Journal articles on the topic '1940-1989 Criticism and interpretation'

Abstract For the past 150 years, American art and art criticism have undergone important cultural and ideological transformations that are explanatory both of their historical evolution and of the possibility of being divided into several stages. In my interpretation, art criticism cuts across the historical evolution of art in the United States, according to the following cultural and ideological paradigms: two predominant cultural ideologies of art between 1865-1900 and 1960-1980, respectively; two other aesthetic and formalist ideological shifts in the periods between 1900- 1940 and 1940-1960, respectively, and one last pluralist approach to the arts after 1980. Even if this conceptualisation of art criticism in America might seem risky and oversimplifying, there are conspicuous and undeniable arguments supporting it. In a previous study published by American, British and Canadian Studies, I provided conceptual justifications both for the criteria dividing the cultural and the ideological within the overall assessment of American art by art critics and for the analysis and interpretation of the first two important temporal periods in the field of art criticism, 1865-1900 and 1908-1940. The present study continues by analyzing the cultural and ideological stances of American art criticism after 1940 and argues for certain paradigmatic shifts from one period to another.

For forty years a debate has raged in Petronian studies between the moralists and, for want of a better term, the anti-moralists. From Highet in the 1940's to Bacon and Arrowsmith in the 1950's and 60's, the moralists held a certain advantage. Whatever important divergences there were among these critics, all agreed on a Petronius who stood in some critical relation to his society. The dissenting voices have grown much louder of late. Ironically, the literary brilliance of Arrowsmith's New Critical reading of the Satyricon helped to turn the tide against the moralist viewpoint. The more apparent the literary sophistication of the Satyricon has become, the less willing late twentieth century readers have been to see a programmatic moral critique as its main purpose. Sullivan's view of Petronius as a ‘literary opportunist’ has come to dominate the field.With Graham Anderson's book, Eros Sophistes: Ancient Novelists at Play, the retreat from the position of Highet is now complete. We have finally reached the logical, New Critical conclusion that the Satyricon is an entirely self-contained literary game without any message whatsoever; in effect we are told that, like any serious piece of literature, the Satyricon ‘should not mean, but be’. Anderson is eager to disavow ‘the unproven conviction that every work must have a message, however diffusely or perversely expressed’.

Pavle Stefanovic (1901-1985) is one of the most prominent Serbian music critics and essayists. He created extensive musicographic work, largely scattered in periodicals. A philosopher by education, he had an excellent knowledge of music and its history. His style was marked by eloquence, associativity and plasticity of expression. Between 1938 and 1940 he published eighteen music reviews in The Music Herald, the longest-running Belgrade music magazine in the interwar period (1928-1941, with interruption from 1934 to 1938). Stefanovic wrote about concerts, opera and ballet performances in Belgrade, performances by local and eminent foreign artists. His reviews include Magda Tagliaferro, Nathan Milstein, Jacques Thibaud, Enrico Mainardi, Bronis?aw Huberman, Alexander Uninsky, Alexaner Borovsky, Ignaz Friedman, Nikita Magaloff and many other eminent musicians. Th is study is devoted to the analysis of the Stefanovic?s procedure. Pavle Stefanovic was an anti-fascist and left ist. He believed that the task of a music critic was not merely to analyze and evaluate musical works and musical interpretations. He argued that the critic should engage in important social issues that concerned music and music life. That is why he wrote articles on the occasion of German artists visiting Belgrade, about the persecution of musicians of Jewish descent and the cultural situation in the Third Reich. On the other hand, Stefanovic was an aesthetic hedonist who expressed a great sense of the beauty of musical works. Th at duality - a socially engaged intellectual and a subtle ?enjoyer? of the art - remained undisturbed. In these articles he did not go into a deterministic interpretation of the structure of musical composition and the history of music. And he did not accept the larpurlartistic views.

Twenty years of Cambridge Opera Journal: in view of the journal's place in the discipline, the occasion seemed worth marking. When Roger Parker and Arthur Groos founded Cambridge Opera Journal in 1989, it offered the first forum to the musical community for serious opera criticism that took into account changing orientations in literary studies and seriously engaged with ideology, reception history, and representations of race, class and gender. Subsequent editors – Mary Hunter, Mary Ann Smart, and Emanuele Senici – continued to foster this wide intellectual perspective and to engage with an extraordinary variety of methodologies. For the current issue, we gave carte blanche to authors who contributed in the first two years of publication to reflect on their past work, or on opera studies, or on the journal, either informally as an opinion piece or through new scholarship – and so to measure time by developments in the discipline itself.

The essay aims at showing which ways an interpretation of literature can turn towards. A proposed way is based on how to functionalise post-colonial criticism tools for the purpose of today’s polish literary studies. The author discusses concept of post-colonial researches connected with polish literature about Russia and Russians. The article presents ways of an interpretation of Russia in polish travel literature after 1989. The author writes about three books, witch are a representation of different perspectives of thinking and writing about Russia. The first way is concerned with polish recolonization of the former USSR. Second is connected with a position of a wanderer, who travel from place to place with no permanent home in Russia. The last way shows thinking about Russian Federation in very innovative way, it is perspective of a settler. All those concepts of seeing and describing Russia is infected by an interpretation “revenge”.

This paper argues that debates over art exhibitions that make use of live animals, such as the Guggenheim Museum's 2017 Art and China After 1989: Theater of the World, are reflective of a schism between two general approaches to the ethico-political criticism of art. One of these approaches, the interpretation-oriented approach, is dominant in the art world and its adjacent institutions. The other, the production-oriented approach, is tacitly adopted by art-interested non-specialists. This rift explains why the use of animals in contemporary art—a practice that many art-interested people outside of the art world find bizarre and prima facie unethical—is so rarely discussed critically within art world institutions such as museums and journals. In an attempt to redress this oversight, the paper argues that the production-oriented approach is not only conceptually sound, but rationally preferable to the interpretation-oriented approach in many such cases.

K.H. A. Muhammad Isa was very instrumental in spreading the teachings of moderate Islam in South Cianjur. Practically, he took moderate steps as the best effort to address the differences in views between the conservative and modernist camps in responding to the changing times. He was very instrumental in translating the syarah texts of Arabic books, making them easy to understand and widespread among the Ulama of Cianjur Regency. He is also a Falak Ulama and a member of the Hisab and Rukyat Agency the Ministry Religion of the Republic Indonesia, thus making him always involved with the Ministry Religion of the Republic Indonesia in determining the new moon and one Shawwal. This paper tries to reveal the progress of K.H. A. Muhammad Isa in the Embodiment of moderate Islam in South Cianjur. To obtain valid data, the method used in this research is a historical research method, which is a systematic procedure or technique with the principles and rules of History. The technique in question includes several steps, including: selection of sources (heuristics), internal and external criticism (verification), data analysis and interpretation (interpretation), and presentation in written form (historiography). With this paper, future generations of Muslims are expected to be able to take role models from the figures discussed and be able to represent the attitude of religious moderation as a pillar of national integration; the creation of a tolerant and harmonious religious life so as not to cause national disintegration.

The main goal of this study is to highlight the acceptance, dissemination, interpretation, criticism and make some attempts at contributing to Austrian economics made in Bulgaria during the last 120 years. We consider some of the main characteristics of the Austrian school, such as subjectivism and marginalism, as basic components of the economic thought in Bulgaria and as incentives for the development of some original theoretical contributions. Even during the first few years of Communist regime (1944–1989), with its Marxist monopoly over intellectual life, the Austrian school had some impact on the economic thought in the country. Subsequent to the collapse of Communism, there was a sort of a Renaissance and rediscovery of this school. Another contribution of our study is that it illustrates the adaptability and spontaneous evolution of ideas in a different and sometimes hostile environment.

The aim of the study is to consider feminist retellings of myths and legends. As an example, Margaret Atwood’s book The Penelopiad is analyzed. The interpretation is situated in a broader context of intertextual practices characteristic of the feminist vision of literature. I present the ideas which Atwood shares with authors engaged in women’s movement. Among these there is Atwood’s understanding of intertextuality (noticeable especially in The Penelopiad). Bibliographical basis of the study comprises books which are fundamental to feminist and gender criticism (e.g. Poetics of Gender, ed. by N. Miller, New York 1986; S. M. Gilbert, S. Gubar The Madwoman in the Attic. The Woman Writer and the Nineteenth- Century Literary Imagination, New Haven and London 1984). What is more, the study refers to the books which allow considering the notion of intertextuality (G. Allen, Intertextuality, London and New York 2010, J. Clayton. E. Rothstein (eds.), Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History, Wisconsin 1991) and connecting the interpretation with the problems crucial to contemporary literary studies (L. Hutcheon L. A Poetics of Postmodernism. History, Theory, Fiction, New York and London 1988, B. Johnson, A World of Difference, Baltimore and London 1989).

Penelitian dengan judul Eksistensi Musik Death Metal Di Jakarta 1989-2000 bertujuan untuk mengetahui mengenai perkembangan aliran musik death metal di Jakarta. Dalam penelitian ini digunakan metode historis dengan tahapan heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian ini menginformasikan bahwa eksistensi musik death metal di Jakarta dimulai sejak berdirinya band Grausig pada tahun 1989. Kemudian dari tahun 1991-1998 terbentuk sebanyak 23 band beraliran death metal. Pada awal berdirinya band-band tersebut masih memainkan lagu-lagu milik band death metal mancanegara. Pada tahun 1993 berdiri tempat bersejarah bernama Poster Café yang menjadi venue rutin diselenggarakannya penampilan band-band death metal di Jakarta. Selama periode tersebut juga banyak sekali event-event perguruan tinggi dan sekolah yang menghadirkan band-band beraliran death metal. Kelahiran fanzine di Jakarta ditandai oleh beredarnya fanzine bernama Brainwashed Zine sejak September 1996. Pada tahun 1999 terjadi perubahan arah penulisan lirik lagu-lagu death metal, yang sebelumnya membahas “setan”, menjadi lagu-lagu bertemakan kritik sosial-politik. Perubahan tersebut terjadi akibat pemerintah otoriter Orde Baru. Pada tahun 2000 terbentuk label rekaman Rottrevore Records. Label tersebut melahirkan standard baru bagi eksistensi musik death metal di Jakarta. Standard baru tersebut adalah label rekaman harus menjadi wadah yang profesional bagi band-band death metal yang dinaunginya. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa lirik-lirik lagu death metal di Jakarta tidak hanya bertemakan “setan”, tetapi ada juga lirik-lirik lagu yang bertemakan kritik sosial-politik.Kata kunci : Eksistensi, Musik, Death Metal di Jakarta Abtract The research entitled The Existence of Death Metal Music in Jakarta 1989-2000 aims to find out about the development of death metal music in Jakarta. In this research, the historical method is used with heuristic stages, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study inform that the existence of death metal music in Jakarta began with the founding of the band Grausig in 1989. Then from 1991-1998 formed as many as 23 death metal bands. At the beginning of their establishment, these bands still played songs belonging to foreign death metal bands. In 1993, a historic place called Poster Café was established, which is a regular venue for performances by death metal bands in Jakarta. During this period, there were also many college and school events that featured death metal bands. The birth of a fanzine in Jakarta was marked by the circulation of a fanzine called Brainwashed Zine since September 1996. In 1999 there was a change in the direction of writing lyrics for death metal songs, which previously discussed “devil”, into songs with the theme of socio-political criticism. These changes occurred as a result of the authoritarian New Order government. In 2000 the record label Rottrevore Records was formed. The label gave birth to a new standard for the existence of death metal music in Jakarta. The new standard is that record labels must become a professional forum for death metal bands under their umbrella. It can be concluded that the lyrics of death metal songs in Jakarta are not only themed "devil", but there are also song lyrics with the theme of socio-political criticism.Keywords : death metal, poster café, rottrevore records

AbstractThis paper aims to investigate the dialogue between some postmodern thinkers (mostly Lyotard, Rorty and Vattimo) and Habermas’ criticism in light of a different conception of dialogue itself. Therefore, we shall first give an account of how Habermas establishes his neomodern discourse (1985) in a very close dialogue with the key concepts of postmodernism: the subject and its social role, language and the concept of philosophical truth and the postmodernist view of history (Lyotard, 1979, Vattimo, 1974, 1985, 2009; Rorty, 1989; Bauman, 1993). Secondly, dialogue will be addressed as a structural difference between Habermas’ universal normative ethic of discourse (together with Karl-Otto Apel, 1983) and the postmodern local and linguistic pluralism, emancipated from any metaphysical ratio. In the end, it will be argued that philosophy ought to be dialogical in line with Habermas’ view, within the foundation and normativity of dialogue. Postmodernist dialogue in philosophy and in society displays instead many shortcomings if understood as a pluralist linguistic game of interpretation.

