Journal articles on the topic '1939-1945 Participation'

The Article is devoted to the activities of the foreign policy system of the Polish Republic before and during the Second world war. Special attention is paid to the activities of the Polish government in exile (1939–1945) and its participation in the preparation of the Warsaw uprising.

AbstractThis article examines the origins, implementation and results of salvage drives carried out in wartime France from 1939 to 1945. In post-war accounts – including memoirs and local histories of the occupation – these salvage drives were understood simply as wartime frugality, a logical response to wide-spread shortages. Yet a careful study of the records of both the French Ministry of Armaments and Vichy's Service de la Récupération et de l'Utilisation des Déchets et Vieilles Matières combined with municipal and departmental sources reveals that these salvage drives were heavily influenced by Nazi German practices. From 1939 to 1940, even though French propaganda had previously ridiculed Nazi German salvage drives as proof of economic weakness, officials at the Ministry of Armaments emulated Nazi Germany by carrying out salvage drives of scrap iron and paper. After the fall of France, this emulation became collaboration. Vichy's salvage efforts were a conjoint Franco-German initiative, organised at the very highest levels of the occupation administration. Drawing on the experience of Nazi German salvage experts, Vichy officials carried out the salvage drives according to German models. Nevertheless, they carefully hid the German origins of the campaign from the chain of departmental prefects, mayors, Chambers of Commerce and youth leaders who organised the local drives and solicited participation by evoking French patriotic sentiment. After the liberation of France in 1944, the French Provisional Government renamed but otherwise maintained the Vichy-created salvage organisations and continued to oversee the collection of scrap iron, paper, rags, glass and bones until 1946. At that point, the government largely relinquished control of the salvage industry.

The article is devoted to the analysis of different views in Romanian historiography on the participation of I. Antonescu, along with Germany, Italy, Hungary, Slovakia and Finland, in the war against the USSR, starting from June 22, 1941. It is known that the decision to join the anti-Soviet war was taken by I. Antonescu alone, without any consultation with any political group, or even with the king Mihai, who has learned from the BBC radio that Romania had entered the war with the USSR. First, the war was proclaimed as a “sacred war” against Bolshevism for the return of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, received full support from the king and from the leaders of the “historical parties”, as well as from a wide range of the population. However, in August 1941, at the request of Hitler, having already military rank of Marshal, Ion Antonescu decided to continue the war in the East, which has been completely unfounded (the territory to the East of the Dniester never belonged to Romania). The modern Romanian historiographers emphasize that the continuation of the anti-Soviet war on the other side of the Dniester, which led to large (and useless) human losses, has become one of Antonescu’s greatest mistakes. The article also raises the issue of the Holocaust in Romania during the Second World War (suppressed during the communist years), the decline in the scale of the tragedy in that period. It is noted that the arrest of I. Antonescu on August 23, 1944 was the merit of the young king, Mihai I, and his entourage, and not the Communist Party of Romania represented by Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu.

Between 1937 and 1945 higher education was one of the main arenas of struggle between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Both sides regarded it as an important area to be controlled. The Bureau of Investigation's 1951 report suggested that KMT support from youth in schools was “the key to success or failure.” The Chinese Communist Party also regarded the work of winning over intellectuals as vital for the Party's future. In 1939 Mao Zedong said that “without the participation of intellectuals victory in the revolution is impossible.” Thus, the two parties competed both overtly and covertly in colleges and universities to win the support of both staff and students.

The Slovak Republic of 1939–1945 was established on the doorstep of the deadliest war in history. It almost immediately became an active participant in the war as an ally of Nazi Germany. Moreover, already in March 1939, Slovakia, just after its foundation, found itself in a military conflict with Hungary. These facts were naturally reflected in all spheres of society, including urban spaces. This study aims to analyze interventions in the public spaces of Slovak towns related to a cult of martyrs. There was strong need to justify the new Slovak Republic’s participation in the war. This need became increasingly pressing, especially after the invasion of the Soviet Union, which met with the disapproval of the majority of the population. I therefore ask how the regime responded to this. I am especially interested in following questions: how were public spaces transformed change in an effort to build a martyr cult before and after the attack on the Soviet Union? Were there significant interventions in connection with this event (the declaration of war against the USSR)? Had the symbol of a martyr or a soldier changed, and if so, how? The study is organized chronologically. I analyze interventions in public spaces during the so-called Little War in March 1939, at the moment of entry into the war against Poland in September 1939, and at the moment of entry into the war against the USSR in June 1941. I examine interventions on architecture-material level which involved the renaming streets and the creation of memorials. I also focus on perceptions of the street as a “stage” for military parades or ceremonies in the course of which soldiers were awarded decorations.

