2017-2020)." Jurnal Bina Praja 13, no. 2 (August 31, 2021): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.13.2021.343-355.
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Indonesia is one of the first nations to formally acknowledging Bangladesh's independence that is in February 1972. However, there is lacking scientific study on both government relations. To solve the Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh from Myanmar. This study analyzes the roles of alliances in government relationships between Bangladesh and Indonesia in the epoch of prime minister Shaikh Hasina and President Joko Widodo, the Rohingya refugee (2017-2020). This qualitative research operates secondary data; Qualitative Descriptive (QD) is a form used in the qualitative study for comprehensive thoughts, expressly regulating the relevant phenomena. The research questions, what kind of challenges Indonesia and Bangladesh friendship faced on the Rohingya issue? How did both nations overcome, and what are the roles in their governmental alliances played? The study found that both countries have effective diplomatic administrative regulations. Indonesian government's efforts in the case of Rohingya are very active compared to other Asian countries. In reply to the Rohingya emigrant crisis and the maintaining of reciprocal settlement with the Bangladesh government in focusing of Indonesia diplomacy, is to find the arrangement of the refugee dilemma by approaching the root elements of the puzzle and intensifying the collaboration in determining the crisis. In short, the Bangladesh government appreciated the efforts of the Indonesian authority by mutual relationships even the friendship is upon the reciprocal agreement. It suggests that both governments should maintain an equal or more friendly bilateral settlement to keep these diplomatic relations effective and fruitful for both nations.
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Rácová, Anna. "Language as a Symbol of Identity and a Tool of Politics and Power in Pakistan and Bangladesh." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 67, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jazcas-2017-0008.
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Abstract This study aims to demonstrate the roles that domestic and foreign languages have played and play as signs of national or religious identity and social prestige and as tools of political and economic power in multilingual Pakistan and Bangladesh. Before the countries gained independence from the British Empire in 1947 and before the formation of the Indian Union and Pakistan (which was divided into Pakistan and Bangladesh in 1971), the role of an official language, remote to the majority of population in Indian subcontinent, had been gradually played by Sanskrit, Persian, and English. After gaining independence, the new countries decided to replace English as the official language with domestic languages. Their efforts encountered many problems and resulted in various solutions. Urdu became the state language in Pakistan, which caused resistance in local ethnolinguistic groups because the language had been imported by refugees from India. This resistance was the strongest in East Pakistan, where a strong national and language awareness eventually contributed to the formation of an independent Bangladesh with Bengali as the state language. Despite struggle for the dominance of domestic languages, English has preserved its prestigious position both in Pakistan and Bangladesh, as a symbol of higher social position, a language of education and science, and a tool of economic and political power.
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Hossain, Md Amzad. "Target of Improving Poverty Alleviation Trek: A Case of Bangladesh." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 2, no. 2 (May 26, 2017): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v2i2.162.
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Though Bangladesh has achieved considerable progress in reducing head count poverty and poverty gap ratio but hunger poverty reduction and employment generation should be given more attention at the present time. According to MDG report last 2014, Bangladesh has made commendable progress in respect of eradication of poverty and hunger. It has sustained a GDP growth rate of 6 percent or above in recent years that has played a positive role in eradicating poverty. The robust growth has been accompanied by corresponding improvements in several social indicators such as increased life expectancy and lower fertility rate despite having one of the world’s highest population densities. This inclusive growth has resulted in impressive poverty reduction from 56.7 percent in 1991-92 to 31.5 percent in 2010; the rate of reduction being faster in the present decade than the earlier ones (MDG report last, 2014). The latest HIES 2010 data shows that the incidence of poverty has declined on an average 1.74 percentage points in Bangladesh between 2000 and 2010 against the MDG target of 1.20 percentage points. The estimated poverty headcount ratio for 2013 is 26.2 percent. Bangladesh has already met one of the indicators of target 1 by bringing down the poverty gap ratio to 6.5 against 2015 target of 8.0 (HIES Survey, 2010) .The study aims to provide a systematic overview of Bangladesh’s development progress since its independence in 1971 to the present epoch regarding poverty alleviation trek. The main objective of the study is to investigate some important issues like poverty, inequality, unemployment scenery and social instability in the context of Bangladesh. The method of the study has been used to identify and review of Bangladesh government and UN published report analytically. In conclusion, the challenges with regard to the dropping income disparity and the low economic involvement of women also remain as major concerns. In addition, reducing inequality, accelerating poverty lessening, moreover how to change the nature of the growth process should be prioritize for Bangladesh to consider sincerely.