The publication presents previously unknown letters to Sergey Ozhegov of the late 1940s – early 1960s, which reveal facts of his scientific biography. The aim of this work is to introduce into scientific discourse rare archival documents on the history of Russian linguistics, and also to study linguistic polemics in the USSR in the era of the onslaught of the Marrism of the end of the 1940s. The main methods of studying the material are historical-linguistic, lexicographic, sociolinguistic and linguistic source analysis (search, decoding and commenting on archival texts). In the course of the research of documentary materials, the author has revealed new facts testifying to the change of a vector of scientific views on explanatory lexicography as a whole which, unlike the previous dictionary projects, was not adapted to academic needs, and first of all solved practical problems of explaining the actual lexicon of the 20th century. The article notes that one of the key issues of the dictionary work of that time was the interpretation of Sovietisms, on the one hand, and religious words and expressions, on the other. The archaic vocabulary (“merchant” and church elements) became the object of fierce criticism of Ozhegov’s opponents. Scholars and non-philological readers, polemicizing with Ozhegov, paid special attention to reviews and analysis of semantic, stylistic and cultural-historical realities of dictionary entries. Ozhegov’s respondents also discussed the difficult fate of the dictionary. The published letters contain semi-official reviews from both famous scholars (A.P. Evgenieva, Ya.M. Endzelin, R.R. Gel’gardt, J.V. Loja) and ordinary readers of The Dictionary, they reveal Ozhegov as a person of special gift loving his native language. These letters provide valuable material for the analysis of linguistic homeland studies of the period of struggle between the two ideologies in science. The letters reveal new facts of Ozhegov’s editorial work, discuss the criticism of the publication in the press, note its strengths and weaknesses. The article emphasizes the sociocultural aspect of Ozhegov’s interpretations and the ambiguity of their perception by contemporaries. The Dictionary is included in the context of general linguistic ideas by D.N. Ushakov and L.V. Shcherba. The high pedagogical value of this source is indicated. The published archival materials confirm a unique fact in the scientific practice of the mid-20th century: the emergence of a popular explanatory dictionary reflecting the cultural constants of the time and serving as a reliable tool for self-education. The article is of interest to historiographers of science, lexicologists and lexicographers, linguaculturologists, sociolinguists.

This article contributes a new analysis of verbal irony to the literature. It presents the main analyses of verbal irony – and the main criticisms of these analyses – found in both older and modern literatures as part of its attempt to build a new account for verbal irony. Thus, this paper discusses traditional, echoic and pretense accounts of irony and the limitations of these analyses. In traditional account, verbal irony is analyzed as a type of a trope or a figurative, in which the speaker communicates the opposite of the literal meaning (see Utsumi (2000)). In echoic analysis, verbal irony is assumed to be an echoic interpretation of an attributed utterance or thought (see Wilson and Sperber (1992)). As for pretense account of verbal irony, it views the ironist as pretending to be an injudicious speaker talking to an uninitiated hearer (see Clark and Gerrig (1984)). The three analyses of verbal irony attract some criticism in the literature (see Kreuz and Glucksberg (1989) and Utsumi (2000)). This paper argues for a new analysis, suggesting that there are multiple types of verbal irony that should be examined under more than one analytical approach based on their meanings. This paper suggests that ironic verbal expressions that communicate the opposite of their literal meaning should be analyzed as a type of metaphor with two oppositional subjects in which the ironist pretends to believe that they resemble one another.

The aim of this research is to show the economic activity of the Priangan people during the rule of the Netherlands Indies Government between 1900-1940. The research focusses on the economic policies and discussions from the Netherlands Indies Government in reforming “native” economic life and its response by Priangan society. This study uses the historical method with four research stages, namely heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The result of this research shows that state intervention in the local economic life was a failure, evidenced by the number of Priangan people in poverty. In the early twentieth century, sikep (landlord) became major reformers due to a new perspective that valued capital more than land . They succeeded to use their capital to develop micro industries, influencing the economic life of Priangan society. The society was able to creatively adapt to the new policy of economic liberalism. Based on their local wisdoms, the Priangan people created a new form of liberalism supported within their socio-cultural, economic, and political structures. This local liberalism formed the pattern of dynamic economic behaviour and nurtured the entrepreneurial spirit amongst the Priangan society.

Jerzy Giedroyc—the founder and editor of the journal Kultura—has played an important symbolic role in Polish public debates, especially as an architect of post-communist Poland’s policy toward its Eastern neighbors. At the same time, scholars and experts differ substantially in their assessments as to both the shape and influence of “Giedroyc’s line.” This article argues that in order to solve this puzzle, Giedroyc should be seen as an “intelligentsia totem”—an instrument for the reproduction of Polish intelligentsia hegemony, and a source of legitimization for which various factions within the elite compete. Taking into account this distinctive role allows for a new assessment of the influence of Giedroyc’s line on Poland’s eastern policy. By integrating the totemic interpretation with an analysis of the changing shape of the Polish field of power and changing interpretations of what Giedroyc’s line entailed, I argue that only some postulates of Giedroyc were implemented after 1989. Despite this, because of Giedroyc’s legitimizing function as Kultura’s editor, his role as an “architect” of the eastern policy was seldom questioned. Only when the reconfiguration of the Polish field of power brought an end to consensus in the foreign policy realm did new diverging interpretations of Giedroyc’s line emerge, legitimizing competing visions for Polish foreign policy. This article delivers a more nuanced view of the role Giedroyc played in post-communist Poland, thus explaining his criticism toward its foreign policy. It also sheds light on the legitimization mechanisms at work within the Polish elite.

Changes in the Visual Form of Aaro Hellaakoski’s Poem ”Vieras” (”The Stranger”) The present article shows how genetic criticism (critique génétique) can enrich our understanding and interpretation of visual poetry by examining the manuscript, proofs and published versions of the poem ”Vieras” (” e Stranger”) from the typographically experimental collection Jää- peili (”Ice Mirror”, 1928) by the Finnish poet Aaro Hellaakoski (1893–1952). e collection is regarded as a forerunner of Finnish modernism, and particularly its experimental typography got successors only as late as in the 1960s. Besides omitting punctuation and upper case letters, Hellaakoski experiments with the auditory and visual dimensions of ”Vieras” by dividing metrical stanzas and line units into typographically separate groups. In his later selected poems Valitut runot (”Selected poems”, 1940) and Runot (” e Poems”, 1947), Hellaakoski stripped ”Vieras” from these experimental features. e examination of the manuscripts and proofs of ”Vieras” shows that Hellaakoski’s later revisions actually revert the poem to a form closer to its early, visually more traditional, manuscript versions. e article suggests, that it was probably the integrity of Jääpeili as a modernist collection that motivated Hellaakoski into the experimental typography and ortography of ”Vieras”. ese features became dispensable when the poem was released from the context of the collection.

The article examines the attitude of philosopher, poet, and aesthetician Aleksandr Gorsky to the personality and legacy of A.M. Gorky. It outlines the main directions of Gorky’s perception and interpretation by Gorsky. The article argues that Gorsky highlights vitality and projectivity of Gorky’s creative thinking, and considers him a consistent immortalist. The focus is on Gorsky’s unpublished work “Overcoming Faust” (1939–1940), a typical example of philosophical criticism that uses philological methods of analysis. Gorsky examines Faustianism through the prism of the rejection of individualism, which is specific for Gorky’s work. Considering the desire for knowledge and action as the defining feature of the Faustian consciousness, Gorsky notes that this desire is constrained and limited by the fact of human mortality and the recognition of the omnipotence of nature. The fact that Faustianism does not aim at overcoming death and eventually comes to terms with with it, allows Gorsky to see Faustianism as a bourgeois type of consciousness. Instead, Gorky, by standing against petty-bourgeois passivity in his work, raises the question about the means to overcome death. Gorky’s early fairy tale “The Girl and Death” is interpreted by Gorsky in the context of the development of life-affirming consciousness that overcomes death by the power of love and devotion to the common cause.

Abstrac This study aims to provide an overview of the biography of Abdurrahman Sayoeti thought (1965-1999). The research method used is historical method, which is a process of testing and critically analyzing past events, with stages starting from heuristics, criticism, interpretation, historiography. The results of various important positions have been held by Abdurrahman Sayoeti, first became director of APDN in 1965, through the leadership of Abdurrahman Sayoeti, has given birth to quite a lot of graduates and has the leadership seeds to build Jambi area, secondly, as Sekwilda Level I Jambi up to two periods (1969), Abdurrahman Sayoeti's career was so developed that it was given the confidence to develop regional tasks accompanying Governor Macshun Syofwan, as Deputy Governor of KDH Level I Jambi one period (1985). Finally in the peak of his career through elections conducted by representatives of the people in the Jambi Provincial Legislative and with full support by the people so as to make Abdurrahman Sayoeti as Governor of Jambi for two periods, from 1989 to 1999. The results of career into Governor of Jambi Province, Abdurrahman Sayoeti giving a lot of many change to build Jambi area.Keywords : Biography, Abdurrahman Sayoeti Thought

Abstrak: Pemerintah Orde Baru yang melihat kelapa sawit sebagai komoditas penting bagi perkembangan ekonomi Indonesia, memulai proyek pembangunan perkebunan kelapa sawit melalui program “Agroindustri” pada periode tahun 1980-an. Bermaksud menciptakan lapangan kerja, perusahaan justru dihadapkan pada masalah pengadaan tenaga kerja di perkebunan. Penelitian ini dibuat sebagai upaya mendeskripsikan bagaimana perusahaan mengatasi sulitnya mencari tenaga kerja terampil di perkebunan kelapa sawit Sumatera Selatan, dengan studi kasus perkebunan kelapa sawit PT Aek Tarum yang berdiri tahun 1989 di Kecamatan Mesuji, Kabupaten Ogan Kabupaten Komering Ilir. Dengan menggunakan metode sejarah, penelitian ini dilakukan dengan melalui tahapan heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan memakai pendekatan ekonomi dan sosial budaya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa untuk mengatasi masalah kekurangan tenaga kerja di perkebunan kelapa sawit, perusahaan sangat mengandalkan tenaga kerja yang didatangkan dari luar daerah. Ketergantungan ini pada akhirnya melahirkan komunitas masyarakat di perkebunan kelapa sawit Sumatera Selatan, yang diidentifikasi sebagai orang Jawa. Kata Kunci: Orang, Jawa, Kelapa, Sawit, PT, Aek, Tarum.Javanese Under Palm Oil Midrib of South Sumatera : Case Study of Aek Tarum CompanyAbstract: The New Order government that saw oil palm as an important commodity for Indonesia's economic development, initiating oil palm plantation development projects through the “Agro-industry” program in the 1980s. Intending to create jobs, the company is actually faced with the problem of procuring labor in plantations. This study was made as an effort to describe how companies overcome the difficulty of finding skilled workers in oil palm plantations in South Sumatra, with a case study of oil palm plantations of PT Aek Tarum which was established in 1989 in Mesuji District, Ogan Regency, Komering Ilir Regency. By using the historical method, this research was conducted through the stages of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. This research was conducted using an economic and socio-cultural approach. The results show that to overcome the problem of labor shortages in oil palm plantations, companies rely heavily on workers imported from outside the region. This dependence eventually gave birth to communities in oil palm plantations in South Sumatra, who were identified as Javanese.Keywords : Javanese, Palm, Oil, Aek, Tarum, Company.

Prompted by the investigative journalist Gitta Sereny's biography Albert Speer: His Battle with Truth, two recent productions, Esther Vilar's Speer and David Edgar's Albert Speer, have set out to explore the reputation of Hitler's architect and later Minister of Armaments and War Production, Albert Speer, the only leading Nazi to acknowledge his guilt at the Nuremberg Trials. The plays, like the biography, are concerned with the extent of Speer's knowledge of the ‘Final Solution’ during his career in the Nazi hierarchy, and consequently with the integrity of the stance he adopted at Nuremberg and thereafter – that is, of his claim of guilt by association and omission rather than by active participation. In her biography, Sereny claims that as a result of her association with Speer he eventually acknowledged his guilt to her, and was repentant. But Nick White believes that the evidence – much of it unearthed by Sereny herself – suggests otherwise, and that Sereny had failed to acknowledge that between 1978 and his death in 1981 Speer consistently deceived her about crucial aspects of this evidence. How successful are Vilar and Edgar in their quite different dramatic sifting, not only of the public persona of Speer, but also of the interpretation granted their subject by the biographer upon whom their plays, to a lesser and greater degree, depend? Nick White has taught at City University, London, and his PhD dissertation, ‘In the Absence of Memory? Jewish Fate and Dramatic Representation: the Production and Critical Reception of Holocaust Drama on the London Stage, 1945–1989’ (1998) has been followed by a companion volume of criticism, articles, and letters, The Critical Reception of Holocaust Drama on the British Stage, 1939–2000.

This text is about one of the longest processes of political communication, which, decades on, influences politicians of various generations of the Central, Eastern and Western Europe, contents of media and self-awareness of the audience. The process isn’t over yet, this is obvious not only from the document adopted by the EP but also from an international political rhetoric. Analysis of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed on 1939 in media (D’39Pact) and related national and international decisions is the axis of information conflict between the East and the West concerning thousands of fates. Those thousands of people had and still have different historical narratives – some people justified the Pact and implemented it, others were fighting for the elimination of its consequences, yet others fell victims to it, with a death toll estimated in the millions. But not everybody’s narratives are based on true arguments.Let’s look at the way the system of propaganda collapsed and the public opinion was transformed in countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 1988-1989. Moving from a lie to (hopefully) the historical truth. Review of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was the main axis of such transformation (protection of environmental and cultural valuables, choice of one’s viewpoint, legislative requirements and other rights were contextual aspects of this axis). During this period in the previously mentioned region the control of public space was on the decline.This view will be based on a single thematic discourse: the provision of consequences of the 1939 Treaty of Non-aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and criticism in communist model media of Lithuania and neighbouring countries. It may be called D’39Pact.D‘39Pact in general has several narratives (it may also be seen from the EP Resolution), but taking into consideration the interpretation of Jurgen Habermas’s Communicative Action, the analysis of transformation of 1988-1989 two of them would suffice, one of which is that of the authorities of the USSR and the other one – that of its opponents. Let’s call opponents USSR dissidents, protestors, underground press (samizdat) and press of public movements which was published legally.Narrative of the USSR authorities: the treaty was the inevitable and no annexes (secret protocols) exist.Narrative of the opponents: based on secret protocols of the treaty, the USSR and Nazi Germany divided the countries and destroyed their political, military, cultural elite and finally – their population of various social layers.Medias, as the main participant of the public space, most clearly disclose the collision of such narratives and transformation in D‘39Pact. The purpose of the article is to discuss the circumstances of transformation of MMPT from the historical perspective and of the public space and come across the factors, which influenced the strongest role of MMPT interpretative accomplishments. Considering the way out of the “labyrinth” regarding the D’39 Pact, we see some similarities with the situation that now exists in Russia.

