Academic literature on the topic '1971 Bangladeshi independence'

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Journal articles on the topic "1971 Bangladeshi independence"

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Al-Mubarak, Tawfique. "Sarmila Bose, Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War." ICR Journal 4, no. 3 (July 15, 2013): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i3.470.

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In 1971, by a devastating war, Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) achieved independence from (West) Pakistan. Since then, both parties have documented and presented their research findings on the war. However, many of these findings have lacked credibility. Perhaps the only objective account on the 1971 war has been Richard Sisson and Leo Rose’s War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh (1991). Sarmila Bose’s recent work, Dead Reckoning, today constitutes a significant contribution to the research on Bangladesh’s war of independence, all the more so for its unique methodology in using multiple sources of original information and cross-checked eyewitness testimonies from all parties involved. Pakistani army personnel as well as Bangladeshi muktijoddhas (freedom fighters) and victims of the war were interviewed to authenticate currently available materials, many of which appear to have been exaggerated with the force of emotion. This distinguishes the work from many other books authored by proponents of either party to the conflict. This book is certainly an eye-opener for researchers on the 1971 war.
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Khan, Mahmud Hasan, and Ishtiaq Hossain. "The Rift Within An Imagined Community: Understanding Nationalism(s) in Bangladesh." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 2 (2006): 324–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106777371229.

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AbstractThe continuing debate in Bangladesh over the national identity of its people — whether one is a Bangali or Bangladeshi — is a post-1975 phenomenon. One of the main themes of the independence war (1971) was 'Bangali nationalism'. However, it was replaced with 'Bangladeshi nationalism' by a military government following a bloody military coup in 1975. This major change in the label of the national identity of the people of Bangladesh requires explanation. A sharp distinction in the nature of politics in Bangladesh between the pre- and post-1975 era offers an explanation of the politics of identity in Bangladesh. This study shows that the manifestations of these political identities have been represented discursively, according to the political ideologies adopted by the successive regimes in Bangladesh. This paper studies the material representations of national identity, specifically the discursive construction of national identity in Bangladesh. It investigates also whether national identity discourse is a creation of the political rhetoric during different eras or it is "over-determined" in Althusserian terms. In other words, this paper questions the ontological basis of national identity in Bangladesh.
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Thorp, John P. "Bangladesh, Bangladesh!—A Review Article." Journal of Asian Studies 45, no. 4 (August 1986): 789–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056087.

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In 1981 Bangladesh celebrated its first decade of independence. This milestone was marked by a sharp increase in publications about the new nation. Authors are fascinated and not a little surprised that the “international basketcase” of 1971 has survived a vast array of economic, social, and political afflictions. The authors are also concerned about the continuing survival of Bangladesh. Current writing is concentrated on either its political history or problems of economic development and represents a major contribution to filling gaps in our knowledge of Bangladesh. Unfortunately, although most contemporary authors have limited experience in Bangladesh, they do have well-developed theoretical perspectives that guide their constructions of Bangladeshi reality. Current writing proffers Weberian, neoclassical economic, and Marxist interpretations of Bangladesh. Little fresh, in-depth, culturally sensitive, representative reporting of Bangladeshis' own interpretations of the present and aspirations for the future is being done. Academia is failing the majority of Bangladeshis by not taking seriously their ideas, aspirations, and abilities.
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Islam, Muhammad Sajidul, Md-Khairul Islam, and Sabbir Hasan. "Commercial Films in Bangladesh: Impact Analysis (2009-2019)." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 8, no. 1 (April 11, 2021): 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol8iss1pp226-235.

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After the independence of Bangladesh (1971), new generation film development making take a place. Bangla commercial films can be divided before liberation, post liberation and modern era. Before liberation era; A. J. Kardar, Zahir Raihan, Khan Ataur Rahman, were the commercial Bengali film makers. During the Post liberation time, we have some extra ordinary movies like Sareng Bou (1978), Surjo Dighal Bari (1979) and so on. But in the modern era definition of commercial film has got a change. From 2009 to 2019 Bangladeshi audience got difference in commercial films. But having DT (Digital Technology) and other advancement given a development of Bangladeshi commercial film. But story making, acting, making, socialization and other things are gradually developing in Bangladeshi commercial films. This research will evaluate prospects and challenges of Bangladeshi commercial films from 2009 to 2019. However further research is recommended to develop making of Bangladeshi commercial films in respect of lifelike story, cultural dissemination and so on.
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Islam, Muhammad Sajidul, Md Khairul Islam, and Sabbir Hasan. "Commercial Films in Bangladesh Impact Analysis (2009-2019)." CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (September 13, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/cenraps.v3i1.60.