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Aditya, Satyaki. "Bangladesh’s dillema between big brothers India and China." South Florida Journal of Development 2, no. 3 (July 27, 2021): 4468–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46932/sfjdv2n3-050.
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ABSTRACT
Bangladesh is a small state in South Asia, but its pivotal geostrategic location on the contested Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and being one of the world’s fastest growing economies with 160 million population helps overshadow the small territorial size of the country. Soon after independence, in 1975 with Chinese recognition, the tug-of-war for hegemonic influence in Bangladesh began between India & China. This paper wants to test the conventional wisdom whether ‘Great power rivalries make smaller nations vulnerable.’ The paper also endeavours to predict the future relationship between the two giants in Asia amid all tensions regarding their association in regional forums like ASEAN, BIMSTEC and initiatives like BRI. The research wants to identify the strategic options in foreign policy for Dhaka and whether they have been successful in turning the neighbour’s rivalry into billions of dollars in investment.
RESUMEN
Bangladesh es un pequeño estado del sur de Asia, pero su ubicación geoestratégica fundamental en la disputada región del Océano Índico (IOR) y el hecho de ser una de las economías de más rápido crecimiento del mundo, con 160 millones de habitantes, ayudan a eclipsar el pequeño tamaño territorial del país. Poco después de la independencia, en 1975, con el reconocimiento de China, comenzó el tira y afloja por la influencia hegemónica en Bangladesh entre India y China. Este documento quiere poner a prueba la sabiduría convencional de que "las rivalidades de las grandes potencias hacen vulnerables a las naciones más pequeñas". El documento también intenta predecir la futura relación entre los dos gigantes de Asia en medio de todas las tensiones relativas a su asociación en foros regionales como la ASEAN, el BIMSTEC e iniciativas como la BRI. La investigación quiere identificar las opciones estratégicas en política exterior para Dhaka y si han tenido éxito en convertir la rivalidad del vecino en miles de millones de dólares en inversiones.
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Bhuiyan, Majidul. "Utilization of Disused Airfields of Bangladesh Both during Peace and War." Defense and Security Studies 3 (September 13, 2022): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37868/dss.v3.id184.
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Airpower played a vital role in shaping the result of the Second World War. As a British colony, the Indian Sub-continent was targeted by Imperial Japan. The Japanese Forces came up to Myanmar (the then Burma) and their next target was the Indian sub-continent. Due to the geographical location Bangladesh (the then Bengal) was on the front line of British defense; as it was strategically important for Japan to occupy Bangladesh. As such, Bangladesh air space was highly contended by the belligerents. To support air operations, a good number of airfields were prepared by the British-led forces in the then Bengal. However, after the war, most of those airfields were abandoned. British left the region in 1947 and Bengal became part of Pakistan. Economic, strategic, and political factors did not permit the maintenance of those airfields and most were left as it was. Only Tejgaon airfield was used by Pakistanis for both civil and military aviation purposes. After the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, an effort was made to revive some of those airfields.
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Rukunuddin Shaikh. "Expectation vs Reality: A Dystopian Presentation of Bangladesh under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in Neamat Imam’s The Black Coat." Creative Launcher 7, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 108–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2022.7.2.14.
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The Liberation War of Bangladesh is groundbreaking event in the history of South Asia. Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the people of the then East Pakistan went into an uneven war against Pakistan. The aim was to build Bangladesh on the principles of equality and justice. Bangladesh would be a free corruption-less democratic country. But after independence all these principles were vanished and the leaders of the country became corrupted from head to the toe. They kept themselves busy to make their own fortune instead of providing a good governance to the citizen. The famine of 1974 is the worst manifestation of terrible administration of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Millions of people died during that time due to the lack of responsibility of the government. But Sheikh Mujib never held him responsible, instead he admitted only 26000 deaths from starvation. Neamat Imam brings this sad truth of Sheikh Mujib’s administration through his artistic representation of the famine of 1974 in his novel The Black Coat. Rich with political statements this novel unfolds the rather darker side of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his sense of irresponsibly during the tough period of 1974 famine.