Quantum Mechanics is a fundamental physical theory about atomic-scale processes. It was built between 1920 and 1940 by the most distinguished physicists of that time. The accordance between the predictions of the theory and experimental results is remarkable. The physical interpretation of its mathematical constructs, however, raised unprecedented controversies. Ontological, semantic, and epistemic vagueness abound in the orthodox interpretations and have resulted in serious misunderstandings that are often repeated in textbooks and elsewhere. In this work, we identify, criticize, and clarify the most spread ones.

Bridgman and Carter (1989) propose that original sin is preoedipal and based on primary narcissism. They also comment upon and criticize Vitz and Gartner's oedipal interpretation of original sin. This reply to Bridgman and Carter makes the following points: We accept the proposal that original sin has its psychological origin in primary narcissism; however, we assume that original sin expresses itself quite differently at different developmental stages in life; oedipally based sinfulness we propose is one of these distinct expressions of original sin. A number of other issues and criticisms raised by Bridgman and Carter are also addressed.

The article is devoted to the analysis and interpretation of the myth of “devilry” in the works of the modern Russian poet T. Yu. Kibirov. The myth of “devilry”, which goes back to the poem “Demons” by Alexander Pushkin (1830), has a special place in the history of Russian literature of the 19th and 21st centuries. V. A. Grekhnev identified its main components, and D. M. Magomedova traced the path of myth in post-Pushkin literature, from M. Yu. Lermontov to M. A. Bulgakov. At the same time, the life of the Pushkin-Dostoyevsky myth of “demo­nic” in post-symbolist literature, in independent Russian literature of the 20th century and modern literature remains unexplored. The author of the article, referring to the material of T. Yu. Kibirov’s “Message to Lev Rubinstein” (1989), “Give me a deconstruction! Gave…”, “Good for Chesterton — he lived in England”, “Historiosophical centon”, “We did not sell Christ”, “Happy New Year” etc., the poem “Kara-Baras”, dramatic experiments “The night before and after Christmas”, “Victory over Phoebus”, the chronicles “Lada, or Joy”, reveals elements of similarity with the traditions of A. S. Pushkin and F. M. Dostoevsky: images of empty darkness and chaos, loss of the path, value orientations, an appeal to the symbolism of the ballad genre, presented in a serious, playful, ironic tone. The classical tradition contains important keys and values for understanding new reality and becomes an integral part of the artistic language of its description. At the same time, fidelity to the classics is devoid of a sense of exclusivity, loud pathos, moralism, often includes idyllic, sentimental, humorous tones. The poet’s return to the classical literary tradition occurs after oblivion or denial of its values in Soviet times, which gave rise to the cultural problems of the post-Soviet period. In the course of the work, the methods of comparative literary criticism, intertextual analysis, mythopoetic and historical and cultural studies were used.

Karya ini menjelaskan tentang penangkapan ikan secara ilegal di Kepulauan Kabupaten Pangkep pada masa pemerintahan Presiden ke-2 sampai tahun 2015. Alat tangkap tersebut mulai ada sejak tahun 1975 seperti Dodoro’ (Bom ikan), dan Racun potassium yang digunakan oleh sebagian nelayan yang ada di Kepuluan Kabupaten Pangkep. Masuknya orang Jawa ke perairan Selam Makassar Pada tahun 1989 memperkenalkan alat tangkap baru kepada nelayan dan melakukan aktivitas penangkapan ikan dengan menggunakan alat tangkap Catrang atau yang biasa disebut Trawl (Trol). Dari sinilah awal nelayan mengenal yang namanya Cantrang/trawl. Sebagai akibatnya, sebagian nelayan di Kecamatan Liukang Tupabiring khusunya Pulau Podang-podang Lompo terdorong melakukan praktek penangkapan ikan secara ilegal karena permintaan pasar semakin meningkat serta, cara prakteknya pun mudah dilakukan dan bisa mendapatkan hasil yang sangat memuaskan. Semasa penggunaan alat illegal (Bom ikan, Potasium, dan Trawl) terus beroperasi sampai mengalami perkembangan dari tahun 2000-2015 dan berdampak pada rusaknya terumbu karang dan memiliki potensi besar mengancam kepunahan ikan dan biota laut lainnya selain itu membahayakan nyawa orang lain..Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan penelitian historis (Historical Research), yang terdiri atas beberapa tahapan yakni: (1) Heuristik, dengan melakukan wawancara terhadap para nelayan Kecamatan Liukang Tupabiring seperti Dg. Mudo, Dg. Ilyas, Dg. Harrang, Haerul, dll. Mengumpulkan sumber di Perpustakaan Fakultas Perikanan dan Kelautan Universitas Hasanuddin Makassar, Perpustakaan Wilayah Provinsi Sulawesi-selatan, data-data Kecamatan Liukang Tupabiring, sera artikel-artikel yang ada dikoran Fajar. (2) Kritik atau proses verifikasi keaslian sumber sejarah. (3) Interpretasi atau penafsiran sumber sejarah, dan (4) Historiografi, yakni tahap penulisan sejarah. Kata Kunci: Illegal fishing, alat tangkap, Kecamatan Liukang Tupabiring. AbstractThis work describes illegal fishing in the Pangkep Regency Islands during the 2nd President's administration until 2015. The fishing gear began to exist since 1975 such as Dodoro (Fish Bomb), and Potassium Poisons used by some fishermen in Head of Pangkep Regency. The entry of Javanese into the waters of Makassar Submarine In 1989 introduced new fishing gear to fishermen and carried out fishing activities using Catrang fishing gear or commonly called Trawl. From here the fishermen knew the name Cantrang / trawl. As a result, some fishermen in the Liukang District of Tupabiring, especially Podang-podang Island, Lompo, are encouraged to practice illegal fishing because market demand is increasing and the practice is easy and can get very satisfying results. During the use of illegal tools (Fish bombs, Potassium and Trawlers) continued to operate until they developed from 2000-2015 and had an impact on the destruction of coral reefs and had great potential to threaten the extinction of fish and other marine biota in addition to endangering the lives of others ... This study is a qualitative research with historical research approach (Historical Research), which consists of several stages, namely: (1) Heuristics, by conducting interviews with fishermen in the Liukang Tupabiring District such as Dg. Mudo, Dg. Ilyas, Dg. Harrang, Haerul, etc. Gathering resources in the Library of the Faculty of Fisheries and Maritime Affairs, University of Hasanuddin Makassar, Regional Library of South Sulawesi Province, data from the Liukang Tupabiring District, as well as articles in the newspaper Fajar. (2) Criticism or the process of verifying the authenticity of historical sources. (3) Interpretation or interpretation of historical sources, and (4) Historiography, namely the stage of historical writing. Keywords: Illegal fishing, fishing gear, Liukang Tupabiring District.

Within the framework of this article, the theoretical and methodological framework of the philosophical interpretation of the concept “memory wars” was analyzed. In the context of criticism of allochronism and the project of the politics of time by B. Bevernage, as well as the concept of the frontier by F. Turner, the space-time aspects of the content of memory wars were comprehended. The use of Bevernage's ideas made it possible to explain the nature of modern memory wars in Europe. The origins of these wars are associated with an attempt to transfer the Western European project of “cosmopolitan” memory, in which Western Europe turns out to be a kind of a “referential” framework of historical modernity, to the countries of Eastern Europe after 1989. The uncritical use of Western European historical experience as a “reference” leads to a superficial copying of the politics of memory, which runs counter to the politics of the time in Eastern Europe. In Eastern Europe, the idea of two totalitarianisms is presented as a single and internally indistinguishable era, and the politics of modern post-socialist states are based on the idea of a radical spatio-temporal distancing from their recent past. The article analyzes the issue of the specifics of the Eastern European frontier, the conditions for its emergence and the impact on modern forms of implementation of the politics of memory. The frontier arises as a result of the collapse of the colonial empires and becomes a space of symbolic struggle, first between the USSR and Germany, and then between the socialist and capitalist blocs. The crisis of the globalist project of the politics of memory and the transfer of the German model of victimization to the territory of the Eastern European frontier leads to the competition of sacrificial narratives and the escalation of memorial conflicts, turning into full-fledged memory wars. The hybrid nature of the antagonistic politics of memory in the conditions of the frontier leads to the fact that not only the socialist past, but also the national trauma of individual states becomes the subject of memory wars. The increasing complexity of the mnemonic structure of the frontier is associated with the emergence of a number of unrecognized states, whose memory politics, in contrast to the national discourses of Eastern European states, is based on a synthesis of the Soviet legacy and individual elements of the imperial past.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan Petani Kopi di Desa Ujung Bulu 1986-2018 dengan memaparkan latar belakang petani kopi di Desa Ujung Bulu, dinamika pertanian kopi di Desa Ujung Bulu tahun 1986-2018, serta kehidupan sosial dan ekonomi Petani kopi di Desa Ujung Bulu. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sebelum tahun 1986 sudah ada tanaman kopi yang tumbuh di Desa Ujung Bulu, masyarakat yang ada disana menyebutnya dengan Kopi Arabika Bantaeng. kopi yang kini dibudidayakan oleh masyarakat setempat adalah Kopi Arabika Gowa yang dibawa Oleh Bapak Lompo pada tahun 1986. Pembudidayaan kopi Arabika Gowa dimulai pada tahun 1989 dan pada tahun 1990an mulai banyak masyarakat setempat yang beralih profesi menjadi petani kopi. beralihnya masyarakat di Desa Ujung Bulu menjadi petani kopi disebabkan karena harga jual kopi lebih tinggi dibandingkan tanaman yang mereka tanam sebelumnya. Proses produksi dan pemasaran kopi arabika di Desa Ujung Bulu membutuhkan waktu yang lama dan proses yang tidak mudah. Produksi kopi di Desa Ujung Bulu tidak menetap atau mengalami peningkatan dan penurunan hasil produksi. Hal ini disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor, salah satunya adalah mulai masuknya bibir bawang merah di desa ini pada tahun 2015.Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa pembudidayaan kopi Arabika di Desa Ujung Bulu memberikan dampak baik dalam bidang sosial maupun dalam bidang ekonomi terutama dalam mensejahterakan kehidupan masyarakat yang ada di Desa Ujung Bulu.Penelitian ini dilakukan melalui wawancara dan kajian pustaka dengan menggunakan metode penelitian sejarah dengan menempuh beberapa tahapan yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Wawancara dilakukan dengan aparat Desa Ujung Bulu dan beberapa Petani kopi di Desa Ujung Bulu.This study aims to describe the Coffee Farmers in Ujung Bulu Village 1986-2018 by describing the background of coffee farmers in Ujung Bulu Village, the dynamics of coffee farming in Ujung Bulu Village in 1986-2018, and the social and economic life of coffee farmers in Ujung Bulu Village. The results showed that before 1986 there were coffee plants growing in Ujung Bulu Village, the people there called it Bantaeng Arabica Coffee. coffee which is now cultivated by the local community is Gowa Arabica Coffee which was brought by Mr. Lompo in 1986. The cultivation of Gowa Arabica coffee began in 1989 and in the 1990s many local people began to switch professions to become coffee farmers. the conversion of people in Ujung Bulu Village into coffee farmers was due to the higher selling price of coffee compared to the crops they had planted before. The process of producing and marketing Arabica coffee in Ujung Bulu Village takes a long time and is not an easy process. Coffee production in Ujung Bulu Village does not settle or has increased and decreased production yields. This is caused by several factors, one of which is the entry of onion lips in this village in 2015. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that the cultivation of Arabica coffee in Ujung Bulu Village has an impact both in the social and economic fields, especially in the welfare community life in Ujung Bulu Village. This research was conducted through interviews and literature review using historical research methods by taking several stages, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Interviews were conducted with Ujung Bulu Village officials and several coffee farmers in Ujung Bulu Village.

In mid-2006, new Regulations governing environmental impact assessment were published in terms of the National Environmental Management Act 107 of 1998. It is argued in this article that the old Regulations under the Environment Conservation Act 73 of 1989, which were replaced, had proved inadequate not because of any inherent deficiency, but because they were never properly implemented and because they were instead subjected to much inaccurate criticism. The article then canvasses the old Regulations and considers criticisms thereof, before canvassing the new Regulations and assessing differences between the old and the new. Various specific concerns and potential shortcomings are raised and considered; and various interpretations are offered of problematic provisions. A prognosis for the success and/or failure of the new Regulations is then put forward in the context of the South African government's present approach to economic growth, environmental protection and the enforcement of environmental legislation. Finally, it is argued that there are danger signs that the new Regulations will be as misunderstood and misapplied as were the old Regulations and that the fundamental principles of the National Environmental Management Act are likely not to be adhered to in the implementation of the new Regulations.