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After the independence of Bangladesh (1971), new generation film development making take a place. Bangla commercial films can be divided before liberation, post-liberation and the modern era. Before the liberation era; A. J. Kardar, Zahir Raihan, Khan Ataur Rahman, were the commercial Bengali filmmakers. During the Post liberation time, we have some extraordinary movies like Sareng Bou (1978), Surjo Dighal Bari (1979) and so on. But in the modern era definition of the commercial film has got a chance. From 2009 to 2019 Bangladeshi audiences got different in commercial films. But having DT (Digital Technology) and other advancements have given the development of Bangladeshi commercial film. But story-making, acting, making, socialization and other things are gradually developing in Bangladeshi commercial films. This research will evaluate the prospects and challenges of Bangladeshi commercial films from 2009 to 2019. However further research is recommended to develop the making of Bangladeshi commercial films in respect of lifelike stories, cultural dissemination and so on.
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Alam, Shah. "BANGLADESH-INDIA RELATIONS: TRENDS AND CHALLENGES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 7, no. 12 (June 9, 2020): 243–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i12.2019.318.

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The smooth relationship between Bangladesh and India is essential for these two neighboring countries as the relationship between the two countries is historical. The relations between the two countries are also highly significant for the international relations of South Asia. The good relations between these countries originated since the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. Seemingly, the good relations between them have been prevailing and continuing since the independence of Bangladesh. However, the relations between Bangladesh and India has been complicated and intricate. The historical legacies have often strained the relations between these two nations instead of cementing the bond through ancestral ties. The relations have been further complicated by the prolongation in resolving the disputable issues like waters sharing treaties, immigrant infiltrations, killings in the border, and so many. Hence, most of the Bangladeshi citizens believe that relations between Bangladesh and India are imbalanced. Thus, this paper argues that a combination of all these factors has, therefore, contributed to developing anti-Indian feelings among Bangladeshi citizens. This study aims to identify and explain the presence of such an antipathy towards India among Bangladeshi people. Upon exploring the underlying causes behind the anti-Indian sentiment among Bangladeshi citizens, the paper, finally, outlines some policy implications.
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PP, Roy. "Physical Trauma As Presesnted In Monica Ali’s Brick Lane." History Research Journal 5, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i4.7167.

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Monica Ali was born in 1967 in Dhaka, Bangladesh, but grew up in England. Her English mother met her Bangladeshi father at a dance in northern England in the 1960s. Despite both of their families` protests, they later married and lived together with their two young children in Dhaka. This was then the provincial capital of East Pakistan which after a nine-month war of independence became the capital of the People`s Republic of Bangladesh. On 25 March 1971 during this civil war, Monica Ali`s father sent his family to safety in England. The war caused East Pakistan to secede from the union with West Pakistan, and was now named Bangladesh.
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Fazakarley, Jed. "Multiculturalism’s categories and transnational ties: the Bangladeshi campaign for independence in Britain, 1971." Immigrants & Minorities 34, no. 1 (October 2015): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.2015.1065739.

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Haider, Zaglul. "Biharis in Bangladesh and Their Restricted Access to Citizenship Rights." South Asia Research 38, no. 3_suppl (August 23, 2018): 25S—42S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728018791695.

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The Urdu-speaking Biharis of Bangladesh have been facing obstructions in enjoying full citizenship rights since Bangladesh gained independence from Pakistan in 1971. This minority, living on the fringes of Bangladeshi society, still mostly in camps, experiences discrimination particularly in obtaining passports and other travel and identity documents, despite legal assertions that they are citizens. Using theoretical and empirical research, the article seeks to identify the extent of this denial of sociopolitical and legal rights. The research finds discriminatory policies and practices in public service delivery at local levels, regarding access to public education and employment, but especially concerning passports and driver’s licences. This supports a conclusion that the Biharis of Bangladesh remain even today effectively stateless. Not fully protected by the bureaucratic state structures that should be engaged in non-discriminatory public service delivery, they are defrauded of basic rights and equal opportunities, notably the freedom to travel.
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Shuchi, Israt Jahan, and A. B. M. Shafiqul Islam. "Reading Allen Ginsberg’s September on Jessore Road: An Attempt to Ruminate over the Horrific Reminiscences of the Liberation War of Bangladesh." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.1p.41.