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Linton, Suzannah. "Bangladesh and the Prosecution of International Crimes from the 1971 War of Independence from Pakistan." Criminal Law Forum 21, no. 2 (June 2010): 187–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10609-010-9121-1.
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Rahman, Sayeedur. "Women, English and Empowerment: Voices from Rural Bangladesh." Script Journal: Journal of Linguistic and English Teaching 2, no. 2 (October 8, 2017): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.24903/sj.v2i2.116.
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English has been an integral part of Bangladesh education system since her independence in 1971. The process of globalization has transformed the lives of million in the developing world like Bangladesh. The rise of globalization has also meant a growing awareness of the use of English and its possible impact on the lives of people. However, there has not been adequate research conducted which could find a direct link between English and empowerment. The role of English and its impact on the socio-economic growth of individuals didn’t get much attention. Moreover, there has been inadequate attention to understanding of the relationship between English and its role on women’s empowerment in rural community. With this background this study is an attempt to contribute to our understanding of the socio-economic orientation of women by analyzing the impact of English in Bangladesh through a qualitative approach. It provides a useful understanding of the need for English language in specific areas of work. Based on such needs, it will attempt to provide insights for the planning of sustainable intervention strategies for the development of English language skills for women in Bangladesh.
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Arif, Kamrul Hasan. "The Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh: Non-refoulement and Legal Obligation under National and International Law." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 27, no. 4 (September 25, 2020): 855–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02702014.
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Bangladesh is now the largest Rohingya refugee-hosting country in the world. 2017 saw the largest and fastest Rohingya refugee influx from Myanmar to Bangladesh. The very first influx took place in 1978 after just seven years of its independence. Despite being a non-signatory to the 1951 Refugee Status Convention, Bangladesh has an obligation to protect refugees under national and international laws. The legal basis of international protection comes from the different bodies of international law including customary international law. The basic customary international law applicable to the refugees found in the core international human rights instruments. The aims of this research are to find out the legal obligations and challenges of Bangladesh in the protection of refugees under the constitutional and statutory laws of Bangladesh. This research also aims to focus on the role of protecting refugees under different bodies of regional and international law including the principle of non-refoulement.
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Rashid, Harun-or. "Bangabandhu’s 6-Point Programme and the Independence of Bangladesh." Bangladesh Political Science Review 15, no. 1 (October 2022): 01–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.57074/rrci6681.
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The paper is an attempt to examine the role of the 6-point programme (1966) presented by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, which resulted in the independence of Bangladesh. In the backdrop of ‘internal colonial’ rule over the majority of Bangalis by the (West) Pakistani ruling elites Bangabandhu initiated his 6-point programme as ‘the Magna Carta’ of Bangalis’ national emancipation. Mujib made the 6-point programme acceptable to the people: first, by mobilizing the Awami League leaders and workers in favour of it; second, by explaining the messages and ultimate goal of the 6-point programme through various meetings for three months before his arrest at the hands of the Ayub regime. Antagonized by the Bangabandhu’s 6-point programme, the (West) Pakistani rulers imprisoned him. While in jail he was charged with sedition leading the Ayub regime to file ‘the Agartala Conspiracy Case’ (1968). Against the measures of the regime, the people took out the streets creating a mass upsurge and made supreme sacrifices. Ayub had no other option but to unconditionally withdraw the case setting Bangabandhu and other accused free. This was followed by the holding of first general elections of Pakistan in December 1970 in which 6-point programme was Awami League’s election plank. The mandate of the Bangalis in favour of 6-point programme paved the way for the independence of Bangladesh.
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Yeasmin Chowdhury, Farjana, and Alma Jahan Keya. "Readymade Garments Exports from Bangladesh: Challenges and Possible Way-Out." International Journal of Business and Management 17, no. 7 (June 6, 2022): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v17n7p19.