This paper aims to present an analysis considering the works “The Lawless Roads” (1939) and “The Power and the Glory” (1940) by Graham Greene from the perspective of perceptions and representations of the Mexican people constructed by the author. In order to do so, the paper is grounded on theories of post-colonial literary criticism and travel literature, specially regarding topics on identity, otherness and hybridism, in order to make a brief observation on the perception and representation of the Mexican by Greene, particularly regarding the role of the eyes of the Mexicans, with the purpose of outlining his personal point of view that is universalizing towards the native and of framing how he characterizes the Mexicans from a Eurocentric and colonial perspective. This research adopts qualitative, interpretative and documental methods in the proposed analysis and points towards the prevalence of perceptions and representations of the Mexicans that set forth a hostile gaze over the Mexican natives.

This article presents a new set of experiments using the sentence-matching paradigm (Forster, 1979; Freedman and Forster, 1985; see also Bley-Vroman and Masterson, 1989), investigating native speakers' and second language (L2) learners' knowledge of constraints on clitic placement in French. Our purpose is three-fold: • to shed more light on the contrasts between native speakers and L2 learners observed in previous experiments, especially Duffield and White (1999), and Duffield et al . (2002); • to address some of the specific criticisms of the sentence-matching paradigm levelled by Gass (2001); and • to provide a firm empirical basis for follow-up experiments with L2 learners. The results reported here provide some confirmation of the validity of Duffield et al.'s earlier work, and help to adjudicate among competing interpretations of the previous effects.

SummaryThe Equality Act 2010 made it unlawful to discriminate in the provision of services on the grounds of age. This legislation is open to interpretation, but it is affecting the way older people's services are defined and provided. Historical evidence indicates that, since the 1940s, apart from psychiatrists working in dedicated old age services, most were unenthusiastic about working with mentally unwell older people and unsupportive of those who chose to do so. A historical analysis might shed light on current dilemmas about ‘all age’ or ‘old age’ services and inform decision-making on future mental health services.

Through a close reading of Judith Butler's 1989 essay on Merleau‐Ponty's “theory” of sexuality as well as the texts her argument hinges on, this paper addresses the debate about the relation between language and the living, gendered body as it is understood by defenders of poststructural theory on the one hand, and different interpretations of Merleau‐Ponty's phenomenology on the other. I claim that Butler, in her criticism of the French philosopher's analysis of the famous “Schneider case,” does not take its wider context into account: either the case study that Merleau‐Ponty's discussion is based upon, or its role in his phenomenology of perception. Yet, although Butler does point out certain blind spots in his descriptions regarding the gendered body, it is in the light of her questioning that the true radicality of Merleau‐Ponty's ideas can be revealed. A further task for feminist phenomenology should be a thorough assessment of his philosophy from this angle, once the most obvious misunderstandings have been put to the side.

During 1989, a major environmental and health risk issue, the spraying of Alar on apples, created a furor among the American people. After hearing charges from the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) that eating Alar-laden apples significantly increased a child's risk of developing cancer, numbers of school districts dropped apples from their menus and parents poured apple juice down the drains. Apple sales plummeted. The NRDC's charges, which were disseminated by a well-planned and effective public relations campaign, brought counter-charges from the US Environmental Protection Agency, which accused the NRDC of basing its study on poor data, among other things. The core of the dispute was in the risk figures and risk interpretations being used by each organization. This study reviewed coverage in 13 newspapers during 1989 of the Alar issue. It found good and bad aspects, but little to support the degree of criticism applied by many people to media coverage of Alar. The 13 newspapers produced a total of 297 articles during the year and were not sensational in their approach. Many played the story in the prime news sections, alerting people to possible problems as suggested in most interpretations of media responsibility. Many articles also included a large number of sources and gave the apple industry a prominent voice. More problematic was their treatment of the Alar story as a hard news event, with short, superficial articles that lacked detailed analysis of the central part of the controversy—the risk issues. Four newspapers from apple-growing regions provided generally better coverage of the issue than did those from non-apple regions. The Alar issue has become a major landmark in media coverage of risk. The coverage had great economic and other repercussions that still continue. These newspapers would have been more responsible had they made health risk information more central in their coverage. Instead, reporters covered the conflict itself instead of the science behind the conflict. The study suggests a new model of risk reporting to better serve readers and viewers.

Since the Restitution of Land Rights Act 22 of 1994 came into operation, courts have come to attach considerable significance to historian expert testimony when ruling on land claims that made it to court. Therefore, a universal approach had to be adopted. Over the years the Supreme Court of Appeal and Constitutional Court have developed tried and tested methodologies to aid the courts in determining the weight and admissibility of a witness' testimony. In the Salem Commonage case, both the Land Claims Court and the majority of the Supreme Court of Appeal deviated from these precedents by adopting arguably a broader interpretation of the Act than intended. The case is unique in the sense that the dispute involves a commonage that was subdivided via a court order in 1940, resulting in the removal of the remaining black African population from that land. The question therefore was whether or not this group of people fulfilled the requirements for a valid claim as set out in the Act. The Land Claims Court and Supreme Court of Appeal felt that it had. The landowners applied for leave to appeal to the Constitutional Court. The application was granted, but in his judgment, Edwin Cameron agreed with the rationale of both courts, and held that there was a valid claim. This was despite the fact that the testimony of the claimants' 'star witness', Msile Nondzube, was heavily criticised by the landowners as well as a Supreme Court of Appeal judge. The Constitutional Court emphasised that the Act was an extraordinary piece of legislation and had to be interpreted in such a way so as to address the injustices of the past. This included provisions of the Act which dealt with how oral and expert evidence would be dealt with.

This article refers to the concept of nuclearity as a broader technopolitical phenomenon that implies a political and cultural configuration of technical and scientific matters. The nuclear media discourses become a site of tensions, struggles, and power relations between various institutions, social groups, and agents who seek to frame nuclear issues. The Bourdieusian concept of a field as a domain of social interaction is employed by the authors of this article seeking to reveal interactions and power configurations within and between several fields: journalism and media, economy, politics, and cultural production fields (cinematography, literature, and art). Commercial and political pressures on media raise a question about the autonomy of this field. Media coverage of nuclear issues in Lithuania during the period 2018–2020, includes media framing produced by different sponsors of the nuclear media discourses and agents from the above-mentioned fields of journalism, nuclear industry, politics, cinematography or arts. The media coverage includes the news and press releases produced within PR and public communication of the atomic energy industry by representing the decommissioning of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant, articles written by journalists about the atomic city Visaginas, and challenges faced by the local community due to the closure of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant. The nuclear discourse includes debates by politicians around the topic of the lack of safety of the construction of the Astravyets Nuclear Power Plant in Belarus, and media coverage of the HBO series <em>Chernobyl</em> representing a strong antinuclear narrative by portraying the Chernobyl disaster crisis and expressing strong criticism of communism. The authors of this article carried out a qualitative content analysis of media coverage on nuclear issues and revealed features of the discourse: interpretative packages, frames, framing devices (Gamson &amp; Modigliani, 1989), and dominating actors and institutions supporting the discourse.

The subject of scientific research is the textual analysis of the translation of one of the most famous gazelles by a brilliant Azerbaijani poet Nizami Ganjavi (1141-1209) "Amade bud" ("Came") from Persian into the Azerbaijani and Russian languages. The article discusses in detail the imagery created in these translations and their adequacy to the original, as well as a comparative semantic analysis of each beit; it interprets some situational free interpretations of the original made by translators. In each beit are analyzed the concepts on which the transmission of images is built in translation into Azerbaijani and Russian which in poetic translation include size, rhythm, a number of poetic figures and other artistic means. The study was carried out with the use of theoretical-literary and comparative-analytical methods and at the junction of literary criticism and translation studies. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that the research approach applied by the author in comparative analysis allows us to identify methods and means of rendering the high imagery of the primary source in translations of the classical gazelle into Azerbaijani and Russian by recognized poets-translators − Jafar Khandan (1911-1961) and Arseny Tarkovsky (1907-1989), which makes an undoubted contribution to the development of the basic translation problem − the adequacy of literary translation. Naturally, the concept of imagery in the three texts is expressed differently, due to the typological differences of the compared languages. The Azerbaijani language is agglutinative, while the Persian and Russian languages are inflective. Accordingly, in the comparative analysis all the linguistic subtleties of each language are taken into account in the process of poetic imagery creation as well as their adequacy. Also, a detailed textual conceptual comparative analysis of the poetic text of one gazelle in three languages − the original Persian and translated Azerbaijani and Russian − allows us to draw an important conclusion that an adequate translation fiction text is undoubtedly a work of art in itself that has a long-term aesthetic and substantive value, which makes the position of a number of translation scholars insisting on the need of updating translations irrelevant.

The article analyses how the folk singing tradition of the Lithuania Minor developed in the late 20th and in the early 21st centuries. It examines the activities of the folklore groups in the Klaipėda Region during the period of 1971–2020, focusing on those that assert fostering of the lietuvininkai singing tradition as their mission or one of their goals. The study employs the previously unused materials, which allow revising the former research results regarding the revival of the Lithuanian ethnic music and show the folklore ensembles working in the Klaipėda Region as a significant part of the Lithuanian folklore movement and the revival of the ethnic music, emerging from the 1960s. Special emphasis is placed on the early phase in adoption of the lietuvininkai singing tradition related to the activities of the folklore ensemble “Vorusnėˮ established in 1971 at the Klaipėda faculties of the State Conservatory of the former LSSR, and the role it had in prompting the creation of other folklore groups in Klaipėda, as well as its impact on the broader cultural and educational processes taking place in the Klaipėda Region.In the 20th century, the prevailing narrative regarding the Lithuanian inhabitants of the Lithuania Minor maintained that books, hymns, schools, church, social and cultural organizations, and choral or theatre activities were the most significant factors influencing the cultural expression of lietuvininkai, while the Lithuanian folklore was hardly practiced anymore or even considered an inappropriate thing. Judging from the folklore recordings, the folk singing tradition supported by the lietuvininkai themselves disappeared along with the singers born in the late 19th century. However, after the WWII, it was adopted and continued by the folklore groups appearing the Klaipėda Region. These groups included people from the other regions of Lithuania who had settled there. This is essentially the process of reviving the ethnic music, which began in Europe during the Enlightenment period and continues in many parts of the world.“Vorusnėˮ was founded in 1971 as the first institutional student folklore ensemble in Klaipėda Region. For 27 years, its leader was a young and talented professor of the Baltic languages Audronė Jakulienė (later Kaukienė). She became the founder of the linguistic school at the Klaipėda University (KU). In the intense and multifaceted activities of the “Vorusnėˮ ensemble, two different stages may be discerned, embracing the periods of 1971–1988 and 1989–2000.In 1971–1988, the ensemble mobilized and educated students in the consciously chosen direction of fostering the Lithuanian ethnic culture, sought contacts with the native lietuvininkai, collected and studied ethnographic and dialectal data, prepared concert programs based on the scholarly, written, and ethnographic sources, gave concerts in Lithuania and abroad, and cooperated with folklore groups from other institutions of higher education.In 1989–2000, the “Vorusnėˮ ensemble engaged in numerous other areas of activity. The children‘s folklore ensemble “Vorusnėlėˮ was established in 1989; both “Vorusnėˮ and “Vorusnėlėˮ became involved in the activities of the community of the Lithuania Minor founded in 1989. The leader of the ensemble and its members contributed to the establishment of the Klaipėda University, which became an important research center of the Prussian history and culture. The leader of the ensemble and her supporters created a new study program of the Lithuanian philology and ethnology at the KU, which during its heyday (2011–2014) had developed three levels of higher education, including bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral studies. The Folklore Laboratory and Archive was established at the Department of the Baltic Linguistics and Ethnology, headed by Kaukienė, and young researchers in philology, ethnology, and ethnomusicology were encouraged to carry out their research there. In the course of over two decades, Kaukienė initiated organizing numerous research conferences dealing with lietuvininkai language and culture.Until 1980, “Vorusnėˮ was the only folklore ensemble in the Klaipėda Region, but in 1985, there were already ten folklore ensembles. These ensembles developed different creative styles that perhaps most notably depended on the personal structure of these ensembles and their leaders’ ideas and professional musical skills. Generally, at the beginning of their activity, all these ensembles sang, played and danced the folklore repertoire comprising all the regions of Lithuania. The activities of “Vorusnėˮ and other folklore ensembles in Klaipėda until 1990 showed that revival of folklore there essentially followed the lines established in other cities and regions of Lithuania.During the first decade after the restoration of independence of Lithuania in 1990, folklore was in high demand. In Klaipėda, the existing ensembles were actively working, and the new ones kept appearing based on the previous ones. The folklore ensembles of the Klaipėda Region clearly declared their priorities, embracing all the contemporary contexts. Some of them associated their repertoire with the folklore of lietuvininkai, others with Samogitian folklore.The lietuvininkai singing tradition was adopted and developed in two main directions.The first one focused on authentic reconstruction, attempting recreation with maximumaccuracy of the song‘s dialect, melody, and manner of singing, as well as its relationship tocustoms, historical events or living environment. The second direction engaged in creativedevelopment, including free interpretations of the songs, combining them with other stylesand genres of music and literature, and using them for individual compositions. These twoways could be combined as well. Lietuvininkai are not directly involved in these activities, butthey tolerate them and participate in these processes in their own historically and culturallydetermined ways.The contemporary artistic expression of the promoters of the lietuvininkai singing tradition is no longer constrained by the religious and ideological dogmas that were previously maintained in the Lithuania Minor and in a way regulated performance of these songs. It is determined nowadays by consciousness, creativity, resourcefulness, and knowledge of its promoters. The dogmas of the Soviet era and modernity have created a certain publicly displayed (show type) folklore. The ensembles took part of the institutionalized amateur art, subsequently becoming subject to justified and unjustified criticism, which is usually levelled on them by the outsiders studying documents and analyzing processes. However, favorable appreciation and external evaluation by the participants of the activities and the local communities highlight the meaning of this activity.

Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre Since theatre in the Soviet Union had to be first of all a propaganda and educational institution, the activity, repertoire and every single production of the theatre was subject to certain ideological and artistic prescriptions. Theatre artists were not subject to any official regulations regarding forbidden topics or ways of representation, thus the nature of censorship manifested itself to them in practice. Lists of forbidden authors and works greatly affected politics related to repertoire until the mid-1950s but much less afterwards. Research on censorship is hampered by the fact that it was predominately oral, based on phone or face-to-face conversations, and corresponding documentation has been systematically destroyed. This article is primarily based on memoirs and research conducted by people who were active in the Soviet theatre system. It systematises the empirical material into four parts: 1) mechanisms of censorship, 2) forms and strategies, 3) counter-strategies against censorship and 4) taboo topics. Despite the attempt to map theatre censorship in Estonia after the Second World War (1945–1990), most of the material concerns the period from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s. This can be explained by the age of the respondents, but it can also be related to the fact that the Soviet control system became more liberal or ambiguous after the Khrushchev thaw encouraged theatre artists and officials to test the limits of freedom. The mechanisms of theatre censorship were multifaceted. Ideological correctness and the artistic maturity of repertoire and single productions were officially controlled by the Arts Administration (1940–1975) and afterwards by the Theatre Administration (1975–1990) under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture. Performing rights for new texts were allocated by the Main Administration for Literary and Publishing Affairs (Glavlit): texts by foreign authors were approved by the central office in Moscow, and texts by local authors were approved by local offices. The third censorship agency was the artistic committee that operated in every single theatre. Nevertheless, the most powerful institution was the Department of Culture of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Estonia, whose influence on artistic issues had to be kept confidential by the parties involved. On top of all this, there was the hidden power and omnipresent network of agents of the Committee for State Security (KGB). Some audience members also acted as self-appointed censors. The network and system of censorship made the control system almost total and permanent, also enforcing self-censorship. Forms of censorship can be divided into preventive and punitive censorship, and strategies into direct and indirect censorship. Soviet censorship institutions mostly applied preventive censorship to plays or parts of productions, but hardly any production was cancelled before its premiere because that would have had undesirable financial consequences. Punitive censorship after the premiere was meant for correcting mistakes when the political climate changed or if a censor had been too reckless/lenient/clever, or if actors/audiences had started emphasising implicit meanings. Preventive censorship was predominantly direct and punitive censorship indirect (compelling directors to change mise en scènes or prescribing the number of performances). Indirect censorship can be characterised by ambiguity and allusions. A distinction can be made between preventive and punitive censorship in the context of single productions, but when forbidden authors, works or topics were involved, these two forms often merged. The plurality of censorship institutions or mechanisms, and shared responsibility led to a playful situation where parties on both sides of the front line were constantly changing, enabling theatre artists to use different counter-strategies against censorship. Two main battlefields were the mass media and meetings of the artistic committees, where new productions were introduced. The most common counter-strategies were the empowerment of productions and directors with opinions from experts and public figures (used also as a tool of censorship), providing ideologically correct interpretations of productions, overstated/insincere self-criticism on the part of theatre artists, concealing dangerous information (names of authors, original titles of texts, etc.), establishing relationships based on mutual trust with representatives of censorship institutions for greater artistic freedom, applying for help from central institutions of the Soviet Union against local authorities, and delating on censors. At the same time, a censor could fight for freedom of expression or a critic could work ambivalently as support or protection. In addition to forbidden authors whose biography, world view or works were unacceptable to Soviet authorities, there was an implicit list of dangerous topics: criticism of the Soviet Union as a state and a representative of the socialist way of life, positive representations of capitalist countries and their lifestyles, national independence and symbols of the independent Republic of Estonia (incl. blue-black-white colour combinations), idealisation of the past and the bourgeoisie, derogation of the Russian language and nation, violence and harassment by Soviet authorities, pessimism and lack of positive character, religious propaganda, sexuality and intimacy. When comparing the list of forbidden topics with analogous ones in other countries, for example in the United Kingdom where censorship was abolished in 1968, it appears that at a general level the topics are quite similar, but priorities are reversed: Western censorship was dealing with moral issues while its Eastern counterpart was engaged with political issues. It can be concluded that all censorship systems are somehow similar, embracing both the areas of restrictions and the areas of freedom and role play, providing individuals on both sides of the front line with opportunities to interpret and embody their roles according their world view and ethics. Censorship of arts is still an issue nowadays, even when it is hidden or neglected.

<p>The aim of the paper is to characterize pilgrimage as a significant concept in Latgalian culture by emphasizing pilgrimage’s dialectic comprehension and most essential manifestations in culture. The study use a linguistically culturological approach and reviews pilgrimage as a global and multilevel structure, that consists of conceptual, emotively evaluated, historical and etymological layers (Степанов 2001: 84). For this purpose there were used mainly such written sources as vocabularies, periodicals and fiction, that refer to pilgrimage.</p><p>While gathering various interpretations of sacredness and journeys, paper deals with four main comprehensions of pilgrimage in Latgale: firstly, pilgrimage as a religious activity, that means walking to a sacred place along with the prayers, secondly, pilgrimage as a social campaign for the affirmation of ideological efforts, thirdly, pilgrimage as an individual and sensitive search for the eternal values and, lastly, pilgrimage as a type of a religious tourism in contemporary post-modern society.</p><p>The beginning of Catholic pilgrimage tradition in Latgale usually tends to be associated with Aglona, when Dominicans or the so called White Fathers Order began their activities in the region in 1699. Today, within the Rēzekne–Aglona diocese of the Roman Catholic Church, there are several sites, which have been officially acknowledged as sacred on the basis of the corresponding features they possess. Primarily, it’s the altarpiece of the Virgin miracle-worker and other relics, that are special for the Christianity and where pilgrims may pray for health or any other mercy. Secondly, in the territory of the sacred place there may be located objects of nature, that bring health and blessing, for example, sacred spring.</p><p>The appreciation of religious pilgrimage in Latgalian culture has been also affected by the historical context. From 1918 to 1940 pilgrimage activity experienced especially strong prosperity, but it changed during the Soviet-era, when pilgrimage subject in mass media was forbidden and lost its official support, but it still continued to proceed. Organized pilgrimages to Aglona recurred only in 1989 along with the so called Third Latvian National Awakening.</p><p>Pilgrimage in Latgalian culture appears also as a social campaign for the affirmation of ideological efforts, where comprehension of sacredness from the scope of the Christian Religion transfers into secular every-day lifestyle and subjects to ideological dogmas of era. Such interpretation of pilgrimage especially activates during 1920s–1930s, as well as in 1940s and 1990s. The aspiration for such pilgrimage usually is a place, person or monument, but all pilgrimages that are distinctive to the affirmation of ideological efforts possess fragmentation feature. With the alterations within the ideological emphasis the idea of the ideological pilgrimage either disappears either transforms into ceremonial procession or simple memorial tribute.</p><p>Comprehension of the pilgrimage as an individual and sensitive search for the eternal values is more related to the individualized pilgrim’s motive, that is connected to emotional experience, namely, search for the deprecated and irreversible values. This motive is especially noticeable within the exiled Latgalians’ literature, where such personages as motherland, home, mother and mother’s tomb are united and related to the Virgin’s archetype. The pilgrimage process, that Latgalian exiled writers live through in their imagination, shows, that it is one of the most essential values, that is evaluated during the immense influence of foreign countries, that helps to preserve Latgalian identity at times while far away from home.</p><p>One of the most popular type of tourism today is religious tourism. In Latgale it began in the 20th century through periodicals of 1920s–1930s. Now it is an integral part of the global tourism industry, including both national and international projects.</p><p>Meaning diversification in the contextual semantics of the pilgrimage shows its deep roots in the Latgalian culture and how it merges universal, national, ethnic and denominational characteristic marks in cultural traditions.</p>

UKRAINIAN TRANSLATION WORKSHOP IN PRIASHIV Ukrajinský jazyk a kultúra v umeleckom a odbornom preklade v stredoeurópskom priestore : Zbornik príspevkov z medzinárodného vedeckého seminára, ktorý sa konal dňa 27.9.2017 na Katedre ukrajinistiky Inštitutu ukrajinistiky a stredoeurópskych štúdií Filozofickej fakulty Prešovskej univerzity / Filozofická fakulta Prešovskej univerzity v Prešove ; ed.: Jarmila Kredátusová. Prešov: Filozofická fakulta Prešovskej univerzity v Prešove, 2018. 216 p. (Opera Translatologica; 6/2018). Ukrainian modern academic traditions in the Western Transcarpathian area of Priashiv (Presov in Slovak) go back to the 19-century intellectual institutions of the Ukrainian Catholic Church of the Byzantine Rite. After WW2, the main centre of Ukrainian education was the Pegagogical College which was later transformed into a separate university. This university helps the local Ukrainians maintain and develop their rich traditions of learning and research. It is no surprise that the very university hosted the International academic workshop “The Ukrainian Language and Culture in the Literary and Sci-Tech Translation of Middle European Space” (27 September 2017). The workshop brought together specialists in Ukrainian Studies from Ukraine, Slovakia, Czechia and Poland. One year later the conference volume was finalized and published. The first part of the book contains the historical and bibliographical essays which record the history of Ukrainian-Slovak and Ukrainian-Czech literary translation. Jarmila Kredátusová’s task was to present the outline of Slovak-Ukrainian and Ukrainian-Slovak translation which started progressing rather dynamically only after WW2. She presents its history divided into decades and discusses specific features and some statistical data from each period. In the end, she also describes today’s hardships of this translation in Slovakia (relations with readership, translation criticism, professional qualification) which are similar to ones in Ukraine. The history of Ukrainian-Czech translation is longer and richer. The existing extended papers cover the pre-1989 time rather well, that is why Rita Lyons Kindlerová and Iryna Zabiyaka dedicated their articles to the editions and tendencies of the recent decades. Rita Lyons Kindlerová offers the analysis of translated literature from Ukrainian into Czech and pinpoints the turning moment of the year 2001 when Ukrainian literature started reentering Czech society and have promising prospects among readers. Conversely, Iryna Zabiyaka studies the literary presentation of Czechia in Ukraine and considers the most important translations and main tendencies. She also designs a list of Czech authors whose writings are worth translating into Ukrainian. At the same time, she characterizes the pitfalls of Ukraine’s translation market from the viewpoint of these translations. Since we lack translation bibliographies and insightful translation monographs, the above articles contribute to a larger possible publication in future which will reveal more sociological dimensions of Ukrainian-Slovak and Ukrainian-Czech translation. Papers in the second part focus on literary translation. Liudmyla Siryk outlined similarities in the translation theories of Mykola Zerov and Maksym Rylskyi. Thus, she has proven that Rylskyi’s views were the further progress of Zerov’s ones, and we have to remember it may be a gesture of respect or substitution: Zerov was murdered in 1937, and Rylskyi fulfilled his duty to preserve and develop the fundamental ideas of his friend and colleague. Anna Choma-Suwała explored the facets of literary interpretations and connections between Oleh Olzhych (Kandyba) and Józef Łobodowski. Łobodowski’s translations did not only discover the intellectual poetry by Oleh Olzhych, but they are also a contribution to the Polish-Ukrainian cultural contacts and cooperation. Yuliya Yusyp-Yakymovych addresses to verse translation by investigating the specific features of rendering intonation, rhythm, meter, repetitions, onomatopoeia and aesthetic norms in translation. Adriana Amir’s contribution deals with the Slovak-language translation of Vasyl Shkliar’s historical novel ‘The Black Raven’ (done by Vladimír Čerevka) and tackles the issues of reflecting lexical means for showing the real historical context which border on the shaky axiological limits of political correctness. The main aesthetic form of contemporary writing is the usage of non-standard language which is abundant in modern Ukrainian literature. That is why Veronika Dadajová regarded incorrect figures of the literary sociolect as a topical point of literary translation nowadays. Meanwhile, Viera Žemberová interprets Yuriy Andrukhovych’s literary and aesthetic experience for Slovak readers by analyzing his novel ‘Recreations’ whose Slovak translation was published in Priashiv in 2003. Sci-tech translation is focused on in the third part containing articles on rendering terms and grammatical problems of interlingual translation. The paper by Mária Čižmárová will serve as a practical tool for Ukrainian-Slovak translators and interpreters who will have to render idioms with the floristic component. Similarly practical are the contributions covering two branches of Ukrainian-Slovak specialized translation: commercial translation (by Lesia Budnikova and Valeriya Chernak) and legal translation (by Jarmila Kredátusová and Valeriya Chernak). The study of loan words is the topic of the paper by Jana Kesselová which offers the complex view of loan processes in today’s Slovak. However, it would be desirable to discuss Ukrainian sources as well. It is rather a rare case when one volume consists of papers discussing both literary translation and sci-tech translation, but in the presented book, this amalgamation is quite natural and shows the multifacetedness of Ukrainian translation in Slovakia. The informational contents of all the papers are rather high, and they will be useful for practical research by scholars, translators and critics. The good balance of early ‘classical’ and recent publications creates a complete picture both of the coverage of the topic in the chronological dynamics and the presentation of the academic traditions of institutions where the papers were produced. This conference volume is an important contribution to Ukrainian Translation Studies in the area of Priashiv which has been shaped and developed by the publications in the literary magazine ‘Dukla’ (published since 1953), the proceedings of the Cultural Union of Ukrainian Workers (‘Naukovi zapysky KSUT’ in the 1980s to the early 1990s) and other editions of the Ukrainian Division of the Slovak Pedagogical Publishing House. The book will be useful for really wide readership in academic, literary and professional communities.