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Allen Ginsberg’s ‘September on Jessore Road’ captures the blood-stained history of the creation of Bangladesh through highlighting the unflinching struggle of the Bangladeshi people and their appalling plight that they went through during the country’s war of independence in 1971. This poem mainly reports on Ginsberg’s visit to the refugee camps located in the bordering areas of Jessore of Bangladesh and Kolkata of India in mid-September, 1971. Those camps sheltered millions of Bengalis who fled their homes fearing persecution and violence inflicted by the Pakistani occupation forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh. Ginsberg’s first-hand experience of encountering the refugees in those camps is reproduced in this poem where the poet very meticulously pens the untold sufferings that every individual experienced during that war time. The poem also criticizes the US government and all its state apparatus for not supporting the freedom loving Bengalis in that war. His original intent of composing this poem was to express solidarity with the Bengalis’ resolute craving for freedom on the one hand and to create awareness among the masses and form public opinion against Pakistani atrocities on the Bengali people on the other. This paper thus attempts to depict how Ginsberg puts all these aspects into words with a view to reminding us of the gory history behind the establishment of the modern state of Bangladesh.
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Books on the topic "1971 Bangladeshi independence"

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Suriya, Senaka K. The significance of the Bangladesh independence war: A background paper. Colombo, Sri Lanka: International Study Circle, Sri Jinaratana Academy, 1990.

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Political history of Bangladesh: A brief political history of the Bengali nation from ancient time upto independence in 1971. Dhaka: Anannya, 2001.

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Rabbee, Nusrat. War Heroines Speak: The Rape of Bangladeshi Women in 1971 War of Independence. BookBaby, 2021.

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Bangladesh independence struggle, 1971-. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 1998.

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Riley, Barry. The Nixon Years. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190228873.003.0015.

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The administration of President Richard Nixon presents several examples of how Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, used food aid as a tool to advance foreign policy goals that Congress was attempting to foreclose. This chapter discusses two such examples: (1) food aid to Thailand in 1971, intended to free other financial resources in support of Southeast Asian military purchases, and (2) White House intervention in food aid decisions involving East Pakistan/Bangladesh and India in the months after Pakistani leader General Yahya Kahn unleased military reprisals against East Pakistan that led to the latter’s war of independence and a consequent flood of millions of East Pakistani refugees into India. Nixon’s support of Yahya Kahn and reluctance to assist India and the food aid-related repercussions of that support are described in this chapter.
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Book chapters on the topic "1971 Bangladeshi independence"

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Bari, M. Ehteshamul. "The Principle of Judicial Independence and Its Recognition in the Constitution of Bangladesh, 1972." In The Independence of the Judiciary in Bangladesh, 19–56. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6222-5_2.

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Bari, M. Ehteshamul. "The Method of Appointment of the Judges of the Supreme Court Under the Constitution of Bangladesh, 1972." In The Independence of the Judiciary in Bangladesh, 57–93. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6222-5_3.

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Bari, M. Ehteshamul. "The Guarantee of Security of Tenure of the Judges of the Supreme Court under the Constitution of Bangladesh, 1972." In The Independence of the Judiciary in Bangladesh, 129–35. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6222-5_5.

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"Bangladeshi War for Independence, 1971." In An Atlas and Survey of South Asian History, 106–7. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315706429-50.

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Rahman, Sheikh Mujibur. "The Declaration of Independence (25–26 March 1971)." In The Bangladesh Reader, 225. Duke University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822395676-066.

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Kuttig, Julian. "‘Another kind of beating’." In Universities as Transformative Social Spaces, 243–64. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865571.003.0009.