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Bangladesh's readymade garments (RMG) export has faced tremendous competition from several countries in the last few years. The challenge has been increased further due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Covid -19 poses a substantial threat to Bangladesh's garment sector. The survival of RMG exports is vital for the consistent economic growth of Bangladesh. This paper aims to identify the future challenges of RMG exports from Bangladesh and feasible solutions to unravel the problems. The study is descriptive and based on secondary data. Secondary information is gathered from different books, websites, articles, and newspapers. Previous studies show that the RMG sector has experienced numerous challenges, including inadequate infrastructure, political instability, excessive interest rates on bank loans, fire disasters, a scarcity of raw materials resources, covid-19 pandemic effect, etc. Regarding revenue and profitability in foreign currency, Bangladesh's readymade garments (RMG) industry has outperformed all other sectors since its independence in 1971. It creates a substantial impact on the national economy by providing a large number of work opportunities and by eliminating poverty through social development. Bangladesh will graduate from the least developed country (LDC) in 2026, adding new challenges for the RMG. Therefore, BGMEA and BKMEA, among other regulatory agencies, should take the required efforts to remove these obstacles from their respective jurisdictions before facing any new challenges. The researchers identified some potential solutions to ensure that the RMG industry can keep its position in the international marketplace.
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KURZON, DENNIS. "Romanisation of Bengali and Other Indian Scripts." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 20, no. 1 (November 30, 2009): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309990319.
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AbstractThis article will discuss two attempts at the romanisation of Indian languages in the twentieth century, one in pre-independence India and the second in Pakistan before the Bangladesh war of 1971. By way of background, an overview of the status of writing in the subcontinent will be presented in the second section, followed by a discussion of various earlier attempts in India to change writing systems, relating mainly to the situation in Bengal, which has one language and one script used by two large religious groups – Muslims and Hindus (in modern-day Bangladesh and West Bengal, respectively). The fourth section will look at the language/script policy of the Indian National Congress in pre-independence days, and attempts to introduce romanisation, especially the work of the Bengali linguist S. K. Chatterji. The penultimate section deals with attempts to change the writing system in East Pakistan, i.e. East Bengal, to (a) the Perso-Arabic script, and (b) the roman script.In all cases, the attempt to romanise any of the Indian scripts failed at the national – official – level, although Indian languages do have a conventional transliteration. Reasons for the failure will be presented, in the final section, in terms of İlker Aytürk's model (see this issue), which proposes factors that may allow – or may not lead to – the implementation of romanisation.
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Nishat, Abu Jakaria, Dmitry Popov, Shanjay Kumar Mukharjee, Avakova Olga Victorovna, and Bikram Biswas. "Functioning of Local Government in Bangladesh: Legal and Practical Spheres." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 11 (December 4, 2021): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.811.11214.
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Local government is a fundamental part of Government and undeniable part of development in all spheres of a country. While most of the constructions in the worlds pronounce various provisions of having local government, it’s got more significance in recent time. Moreover, without overall participation of the population of a country, development of all sectors can’t be achieved. Participation of grassroots people are encouraged and ensured by local institutions. It also provides the opportunities to the population oriented of making policies and implementing decision better for them which is ultimately a step forwarding sustainable development. Since the time of independence from Pakistan in 1971, Bangladesh has local government system in the constitution of the country. Various amendments regarding local government have been brought basically when regimes changed. Thus, till to date, the constitutional provisions have been far dream from the reality. In the very root level the local government established maintaining the constitutional provisions can extend the practice of democracy. Thus, following constitutional scheme and to enhance good governance at all levels of the society, it’s ripe time for the concerned authority to be more conscious to establish local government.
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Rahman, Labiba. "Origins, Evolution and Current Activities of Sunni Salafi Jihadist Groups in Bangladesh." ABC Journal of Advanced Research 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/abcjar.v7i2.80.
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Despite its global recognition as a moderate Muslim country, Bangladesh has been experiencing increasing bouts of religious fundamentalism and militant activities since 2005. This phenomenon is not altogether novel to the country. During the Liberation War of 1971, Bengali freedom fighters faced staunch opposition from the Pakistani armed forces as well as Islamist militias under the control of Jamaat-e-Islami, an Islamist political party. Even after attaining its independence, Bangladesh has struggled to uphold the pillars of democracy and secularism due to political, social and religious drivers. Between January 2005 and June 2015, nearly 600 people have died in Islamic terrorist attacks in the country. These militant outfits either have close ties to or are part of Al Qaeda Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) and the Islamic State (ISIS). Despite such troubling signs and the fact that it is the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, Bangladesh has generally received little attention from academics of security studies. This paper aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the drivers and trends of Sunni Salafi jihadist groups operating in Bangladesh to ascertain the implications for counterterrorism activities. Political, social and religious interventions that go beyond the hard approach must be undertaken to control the mounting threat of Islamist terrorism to the security and stability of the nation.