Wallach & O’Neill (2009) recently suggested that poison baiting for dingoes (Canis lupus dingo and hybrids) caused the localized extinctions of kowaris (Dasyuroides byrnei) through mesopredator release effects. However, in this paper I briefly highlight some weaknesses in their approach to show that the information presented adds little to our knowledge of dingo-mesopredator or dingo-kowari interactions. Wallach & O’Neill (2009) visited two cattle properties in northeast South Australia once each in the winter of 2007 where they used sand plot activity indices to compare the relative abundance of several carnivore and herbivore species at each site. Observations of dingo howling and scat counts were used as measures of social structure. In line with the mesopredator release hypothesis (Crooks & Soulé, 1999), the lethal control of dingoes (usually achieved through 1080 baiting campaigns), followed by abundance increases of mesopredators and herbivores was the suggested mechanism that produced the localized extinction of kowaris at one of the sites. Unfortunately though, the study design suffers from multiple critical weaknesses in the methods applied, considerably limiting its ability to make inferences about dingo populations and ecosystem processes. 1. The authors stated that across Australia, ‘it is extremely rare to find dingo populations that are not being subjected to lethal control’ (Wallach & O’Neill, 2009, pg. 127). This is misleading, and in the context of their paper, gives the reader the mistaken impression that stable dingo packs are rare across Australia due to widespread control. Dingoes and dingo packs are, in fact, extremely common (Fleming et al., 2001; West, 2008), and control practices in South Australia are quite conservative (Allen, 2010b). ‘Lethal control’ is also an ambiguous term, because it includes everything from occasional shooting through to intensive and coordinated poison baiting campaigns. Hence, the degree of control can vary immensely, and in the context of their paper, different forms of lethal control are unlikely to influence social structure in the same way. For example, it is possible that occasional shooting may simply replace natural mortality and have a minor overall effect on dingo social structure, though these processes would need to be investigated. Furthermore, in the northeast pastoral district of South Australia where their two sites were located, official 1080 bait supply records (B. Allen, unpublished data, kept since 1972) indicate that poison baiting seldom occurs, with an average rate of 25% properties receiving baits in any given year (range: 0% in 1984 to 68% in 1991). Legislation permits a baiting intensity of up to 10 baits/km2 (APVMA, 2008). But the greatest supply of baits occurred in 1989, and equated to a regional baiting intensity of only 0.07 baits/km2 (Allen, 2010b). Requests for poison baits from the whole of the northern pastoral district have also reduced dramatically over the last five years to the point where only three (out of 19) properties in the northeast region received baits in the three years prior to their study and no baits at all were supplied in 2009. This means that approximately 600,000 km2 of South Australia experienced very little dingo control that year (dingo populations in the indigenous lands in the northwest of the state -255,000 km2- have rarely, if ever, been subject to lethal control by Europeans). On a property level (i.e. 10,000 km2), even the most intensive baiting campaigns in northern pastoral areas rarely exceed 0.25 baits/km2. Therefore, lethal control of any kind may be a relatively minor fraction of total dingo mortality across the region in which Wallach & O’Neill (2009) conducted their study. 2. The use of sand plot activity indices are a common and useful tool for sampling dingo populations. However, their proper use is governed by principles that ensure that the data obtained from them can be used reliably in subsequent analyses. Specifically, activity indices cannot be validly compared between different habitats/land uses, seasons, or species because of the way these factors potentially influence animal activity (Wilson & Delahay, 2001; Engeman, 2005). Scat counts and howling can also be useful indicators of some population parameters when sampled properly (Corbett, 2001; Mitchell & Balogh, 2007). Wallach & O’Neill (2009) understandably chose these useful methods to assess populations, but their application of them did not follow the sampling principles that ensure their reliability. For example: – The ‘index of abundance’ was calculated by multiplying a continuous measure (tracks/transect/night) with a binary measure (presence/absence of tracks on 2 ha plots). This could be argued as providing a potential synergy of assumption violations -leaving little prospect for a valid variance estimate- and unnecessary if the track sampling was representative of animal usage (Engeman et al., 1998; Blaum et al., 2008). – Even before combining them, these measures included invalidated assumptions about the ability to distinguish between “fresh” and “old” tracks and the distance of one track to another as an indication of the same individual animal. Wind can have a dramatic effect on the readability of tracks in sand, often obliterating them within minutes, and the size, shape and direction of footprints on separated but sequential sand plots/transects reveals little about the identity of the individual responsible for them (Triggs, 2004; Funston et al., 2010). – The relative abundance estimates derived from activity indices were invalidly compared between species, potentially confusing abundance differences with behavioural differences (Wilson & Delahay, 2001; Engeman, 2005). – A once-off collection of scats around 119 rabbit warrens, water points and carcasses in two ~500 km2 areas will provide a limited ability to assess the structure of dingo packs (or infer causal processes) at extensive rangeland sites (Wilson & Delahay, 2001; Mitchell & Balogh, 2007), and the representativeness of scats collected from resource points is unknown (Allen, 2010a). – The opportunistic recording of dingo howls at remote water points in the presence of people (and companion dogs, A. Wallach pers. comms.) is also a particularly weak technique for making inferences about pack structure. To be useful, the sampling of vocalizations must be objective and repeatable. Vocalizations are also communicative behaviours, and in the case of Wallach and O’Neill’s observations, dingoes may have simply been alerting any other dingoes to the presence of humans and/or other dogs. Assessments of pack structure or social stability are founded in behavioural observations between individually identifiable animals (Whitehead, 2008), and is usually undertaken through radio collaring and/or direct observations (e.g. Corbett, 1988; Thomson, 1992). Identification of individuals was not attempted by Wallach & O’Neill (2009), and scats or howling cannot provide this information. Moreover, the once-off, opportunistic collection of dingo spoor (i.e. tracks and scats) and vocalizations cannot account for the known seasonal changes in their expression (Corbett, 2001), the multiple explanations for any given observation (Williams et al., 2002; MacKenzie et al., 2006), or the mechanisms/causes underlying any observed correlations (Caughley, 1977). 3. Ignoring these methodological issues, alternative explanations may equally describe the observations of Wallach & O’Neill (2009). For example, the greater abundance of dingoes observed at Pandie Pandie may not be due to relaxed dingo control but may be a symptom of the site’s closer proximity to Goyder’s Lagoon, a well-watered and resource-rich section of the Warburton Creek, which is not fed from local rainfall. Publicly available water-level data recorded upstream in the years preceding the study show significant flows into the lagoon which were not matched by local rainfall events on Mungerannie during the same period. Additionally, the observed rarity of some small mammals on Mungerannie may reflect bottom-up processes, whereby rabbit abundance provides competition for vegetation, reduces it’s availability to invertebrates, and supports larger numbers of feral carnivores (increasing the risk of hyperpredation), which all work in concert to cause the localized extinction of some small mammals. These processes are known to occur with or without dingoes in the landscape. Furthermore, the recorded activity of predators and prey alike can change rapidly in response to environmental perturbations, and their presence or absence on sand plots during a once-off survey may merely reflect such stochastic events. Such surveys have a limited ability to infer causal process because there may be multiple alternative explanations for the data (Caughley, 1977; Williams et al., 2002; MacKenzie et al., 2006). Causal processes involving dingoes are best addressed using rigorous experimental techniques (such as BACI experiments) where confounding factors can be controlled (Glen et al., 2007). In summary, while ecological data is scant for arid areas and is always welcomed, it is important to use research resources wisely in order to provide scientifically defensible information (Platt, 1964), used ultimately to inform threatened species recovery. While the conclusions of Wallach & O’Neill (2009) align nicely with the mesopredator release hypothesis, their foundations, methods, and interpretation are undermined by misleading contextual information, the poor application of otherwise robust sampling methods, and a lack of discussion on alternative explanations. As such, the study contributes little insight into the effect of dingo control on kowaris. The study sites, methods, and results presented in Wallach & O’Neill (2009) have also been used elsewhere (Wallach et al., 2009a, 2009b, 2010), and these criticisms equally apply to those reports, and others similar to them. Researchers, reviewers and readers should therefore be vigilant in looking for design issues that may be more important than initially appears to be the case, before accepting intuitively sound conclusions on face value. Improving the quality of dingo-mesopredator studies is necessary if threatened species are to be managed more effectively.

This research entitled “The Action of Sarwo Edhie Wibowo in Maintaining Stability of Indonesia National Security (1965-1989)”. The Main problem in this research is “How was Sarwo Edhie Wibowo’s Action in Maintaining Indonesian National Security (1965-1989)”. The Research methodology used in this research is historical method through many steps such as heuristic, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The researcher used interdisciplinary approaches through sociology and politic study. Sarwo Edhie Wibowo’s position as Commander of The Command of The Army Regiment (RPKAD) was most attracted era. Based on the command of PANGKOSTRAD Major General Soeharto, Sarwo Edhie succeeded to overcome coup of 30th September Movement. Entering New Order era, Sarwo Edhie officiated as Pangdam II/Bukit Barisan and helped in PNI stopping operation in North Andalas and then became Pangdam XVII/Cendrawasih. As Pangdam XVII/Cendrawasih, Sarwo Edhie had a role in succeeding PEPERA execution. In the end of his career, Sarwo Edhie became Governor of AKABRI, ambassador in South Korea, Head of BP7, and last as member of DPR/MPR. Until the end, he was retired and passed away at 10th November 1989.

This research entitled “The Action of Sarwo Edhie Wibowo in Maintaining Stability of Indonesia National Security (1965-1989)”. The Main problem in this research is “How was Sarwo Edhie Wibowo’s Action in Maintaining Indonesian National Security (1965-1989)”. The Research methodology used in this research is historical method through many steps such as heuristic, source criticism, interpretation and historiography. The researcher used interdisciplinary approaches through sociology and politic study. Sarwo Edhie Wibowo’s position as Commander of The Command of The Army Regiment (RPKAD) was most attracted era. Based on the command of PANGKOSTRAD Major General Soeharto, Sarwo Edhie succeeded to overcome coup of 30th September Movement. Entering New Order era, Sarwo Edhie officiated as Pangdam II/Bukit Barisan and helped in PNI stopping operation in North Andalas and then became Pangdam XVII/Cendrawasih. As Pangdam XVII/Cendrawasih, Sarwo Edhie had a role in succeeding PEPERA execution. In the end of his career, Sarwo Edhie became Governor of AKABRI, ambassador in South Korea, Head of BP7, and last as member of DPR/MPR. Until the end, he was retired and passed away at 10th November 1989.

As Professor Géza Kállay once remarked, "the price of precision is the need for reduction," so in this paper the field of examination will be scaled down to one part of one Othello performance: Iago's character in János Ács's 1989 Kaposvár production. This article is an experiment. It leaves behind nearly all the traditional elements of performance criticism to concentrate solely on the role of the cut text in Iago's characterization. In what ways does the transformation of Shakespeare's text change Iago's character? What is Iago in János Kulka's interpretation like? And, lastly, what does a theatrical play-text add to our understanding of Iago? These are the questions to be discussed in this essay with an introduction to a less-known field of Shakespeare research: play-text analysis.

The development of basic education (TK, SD, SMP) with the name "Sabilal Muhtadin" has a close relationship with the existence of the Masjid Raya Sabilal Muhtadin Banjarmasin. The people of Banjarmasin seem interested in this Islamic-based education. The existence of Sabilal Muhtadin's education becomes important when people have a high enough interest. The purpose of this study is to describe the dynamics of Islamic Primary Education of Sabilal Muhtadin Banjarmasin from 1986 to 2019. This research uses historical methods, refers to primary sources, through interviews with existing educators, as well as documents related to research topics. Continued source criticism and interpretation until the historiography stage. The results of the study show that the Sabilal Muhtadin Islamic Primary Education in Banjarmasin which consists of TK-SD-SMP is part of the education unit under the management of the Sabilal Muhtadin Islamic Education Institute (LPI-SM) Banjarmasin. Kindergarten Islam Sabilal Muhtadin was founded in 1986, SD in 1989 and SMP in 1993, its existence had become the prima donna of its time, this condition has survived until now, however, the development of Islamic basic education Sabilal Muhtadin still has competitiveness and can continue to grow despite experiencing competition with other education based on integrated Islamic education.

Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui (1) Sejarah pendirian makam Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi di Desa Candikuning, (2) Dampak sosial ekonomi bagi masyarakat Desa Candikuning, (3) Potensi makam Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi di Desa Candikuning, Bedugul dapat digunakan sebagai sumber belajar sejarah di SMA. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian sejarah, sehingga langkah-langkah yang dilakukan adalah (1) Heuristik; (2) Kritik Sumber; (3) Interpretasi; (4) Historiografi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa, (1) Sejarah pendirian makam Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi dengan ditemukannya lokasi makam yang terletak di atas bukit bedugul Desa Candikuning pada tahun 1940-an yang disinyalir merupakan makam seorang tokoh penyebar agama Islam yang berasal dari Timur Tengah. (2) Dampak sosial ekonomi dari Makam Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi bagi masyarakat di Desa Candikuning, Bedugul adalah dampak mengenai mata pencaharian masyarakat sekitar makam, pendapatan masyarakat sekitar makam, serta interaksi sosial yang terjadi di dalam masyarakat. (3) Makam Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi mengandung nilai historis sebagai salah satu tokoh penyebar agama Islam di Bali dan merupakan salah satu wali pitu yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sumber belajar sejarah lokal di SMA. Kata Kunci : Sejarah, Dampak Sosial Ekonomi, dan Sebagai Sumber Belajar Sejarah The purpose of this study was to find out (1) History of the chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi tomb in the village of Candikuning, (2) Socio economic impact for the community in the village of Candikuning, (3) Potential of the tomb of Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi in the village of Candikuning, Bedugul can be used as a source of historical learning in high school. This research is a historical research, so the steps taken are (1) Heuristics; (2) Source Criticism; (3) Interpretation; (4) Historiography. The results of this study indicate that, (1) The history of the establlishment of the Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi tomb with the discovery of the location of the tomb located on the hill of the village of Candikuning Bedugul in the 1940s which was allegedly the tomb of a prominent Muslim propagator from the Middle East. (2) The socio economic impact of the Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi tomb for the community in the village of Candikuning, Bedugul is the impact on the livelihoods of the people around the tomb, as well as the social interactions that occur within the community. (3) The tomb of Chabib Umar Bin Yusuf Al- Magribi containts historical value as one of the leaders of the spread of Islam in Bali and is one of the guardians who can be used as a source of learning local history in high school.keyword : History, Socio-Economic impact, and as a Source of Learning History

The article discusses various meanings which were ascribed to religion in the parliamentary debates of the perestroika period, which included Christian, Muslim, Buddhist, and other religious and lay deputies. Understood in a general sense, religion was supposed to become the foundation or an element of a new ideology and stimulate Soviet or post-Soviet transformations, either creating a new Soviet universalism or connecting the Soviet Union to the global universalism of human rights. The particularistic interpretations of religion viewed it as a marker of difference, dependent on or independent of ethnicity, and connected to collective rights. Despite the extensive contacts between the religious figures of different denominations, Orthodox Christianity enjoyed the most prominent presence in perestroika politics, which evoked criticisms of new power asymmetries in the transformation of the Soviet Union and contributed to the emergence of the Russian Federation as a new imperial, hierarchical polity rather than a decolonized one.