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Violence in Bangladesh’s student politics is complex and closely connected to political party contestations and shifting power relations. When Tarikul Islam Tarek, a non-partisan student from Rajshahi University and joint convener of the quota reform movement, was severely beaten by the ruling party’s student wing, in what is known as the ‘hammer incident’, the equilibrium that spared non-partisan students from becoming victims of political violence was broken. This ‘another kind of beating’ led to a shift in the ‘geographies of violence’, producing an autocratic social order marred by an atmosphere of fear. In the past, student politics in Bangladesh were mostly deployed in the struggle for self-determination (i.e. the partition from India in 1947 and independence in 1971) and to open democratic spaces in 1991. Since then, student politics have increasingly shifted to protect political party stakes. The violence between political party student wings has emerged as part of a new social order—a trend also observed in other parts of South Asia (e.g. Pakistan, India, and Nepal). The ‘hammer incident’ serves as a marker of how violence in student politics transforms and integrates into a well-performing, autocratic party machine to enforce societal control within and beyond university campus confines.
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Clary, Christopher. "Dhaka, Simla, and an Incomplete Peace." In The Difficult Politics of Peace, 165–99. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197638408.003.0007.

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This chapter traces the rise of Indira Gandhi in India, before turning to Pakistan’s political difficulties in the late 1960s. Elections in 1970 led Pakistan to its gravest political crisis since independence, and ultimately resulted in a brutal military campaign to repress East Pakistani political aspirations. That campaign in turn generated a large refugee crisis, giving India moral and pragmatic reasons to intervene in East Pakistan. Throughout the crisis, Pakistan’s military dictator, Yahya Khan, found his room for maneuver limited by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, complicating domestic and international negotiations. Pakistan’s decisive defeat in 1971, however, did not produce a lopsided settlement in India’s favor. Bhutto, who replaced Yahya as Pakistan’s leader, used his political weakness to argue persuasively against the far-reaching Simla Accord with India. However, as Bhutto’s political position improved, he demonstrated a willingness and ability to make meaningful concessions to normalize relations with India and a new Bangladesh.
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Barany, Zoltan. "After Colonial Rule in Asia: India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh." In The Soldier and the Changing State. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0009.

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This chapter looks at two pivotal states of South Asia: India and Pakistan. India and Pakistan gained their independence in 1947. India succeeded in placing its armed forces under firm and virtually unchallenged state control right from the beginning of independence. However, civil–military relations in Pakistan have been far more “eventful.” The chapter makes three arguments. First and most important, by the end of the first postcolonial decade, the patterns for the drastically different military politics of India and Pakistan were already set. Second, of the numerous reasons for the evolution of different civil–military relations in the two countries, several lie in the circumstances of the 1947 Partition and in the immediate post-Partition period. Third, the British colonial period left behind profound legacies, most of which have positively influenced military affairs in the Subcontinent. The chapter also addresses Bangladesh—from its independence in 1971 to the military take-over in 2007—and what sets its military politics apart from Pakistan's.
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Goldstein, Inge F., and Martin Goldstein. "Summary: Lessons From A Disaster." In How Much Risk? Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139945.003.0015.

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We have told a number of stories in this book about environmental health hazards. To summarize the main messages, we will briefly tell another. There is one common pollutant, a product of human activity, that is responsible for many millions of deaths each year, most of them among small children. Human feces contaminating the water supply is the means by which cholera, dysentery, typhoid fever, and a number of parasitic diseases are spread. These diseases were killing people even in Western economically advanced countries throughout most of the nineteenth century, and are still among the most serious threats to the health of the majority of the people of the world. They can be prevented, as they are in the industrialized world, by rather simple measures, but measures that are beyond the economic resources of many of the less developed countries. Recently the United Nations has been providing funds and technological help in controlling them by improving access to uncontaminated drinking water. One such program in Bangladesh involved digging tube wells to get access to deep groundwater sources, so that the people would no longer have to drink surface water from ponds and streams contaminated by human and animal wastes. Bangladesh has had more than its share of misfortune. It is a low-lying country subject to floods and other natural disasters, which has not been spared disasters of human making as well. Originally part of Pakistan when British India was partitioned, it is cut off from the rest of Pakistan by a thousand miles of Indian territory. The people of Bangladesh, although Muslim in religion, were ethnically distinct and spoke a different language from the rest of Pakistan. Their attempts to gain greater autonomy for their region led to a brutal suppression by the Pakistan army in 1971, in which over 1 million people were killed. Indian military intervention led to the defeat of Pakistan and the creation of an independent country of about 150 million people, with the highest population density in the world and one of the lowest per capita incomes, under $300 a year.
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