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Zobaer, Sheikh. "Pre-partition India and the Rise of Indian Nationalism in Amitav Ghosh’s 'The Shadow Lines'." Rainbow: Journal of Literature, Linguistics and Cultural Studies 9, no. 2 (October 23, 2020): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/rainbow.v9i2.40231.
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The Shadow Lines is mostly celebrated for capturing the agony and trauma of the artificial segregation that divided the Indian subcontinent in 1947. However, the novel also provides a great insight into the undivided Indian subcontinent during the British colonial period. Moreover, the novel aptly captures the rise of Indian nationalism and the struggle against the British colonial rule through the revolutionary movements. Such image of pre-partition India is extremely important because the picture of an undivided India is what we need in order to compare the scenario of pre-partition India with that of a postcolonial India divided into two countries, and later into three with the independence of Bangladesh in 1971. This paper explores how The Shadow Lines captures colonial India and the rise of Indian nationalism through the lens of postcolonialism.
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Rashedul, Mohammad. "Reveal the Civilization of Contemporary Islam in Children in India." International Journal of Science and Society 2, no. 2 (July 6, 2020): 279–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v2i2.122.
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Civilization and culture in the arm of the continent of India had undergone the rise and fall since the colonialism era until the independence day. It can be illustrated by the domination of political map which had existed since the arrival of foreign nation, especially England until they got their indepence. The condition of Indian society at that time was full of contradiction, religion coflicts, quarrelling, robbery, various race, certain group interest dominating, and etc. From this condition, it born many great islamic political figures like Syeh Ahmad Sirhindi, Shah Waliyullah and the next generation, Sayyid Ahmad Khan and the next generation, Indian Moslem League. Which finally made India and Pakistan Independence (1947 M) and Bangladesh’s (1971M). Next, these three countries, which are the same in term of historical country have also various dynamic and sophisticated improvement of Islam.
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Shawin, Mohammad Ferdous Khan. "Rural Life of Bangladesh Reflected in Hashem Khan’s Painting." Idealogy Journal 6, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/idealogy.v6i2.290.
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Hashem Khan is considered as one of the key figures in Bangladesh art scenario. Born in Chandpur, Hashem Khan was graduated from the Faculty of Fine Art, Dhaka University in 1961. He was a Professor at the Faculty of Fine Art, University of Dhaka with 44-year experience and retired in the year 2007. He has achieved Ekushey Padak and Independence Day Award (The highest civilian award in Bangladesh) for his significant contributions in art and culture. Rural lifestyle is very unique in Bangladesh. Many poets, musicians, visual artists have taken inspiration from rural culture and life style of Bangladesh. His works reproduce the natural beauty of the village, rural life, and plenty of other things. He has used traditional folk colours like yellow, orange and green in his paintings and used folk motifs. Hashem Khan has done semi-realistic style of narration to communicate to the common people and also used vibrant colours in his paintings. The researcher here has selected the works of the artist for discussion and analysis from the exhibitions which were held from 1980 to 2018 in different art galleries in Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh and also from two catalogues, which articulate 143 plates. The researcher has analysed his contents of the paintings. Besides the researcher also closely analysed the colours, composition and forms of the painting.
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Hossen, Md Anwar, Md Ruhul Amin Talukder, Muhammad Rashed Al Mamun, Hafijur Rahaman, Subrata Paul, Md Mizanur Rahman, Md Miaruddin, Md Azhar Ali, and Md Nurul Islam. "Mechanization Status, Promotional Activities and Government Strategies of Thailand and Vietnam in Comparison to Bangladesh." AgriEngineering 2, no. 4 (September 23, 2020): 489–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agriengineering2040033.