Anyone contemplating the role of a “hermeneutics of suspicion” in literary and cultural studies must concede that the phrase is rarely used—even by its most devout practitioners, who usually think of themselves engaged in something called “critique.” What, then, are the terminological differences between “critique” and “the hermeneutics of suspicion”? What intellectual worlds do these specific terms conjure up, and how do these worlds converge or diverge? And what is the rationale for preferring one term over the other?The “hermeneutics of suspicion” is a phrase coined by Paul Ricoeur to capture a common spirit that pervades the writings of Marx, Freud, and Nietzsche. In spite of their obvious differences, he argued, these thinkers jointly constitute a “school of suspicion.” That is to say, they share a commitment to unmasking “the lies and illusions of consciousness;” they are the architects of a distinctively modern style of interpretation that circumvents obvious or self-evident meanings in order to draw out less visible and less flattering truths (Ricoeur 356). Ricoeur’s term has sustained an energetic after-life within religious studies, as well as in philosophy, intellectual history, and related fields, yet it never really took hold in literary studies. Why has a field that has devoted so much of its intellectual energy to interrogating, subverting, and defamiliarising found so little use for Ricoeur’s phrase?In general, we can note that hermeneutics remains a path not taken in Anglo-American literary theory. The tradition of hermeneutical thinking is rarely acknowledged (how often do you see Gadamer or Ricoeur taught in a theory survey?), let alone addressed, assimilated, or argued over. Thanks to a lingering aura of teutonic stodginess, not to mention its long-standing links with a tradition of biblical interpretation, hermeneutics was never able to muster the intellectual edginess and high-wattage excitement generated by various forms of poststructuralism. Even the work of Gianni Vattimo, one of the most innovative and prolific of contemporary hermeneutical thinkers, has barely registered in the mainstream of literary and cultural studies. On occasion, to be sure, hermeneutics crops up as a synonym for a discredited model of “depth” interpretation—the dogged pursuit of a hidden true meaning—that has supposedly been superseded by more sophisticated forms of thinking. Thus the ascent of poststructuralism, it is sometimes claimed, signaled a turn away from hermeneutics to deconstruction and genealogy—leading to a focus on surface rather than depth, on structure rather than meaning, on analysis rather than interpretation. The idea of suspicion has fared little better. While Ricoeur’s account of a hermeneutics of suspicion is respectful, even admiring, critics are understandably leery of having their lines of argument reduced to their putative state of mind. The idea of a suspicious hermeneutics can look like an unwarranted personalisation of scholarly work, one that veers uncomfortably close to Harold Bloom’s tirades against the “School of Resentment” and other conservative complaints about literary studies as a hot-bed of paranoia, kill-joy puritanism, petty-minded pique, and defensive scorn. Moreover, the anti-humanist rhetoric of much literary theory—its resolute focus on transpersonal and usually linguistic structures of determination—proved inhospitable to any serious reflections on attitude, disposition, or affective stance.The concept of critique, by contrast, turns out to be marred by none of these disadvantages. An unusually powerful, flexible and charismatic idea, it has rendered itself ubiquitous and indispensable in literary and cultural studies. Critique is widely seen as synonymous with intellectual rigor, theoretical sophistication, and intransigent opposition to the status quo. Drawing a sense of intellectual weightiness from its connections to the canonical tradition of Kant and Marx, it has managed, nonetheless, to retain a cutting-edge sensibility, retooling itself to fit the needs of new fields ranging from postcolonial theory to disability studies. Critique is contagious and charismatic, drawing everything around it into its field of force, marking the boundaries of what counts as serious thought. For many scholars in the humanities, it is not just one good thing but the only conceivable thing. Who would want to be associated with the bad smell of the uncritical? There are five facets of critique (enumerated and briefly discussed below) that characterise its current role in literary and cultural studies and that have rendered critique an exceptionally successful rhetorical-cultural actor. Critique, that is to say, inspires intense attachments, serves as a mediator in numerous networks, permeates disciplines and institutional structures, spawns conferences, essays, courses, and book proposals, and triggers countless imitations, translations, reflections, revisions, and rebuttals (including the present essay). While nurturing a sense of its own marginality, iconoclasm, and outsiderdom, it is also exceptionally effective at attracting disciples, forging alliances, inspiring mimicry, and ensuring its own survival. In “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam?” Bruno Latour remarks that critique has been so successful because it assures us that we are always right—unlike those naïve believers whose fetishes we strive to expose (225–48). At the same time, thanks to its self-reflexivity, the rhetoric of critique is more tormented and self-divided than such a description would suggest; it broods constantly over the shame of its own success, striving to detect signs of its own complicity and to root out all possible evidence of collusion with the status quo.Critique is negative. Critique retains the adversarial force of a suspicious hermeneutics, while purifying it of affective associations by treating negativity as an essentially philosophical or political matter. To engage in critique is to grapple with the oversights, omissions, contradictions, insufficiencies, or evasions in the object one is analysing. Robert Koch writes that “critical discourse, as critical discourse, must never formulate positive statements: it is always ‘negative’ in relation to its object” (531). Critique is characterised by its “againstness,” by its desire to take a hammer, as Latour would say, to the beliefs of others. Faith is to be countered with vigilant skepticism, illusion yields to a sobering disenchantment, the fetish must be defetishised, the dream world stripped of its befuddling powers. However, the negativity of critique is not just a matter of fault-finding, scolding, and censuring. The nay-saying critic all too easily calls to mind the Victorian patriarch, the thin-lipped schoolmarm, the glaring policeman. Negating is tangled up with a long history of legislation, prohibition and interdiction—it can come across as punitive, arrogant, authoritarian, or vitriolic. In consequence, defenders of critique often downplay its associations with outright condemnation. It is less a matter of refuting particular truths than of scrutinising the presumptions and procedures through which truths are established. A preferred idiom is that of “problematising,” of demonstrating the ungroundedness of beliefs rather than denouncing errors. The role of critique is not to castigate, but to complicate, not to engage in ideas’ destruction but to expose their cultural construction. Barbara Johnson, for example, contends that a critique of a theoretical system “is not an examination of its flaws and imperfections” (xv). Rather, “the critique reads backwards from what seems natural, obvious, self-evident, or universal in order to show that these things have their history” and to show that the “start point is not a (natural) given, but a (cultural) construct, usually blind to itself” (Johnson xv–xvi). Yet it seems a tad disingenuous to describe such critique as free of negative judgment and the examination of flaws. Isn’t an implicit criticism being transmitted in Johnson’s claim that a cultural construct is “usually blind to itself”? And the adjectival chain “natural, obvious, self-evident, or universal” strings together some of the most negatively weighted words in contemporary criticism. A posture of detachment, in other words, can readily convey a tacit or implicit judgment, especially when it is used to probe the deep-seated convictions, primordial passions, and heart-felt attachments of others. In this respect, the ongoing skirmishes between ideology critique and poststructuralist critique do not over-ride their commitment to a common ethos: a sharply honed suspicion that goes behind the backs of its interlocutors to retrieve counter-intuitive and uncomplimentary meanings. “You do not know that you are ideologically-driven, historically determined, or culturally constructed,” declares the subject of critique to the object of critique, “but I do!” As Marcelo Dascal points out, the supposedly non-evaluative stance of historical or genealogical argument nevertheless retains a negative or demystifying force in tracing ideas back to causes invisible to the actors themselves (39–62).Critique is secondary. A critique is always a critique of something, a commentary on another argument, idea, or object. Critique does not vaunt its self-sufficiency, independence, and autotelic splendor; it makes no pretense of standing alone. It could not function without something to critique, without another entity to which it reacts. Critique is symbiotic; it does its thinking by responding to the thinking of others. But while secondary, critique is far from subservient. It seeks to wrest from a text a different account than it gives of itself. In doing so, it assumes that it will meet with, and overcome, a resistance. If there were no resistance, if the truth were self-evident and available for all to see, the act of critique would be superfluous. Its goal is not the slavish reconstruction of an original or true meaning but a counter-reading that brings previously unfathomed insights to light. The secondariness of critique is not just a logical matter—critique presumes the existence of a prior object—but also a temporal one. Critique comes after another text; it follows or succeeds another piece of writing. Critique, then, looks backward and, in doing so, it presumes to understand the past better than the past understands itself. Hindsight becomes insight; from our later vantage point, we feel ourselves primed to see better, deeper, further. The belatedness of critique is transformed into a source of iconoclastic strength. Scholars of Greek tragedy or Romantic poetry may mourn their inability to inhabit a vanished world, yet this historical distance is also felt as a productive estrangement that allows critical knowledge to unfold. Whatever the limitations of our perspective, how can we not know more than those who have come before? We moderns leave behind us a trail of errors, finally corrected, like a cloud of ink from a squid, remarks Michel Serres (48). There is, in short, a quality of historical chauvinism built into critique, making it difficult to relinquish a sense of in-built advantage over those lost souls stranded in the past. Critique likes to have the last word. Critique is intellectual. Critique often insists on its difference from everyday practices of criticism and judgment. While criticism evaluates a specific object, according to one definition, “critique is concerned to identify the conditions of possibility under which a domain of objects appears” (Butler 109). Critique is interested in big pictures, cultural frameworks, underlying schema. It is a mode of thought well matched to the library and seminar room, to a rhythm of painstaking inquiry rather than short-term problem-solving. It “slows matters down, requires analysis and reflection, and often raises questions rather than providing answers” (Ruitenberg 348). Critique is thus irresistibly drawn toward self-reflexive thinking. Its domain is that of second-level observation, in which we reflect on the frames, paradigms, and perspectives that form and inform our understanding. Even if objectivity is an illusion, how can critical self-consciousness not trump the available alternatives? This questioning of common sense is also a questioning of common language: self-reflexivity is a matter of form as well as content, requiring the deployment of what Jonathan Culler and Kevin Lamb call “difficult language” that can undermine or “un-write” the discourses that make up our world (1–14). Along similar lines, Paul Bove allies himself with a “tradition that insists upon difficulty, slowness, complex, often dialectical and highly ironic styles,” as an essential antidote to the “prejudices of the current regime of truth: speed, slogans, transparency, and reproducibility” (167). Critique, in short, demands an arduous working over of language, a stoic refusal of the facile phrase and ready-made formula. Yet such programmatic divisions between critique and common sense have the effect of relegating ordinary language to a state of automatic servitude, while condescending to those unschooled in the patois of literary and critical theory. Perhaps it is time to reassess the dog-in-the-manger attitude of a certain style of academic argument—one that assigns to scholars the vantage point of the lucid and vigilant thinker, while refusing to extend this same capacity to those naïve and unreflecting souls of whom they speak.Critique comes from below. Politics and critique are often equated and conflated in literary studies and elsewhere. Critique is iconoclastic in spirit; it rails against authority; it seeks to lay bare the injustices of the law. It is, writes Foucault, the “art of voluntary insubordination, that of reflected intractability” (194). This vision of critique can be traced back to Marx and is cemented in the tradition of critical theory associated with the Frankfurt School. Critique conceives of itself as coming from below, or being situated at the margins; it is the natural ally of excluded groups and subjugated knowledges; it is not just a form of knowledge but a call to action. But who gets to claim the mantle of opposition, and on what grounds? In a well-known essay, Nancy Fraser remarks that critical theory possesses a “partisan though not uncritical identification” with oppositional social movements (97). As underscored by Fraser’s judicious insertion of the phrase “not uncritical,” critique guards its independence and reserves the right to query the actions and attitudes of the oppressed as well as the oppressors. Thus the intellectual’s affiliation with a larger community may collide with a commitment to the ethos of critique, as the object of a more heartfelt attachment. A separation occurs, as Francois Cusset puts it, “between academics questioning the very methods of questioning” and the more immediate concerns of the minority groups with which they are allied (157). One possible strategy for negotiating this tension is to flag one’s solidarity with a general principle of otherness or alterity—often identified with the utopian or disruptive energies of the literary text. This strategy gives critique a shot in the arm, infusing it with a dose of positive energy and ethical substance, yet without being pinned down to the ordinariness of a real-world referent. This deliberate vagueness permits critique to nurture its mistrust of the routines and practices through which the everyday business of the world is conducted, while remaining open to the possibility of a radically different future. Critique in its positive aspects thus remains effectively without content, gesturing toward a horizon that must remain unspecified if it is not to lapse into the same fallen state as the modes of thought that surround it (Fish 446).Critique does not tolerate rivals. Declaring itself uniquely equipped to diagnose the perils and pitfalls of representation, critique often chafes at the presence of other forms of thought. Ruling out the possibility of peaceful co-existence or even mutual indifference, it insists that those who do not embrace its tenets must be denying or disavowing them. In this manner, whatever is different from critique is turned into the photographic negative of critique—evidence of an irrefutable lack or culpable absence. To refuse to be critical is to be uncritical; a judgment whose overtones of naiveté, apathy, complacency, submissiveness, and sheer stupidity seem impossible to shrug off. In short, critique thinks of itself as exceptional. It is not one path, but the only conceivable path. Drew Milne pulls no punches in his programmatic riff on Kant: “to be postcritical is to be uncritical: the critical path alone remains open” (18).The exceptionalist aura of critique often thwarts attempts to get outside its orbit. Sociologist Michael Billig, for example, notes that critique thinks of itself as battling orthodoxy, yet is now the reigning orthodoxy—no longer oppositional, but obligatory, not defamiliarising, but oppressively familiar: “For an increasing number of younger academics,” he remarks, “the critical paradigm is the major paradigm in their academic world” (Billig 292). And in a hard-hitting argument, Talal Asad points out that critique is now a quasi-automatic stance for Western intellectuals, promoting a smugness of tone that can be cruelly dismissive of the deeply felt beliefs and attachments of others. Yet both scholars conclude their arguments by calling for a critique of critique, reinstating the very concept they have so meticulously dismantled. Critique, it seems, is not to be abandoned but intensified; critique is to be replaced by critique squared. The problem with critique, it turns out, is that it is not yet critical enough. The objections to critique are still very much part and parcel of the critique-world; the value of the critical is questioned only to be emphatically reinstated.Why do these protestations against critique end up worshipping at the altar of critique? Why does it seem so exceptionally difficult to conceive of other ways of arguing, reading, and thinking? We may be reminded of Eve Sedgwick’s comments on the mimetic aspect of critical interpretation: its remarkable ability to encourage imitation, repetition, and mimicry, thereby ensuring its own reproduction. It is an efficiently running form of intellectual machinery, modeling a style of thought that is immediately recognisable, widely applicable, and easily teachable. Casting the work of the scholar as a never-ending labour of distancing, deflating, and diagnosing, it rules out the possibility of a different relationship to one’s object. It seems to grow, as Sedgwick puts it, “like a crystal in a hypersaturated solution, blotting out any sense of the possibility of alternative ways of understanding or things to understand” (131).In this context, a change in vocabulary—a redescription, if you will—may turn out to be therapeutic. It will come as no great surprise if I urge a second look at the hermeneutics of suspicion. Ricoeur’s phrase, I suggest, can help guide us through the interpretative tangle of contemporary literary studies. It seizes on two crucial parts of critical argument—its sensibility and its interpretative method—that deserve more careful scrutiny. At the same time, it offers a much-needed antidote to the charisma of critique: the aura of ethical and political exemplarity that burnishes its negativity with a normative glow. Thanks to this halo effect, I’ve suggested, we are encouraged to assume that the only alternative to critique is a full-scale surrender to complacency, quietism, and—in literary studies—the intellectual fluff of aesthetic appreciation. Critique, moreover, presents itself as an essentially disembodied intellectual exercise, an austere, even abstemious practice of unsettling, unmaking, and undermining. Yet contemporary styles of critical argument are affective as well as analytical, conjuring up distinctive dispositions and relations to their object. As Amanda Anderson has pointed out in The Way We Argue Now, literary and cultural theory is saturated with what rhetoricians call ethos—that is to say, imputations of motive, character, or attitude. We need only think of the insouciance associated with Rortyan pragmatism, the bad-boy iconoclasm embraced by some queer theorists, or the fastidious aestheticism that characterises a certain kind of deconstructive reading. Critical languages, in other words, are also orientations, encouraging readers to adopt an affectively tinged stance toward their object. Acknowledging the role of such orientations in critical debate does not invalidate its intellectual components, nor does it presume to peer into, or diagnose, an individual scholar’s state of mind.In a related essay, I scrutinise some of the qualities of a suspicious or critical reading practice: distance rather than closeness; guardedness rather than openness; aggression rather than submission; superiority rather than reverence; attentiveness rather than distraction; exposure rather than tact (215–34). Suspicion, in this sense, constitutes a muted affective state—a curiously non-emotional emotion of morally inflected mistrust—that overlaps with, and builds upon, the stance of detachment that characterises the stance of the professional or expert. That this style of reading proves so alluring has much to do with the gratifications and satisfactions that it offers. Beyond the usual political or philosophical justifications of critique, it also promises the engrossing pleasure of a game-like sparring with the text in which critics deploy inventive skills and innovative strategies to test their wits, best their opponents, and become sharper, shrewder, and more sophisticated players. In this context, the claim that contemporary criticism has moved “beyond” hermeneutics should be treated with a grain of salt, given that, as Stanley Fish points out, “interpretation is the only game in town” (446). To be sure, some critics have backed away from the model of what they call “depth interpretation” associated with Marx and Freud, in which reading is conceived as an act of digging and the critic, like a valiant archaeologist, excavates a resistant terrain in order to retrieve the treasure of hidden meaning. In this model, the text is envisaged as possessing qualities of interiority, concealment, penetrability, and depth; it is an object to be plundered, a puzzle to be solved, a secret message to be deciphered. Instead, poststructuralist critics are drawn to the language of defamiliarising rather than discovery. The text is no longer composed of strata and the critic does not burrow down but stands back. Instead of brushing past surface meanings in pursuit of hidden truth, she dwells in ironic wonder on these surface meanings, seeking to “denaturalise” them through the mercilessness of her gaze. Insight, we might say, is achieved by distancing rather than by digging. Recent surveys of criticism often highlight the rift between these camps, underscoring the differences between the diligent seeker after buried truth and the surface-dwelling ironist. From a Ricoeur-inflected point of view, however, it is their shared investment in a particular ethos—a stance of knowingness, guardedness, suspicion and vigilance—that turns out to be more salient and more striking. Moreover, these approaches are variously engaged in the dance of interpretation, seeking to go beyond the backs of texts or fellow-actors in order to articulate non-obvious and often counter-intuitive truths. In the case of poststructuralism, we can speak of a second-order hermeneutics that is less interested in probing the individual object than the larger frameworks and conditions in which it is embedded. What the critic interprets is no longer a self-contained poem or novel, but a broader logic of discursive structures, reading formations, or power relations. Ricoeur’s phrase, moreover, has the singular advantage of allowing us to by-pass the exceptionalist tendencies of critique: its presumption that whatever is not critique can only be assigned to the ignominious state of the uncritical. As a less prejudicial term, it opens up a larger history of suspicious reading, including traditions of religious questioning and self-scrutiny that bear on current forms of interpretation, but that are occluded by the aggressively secular connotations of critique (Hunter). In this context, Ricoeur’s own account needs to be supplemented and modified to acknowledge this larger cultural history; the hermeneutics of suspicion is not just the brain-child of a few exceptional thinkers, as his argument implies, but a widespread practice of interpretation embedded in more mundane, diffuse and variegated forms of life (Felski 220).Finally, the idea of a suspicious hermeneutics does not invalidate or rule out other interpretative possibilities—ranging from Ricoeur’s own notion of a hermeneutics of trust to more recent coinages such as Sedgwick’s “restorative reading,” Sharon Marcus’s “just reading” or Timothy Bewes’s “generous reading.” Literary studies in France, for example, is currently experiencing a new surge of interest in hermeneutics (redefined as a practice of reinvention rather than exhumation) as well as a reinvigorated phenomenology of reading that elucidates, in rich and fascinating detail, its immersive and affective dimensions (see Citton; Macé). This growing interest in the ethos, aesthetics, and ethics of reading is long overdue. Such an orientation by no means rules out attention to the sociopolitical resonances of texts and their interpretations. It is, however, no longer willing to subordinate such attention to the seductive but sterile dichotomy of the critical versus the uncritical.ReferencesAnderson, Amanda. The Way We Argue Now: A Study in the Cultures of Theory. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2005.Asad, Talal. “Free Speech, Blasphemy, and Secular Criticism.” Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech. Ed. Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Saba Mahmood. Berkeley: Townsend Center for the Humanities, 2009. 20–63. Bewes, Timothy. “Reading with the Grain: A New World in Literary Studies.” Differences 21.3 (2010): 1–33.Billig, Michael. “Towards a Critique of the Critical.” Discourse and Society 11.3 (2000): 291–92. Bloom, Harold. The Western Canon: The Books and School of the Ages. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1994.Bove, Paul. Mastering Discourse: The Politics of Intellectual Culture. Durham: Duke UP, 1992. Butler, Judith. “The Sensibility of Critique: Response to Asad and Mahmood.” Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech. Ed. Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Saba Mahmood. Berkeley: Townsend Center for the Humanities, 2009. 101–136.Citton, Yves. Lire, interpréter, actualiser: pourqoi les études littéraires? Paris: Editions Amsterdam, 2007. Culler, Jonathan and Kevin Lamb, “Introduction.” Just Being Difficult? Academic Writing in the Public Arena. Ed. Jonathan Culler and Kevin Lamb. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003. 1–14. Cusset, Francois. French Theory: How Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze, & Co. Transformed the Intellectual Life of the United States. Trans. Jeff Fort. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2008.Dascal, Marcelo. “Critique without Critics?” Science in Context 10.1 (1997): 39–62.Felski, Rita. “Suspicious Minds.” Poetics Today 32.2 (2011): 215–34.Fish, Stanley. Doing What Comes Naturally: Change, Rhetoric, and the Practice of Theory in Literary and Legal Studies. Durham: Duke UP, 1989.Foucault, Michel. “What is Critique?” The Political. Ed. David Ingram. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002. 191–211. Fraser, Nancy. “What’s Critical about Critical Theory? The Case of Habermas and Gender.” New German Critique 35 (1985): 97–131. Hunter, Ian. Rethinking the School: Subjectivity, Bureaucracy, Criticism. New York: St Martin’s Press, 1994.Johnson, Barbara. “Translator’s Introduction.” Jacques Derrida’s Dissemination. London: Continuum, 2004. vii–xxxv. Koch, Robert. “The Critical Gesture in Philosophy.” Iconoclash: Beyond the Image Wars in Science, Religion, and Art. Ed. Bruno Latour and Peter Weibel. Cambridge: MIT, 2002. 524–36. Latour, Bruno. “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern.” Critical Inquiry 30 (2004): 225–48.Macé, Marielle. Facons de lire, manières d’être. Paris: Gallimard, 2011. Marcus, Sharon. Between Women: Friendship, Desire, and Marriage in Victorian England. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2007.Milne, Drew. “Introduction: Criticism and/or Critique.” Modern Critical Thought: An Anthology of Theorists Writing on Theorists. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002. 1–22. Ricoeur, Paul. Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation. New Haven: Yale UP, 1970. Ruitenberg, Claudia. “Don’t Fence Me In: The Liberation of Undomesticated Critique.” Journal of the Philosophy of Education 38.3 (2004): 314–50. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. “Paranoid Reading and Reparative Reading, Or, You’re So Paranoid, You Probably Think This Essay is About You.” Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy, Performativity. Durham: Duke UP, 2003. 123–52. Serres, Michel and Bruno Latour. Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time. Trans. Roxanne Lapidus. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1995.Vattimo, Gianni. Beyond Interpretation: The Meaning of Hermeneutics for Philosophy. Trans. David Webb. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1997.

This article examines the career of Hungarian geographer, Tibor Mendöl, who was appointed the first Chair of Human Geography at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest in 1940. Mendöl’s career had a bright start but was shattered following World War II. His story is not unique in Hungary, and in fact was common to other countries in the former Soviet sphere where a generation of geographers shared his fate. The history of Mendöl’s career and the reception of his work reaches beyond the significance of a personal life story. It offers insight into twentieth-century Hungarian geography and into Hungarian scholarly life in general. Mendöl’s career was emblematic of a period when geography–which had been institutionally strong, vital in public thought in Hungary, and important in a policy context–became marginalised within academia, and came very close to disciplinary annihilation. Mendöl was allowed to retain his chair up to his date of retirement, but his disciples had to leave the university. His efforts to publish his work were in turn hindered, and his scientific theories received strong criticism. Students of geography in Budapest probably did not even hear his name uttered, even a few years after his death. Mendöl’s works were even removed from the university curriculum. The output of the more recent Mendöl ‘heritage industry,’ however, proves that the legacy of his work has not yet been exhausted, and that his story remains relevant. Though the protagonist of this story has been dead for more than fifty years, his spirit (or perhaps his phantom) returns occasionally. Varying attitudes towards his life and work–from rejection, through concealment, to carefully expressed and later more bravely- worded tributes–have always been only partially about professional and subject-based issues. Interpretations of his life and work have also always been matters of historiography and politics.