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Reasonable use of agricultural machinery has an extraordinary potential for poverty alleviation by increasing land and labor productivity in Thailand, Vietnam, and even in Bangladesh. This study was conducted under a program entitled “Agriculture Mechanization, Agro-Processing, Value addition and Export Market Development in Thailand and Vietnam from 1–14 November, 20I9” from the Ministry of Agriculture, Bangladesh. In all three distinct nations, farming activities represent a significant area of activity and remains the biggest wellspring of agricultural business. About 10.5% of Thailand’s, 21.5% of Vietnam’s, and 14.23% of Bangladesh’s GDP come from agriculture. For sustainable development, it is essential to modernize agriculture through the mechanization of its operations, which is therefore inevitable in the studied countries. Thailand’s government started mechanization in 1891 with the import of steam-powered tractor and rotary hoes. Since then the country has witnessed several milestones in the course of mechanization development. The focal plain agro-ecological zone of the state is the maximum and almost fully modernized area. As of now, there are two methods of practicing farming apparatus use: as a proprietor and/or through custom renting provision which coincides with Vietnam and Bangladesh. Historically, mechanization patterns in Vietnam can been described by tillage machinery with associated implement equipment use preceding 1975. This was non-linear, followed by a decreasing trend during the 80s prior to recovery during the 90s, with significant disparities in implementation status across the areas. In 2018, the number of tillage implements and harvesters was boosted about 1.6 and 25.6 times, respectively compared with 2006. The percentage of machinery use in soil tillage operation is 80% of the whole territory of cultivable land in Vietnam, compared to about 90% in Bangladesh and 100% in Thailand. Mechanization in Bangladesh started before independence with the importation of 2-wheel tractors and irrigation pumps in the last part of the 1960s as part of ‘Green Revolution’ activities. To continue this momentum, the Bangladesh Government permitted the continuation of agricultural machinery importation after later autonomy. Machinery use in different agricultural activities has increased in recent years in the areas of irrigation, land preparation, intercultural operation, and threshing. Though its degree of advancement is by and large still quite low contrasted with other South Asian nations, it is noticeable that the most recent two decades, the pace of mechanization has increased rapidly with the increase of mechanical power use in farm activities. The use of farm machinery in rice cultivation has been the most amazing when contrasted with different crops in these three nations. A clear comparison has been given in the paper, which aims to help researchers and policymakers take necessary measures.
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Pajović, Uroš, and Naeem Mohaiemen. "Southward and Otherwise." ARTMargins 8, no. 2 (June 2019): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00237.
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This project comes out of a conversation between Mohaiemen and Pajović, about the relative absence of Non-Aligned Movement co-founder Josip Broz Tito, from the three-channel film Two Meetings and a Funeral (2017, dir: Mohaiemen). In the film, a series of conversations between Vijay Prashad, Samia Zennadi, Atef Berredjem, Amirul Islam, and Zonayed Saki sketch out the shadow play of warring forces inside the Non-Aligned Movement, especially around the decolonizing nations of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia that found an option to look toward an "Islamic" supra-national identity. Because of that focus, the role of Central and Eastern Europe, especially that of Yugoslavia under Tito, is absent from the film. Pajović's text re-integrates the Yugoslav bloc into Two Meetings and a Funeral. While Pajović's text concludes with a hopeful view of the potential of the Non-Aligned Movement, Mohaiemen's images and superimposed quote from Tito express an ironic doubling back. Indira Gandhi's Indian coalition of 1971, while maneuvering for Bangladesh independence from Pakistan, encountered Tito's confident comment that such problems of “tribalism” were only happening in Asia. Yugoslavia had solved the “Balkan problem”– this was spoken confidently twenty years before Tito's nation would split apart during the Yugoslav Wars. The geopolitical struggles that Tito fails to see in 1971 are harbingers for the blind spots that would cause Non-Alignment's collapse.
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Richards, J. F., James R. Hagen, and Edward S. Haynes. "Changing Land Use in Bihar, Punjab and Haryana, 1850–1970." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 3 (July 1985): 699–732. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00007770.
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Undivided colonial India experienced an accelerated rate of economic change in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Official policies and funds combined with private entrepreneurial energies and investment to intensify India's linkages with the world market in trade, industry, agriculture, and natural resource extraction. Slow, but in the long term steady, population expansion accompanied this trend. After 1947, economic development accelerated under five-year plans in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, and transformed the earlier colonial economy. Population figures have similarly shot up since partition and independence. These two linked trends have accompanied steadily intensifying human intervention in the natural environment of the subcontinent over the same time. One effect, among others, has been dramatic alteration in land use and vegetation cover. Comparing Francis Buchanan's early nineteenth-century descriptions of the countryside in both north and south India with the appearance of these areas today suggests just how sweeping these changes have been. The landscape of today in virtually every Indian district is very different from that seen two hundred or even hundred years ago.
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Mahmud, Ashique, and Ataul Gani Osmani. "Investigating the relationship between CO2 emission and industrial production of bangladesh through the unrestricted vector auto regression methods." Journal of Management and Science 11, no. 2 (March 31, 2021): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/jms.11.11.
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Industrial production units discharge large amounts of CO2 as manufacturing facilities directly use fossil fuels and more electricity than any other sector. Although the per capita emissions in the industrialized countries are typically as much as ten times the average in the developing countries, this study is aimed at analyzing the long-run association between CO2 emissions and industrial production in Bangladesh using an Unrestricted Vector Auto Regression approach. For this purpose, the study uses secondary data for the periods of 1960 to 2016 from world development indicators. The variables of interest are co2 emission and industrial production. In general CO2 data are measured in metric tons per capita and the industrial production index is used as the proxy of industrial production. Other econometric techniques, such as unit root test-ADF, Johanson Co-integration test, and OLS techniques are also applied. Firstly, a descriptive analysis finds that there has been a rapid fall in industrial output and co2 emission in 1971 which can be denoted as an adverse effect of the Independence war of Bangladesh. Despite that, industrial production and co2 emission are intended to increase at a positive slope till 2016. But the increasing rate of industrial production is significantly higher than the increasing rate of co2 emission in Bangladesh. Secondly, the Johanson Co-integration test results reveal that there is no long-run relationship between industrial production and CO2 emission in Bangladesh. But the results from Unrestricted VAR and Ordinary Least Square estimation confirm that CO2 emission one period lag has a negative and significant impact on the industrial production of Bangladesh, where the value of the coefficient is -16.01059. This means that if in the last year, co2 emission increased by 1 metric ton per capita, industrial production will be decreased by 16% in the current period. The study concludes that Bangladesh is running conscious industrial production considering energy conservation policies.
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Alam, M. Shahe, and MA Islam. "Long-Term Assessment Of Rice Production Scenario In Bangladesh: A Macro Dynamics." Bangladesh Journal of Agricultural Research 38, no. 2 (July 28, 2013): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bjar.v38i2.15889.
Full textAbstract:
Despite high pressure of population on land and other natural resources, Bangladesh has made remarkable progress in food production over the last three and a half decades. The shrinking trend in land availability for crop production is another challenge ahead of the economy. The declining trend in cultivable land was quite sharp in the period of 1990 to 2005. Although the population has doubled, cereal food production has increased in the range of 100-125% during this period. The progress is the result of development and dissemination of modern high-yielding rice and wheat varieties supported by favourable public policies. There has been impressive technological advancement in the rice sector. Bangladesh Rice Research Institute (BRRI) made substantial contribution in the recent past and a total of 59 modern high yielding rice varieties (HYVs) suitable for different production ecologies have been released after independence in 1972. Although the progress in variety development was slower during the seventies and eightees, it was triggered up in the later decades and a quantum of achievement was made after 2000. The rate of varietal development was almost double in the last quarter of the decades compared to that made in the seventees. During the period of 1972 to 1980, the share of modern rice in total production was only 29%, but by the year 1985, it increased to 41% and jumped to nearly 90% by 2010 implying a highly impressive contribution of the diffusion of modern rice technologies in the overall supply of cereal foods in the country. Bangladesh J. Agril. Res. 38(2): 257-269, June 2013 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bjar.v38i2.15889
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Badhan, Ishrat Momtaz, and Asma Siddika. "Evaluating the Policy Outcomes for Urban Resiliency in Informal Settlements Since Independence in Dhaka, Bangladesh: A Review." Nakhara : Journal of Environmental Design and Planning 17 (October 18, 2019): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.54028/nj20191797110.
Full textAbstract:
Today’s cities are characterized by the process of urbanization, which in most cases is integrated with the escalation of informal settlements due to excessive migration followed by a housing crisis. This is a common situation for most cities in developing countries, such as Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh. Dhaka has emerged as one of the fastest growing megacities in recent times, which receives a major number of rural to urban migrants annually due to its growth as the major economic hub of Bangladesh. Dhaka has one of the largest populations among all global cities, which results in a critical challenge for urban areas that are experiencing very fast growing slum and squatter settlements. Considering the global concern toward urban resiliency, several policy approaches such as eviction, resettlement, and upgrading have been adopted to deal with slum (bastee) settlements of Dhaka since independence in 1972. The objective of this study is to analyse these adopted policies chronologically by reviewing the policy outcomes of other South Asian countries. The study follows a theoretical analysis from secondary resources and finally makes a summary of different policies and their outcomes.