International Responsibility of the Soviet Union for its Illegal Actions against Poland between 1939 and 1945SummaryThe author of the paper comes to a conclusion that many actions concerning Poland taken by the Soviet Union during The Second World War constituted an abuse of power. The Soviet U nion invaded Poland and illegally occupied its Eastern territories until 1945. As a result of the aggression, hundreds of thousands of Polish soldiers and citizens were killed or persecuted.At the end of The Second W orld W ar decisions concerning Poland were taken at inter-Allied conferences w ithout Poland’s participation. The Great Powers decided to deprive Poland of its Eastern territories against the will of the Polish Government-in-exile, which was legal at that time. W hat is more, Poland was not a signatory of the Jalta and Potsdam agreements. Therefore, the decisions referring to Polish Eastern border should be invalidAs far as the problem of a new Polish government is concerned, it is necessary to stress that according to international law a change of a government in a particular state should take place w ithout any external interference. Nevertheless, the Soviet U nion decided to create a new government for Poland to replace the legal government-in-exile. As a consequence, the Provisional Government of National Unity was created., It consisted mostly of communists who were dependent on the Soviet Union. Many o f them were Soviet spies. They were able to gain power only as a result of the Soviet military intervention in Poland. The government did not represent Polish society and was created against its will. The Soviet U nion did not have the right to impose this sort of government on Poland.The problem of reconciliation between Poland and Russia is also approached in the paper. During the Second World War Polish state and its citizens suffered great losses. Neither the Soviet U nion nor Russia has ever assumed responsibility for the Soviet U nion’s illegal actions against Poland and its citizens between 1939 and 1945. In such circumstances any sort of reconciliation cannot take place.

The article attempts to explain the role that Mexico played during World War II (1939-1945). The Mexican armed forces, in particular the 201st air squadron, were directly involved in the hostilities at the end of the armed conflict, which had more of a symbolic significance. Nevertheless, it is necessary to emphasize the contribution of the army of Mexican workers – the Braceros, as well as of the thousands of Mexicans who sacrificed their lives in the uniform of the United States armed forces. In the present review of literature and key historical sources relevant to the topic, the author talks about Mexican heroes, World War II soldiers and considers the armed participation of Mexico in the war in the general context of the national development of this country, which borders with the United States. For Mexico, participation in World War II was an important event in the framework of the Mexican “economic miracle”, the modernization of the national armed complex, and the construction of the new world order (Mexico was one of the founders of the United Nations, taking an active part in the conference of San Francisco).

The article analyzes the specificity of the Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King’s attitude to the Soviet Union during the Second World War. The study analyzes the frequency of the Prime Minister referencing the USSR in his diary from September 1, 1939 to September 2, 1945, as well as his reaction to a number of the most significant events of the Second World War associated with the Soviet Union: the German attack on the USSR, the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Canada, the battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, the victory over Germany. In the course of work, both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive method, comparative method) and special methods (historical-chronological and content analysis) have been used to study the materials of the diary. The use of the historical-chronological method is due to the need to correlate information from the diary with the overall historical picture of the studied period, and the use of content analysis helps to create a more reliable picture of Canadian Prime Minister’s perception of the Soviet participation in World War II. The article has made allowances for the fact that Mackenzie King sought to create his own positive image in his diaries, planning their posthumous publication. But, since the USSR was not a key topic for the Prime Minister (as evidenced by keywords statistics), it can be stated that the leader of the Canadian liberals was quite frank, at least as frank as a person who, in his lifetime, was known as an extremely cautious politician could be. It is clear, that King was well aware of the significance of the events on the Eastern Front. But throughout the war he retained both a negatively neutral attitude towards the USSR (due to its communist nature) and his perception of the Soviet Union as part of Asia and thus a step below the Anglo-Saxon world, which had a higher level of culture and moral principles. The objective reality, i.e. absence of hostilities in Canada, its maneuvering between Great Britain and the United States, and priority of economic and domestic policy for King, explains that a lesser part of his attention was paid to the events in the USSR in comparison with processes associated with England and the United States.

Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.

This article tackles the historical context, the genesis and the German reception of two different concepts of elitist governmental people’s instruction and public education drafted by two main intellectuals in the era of American progressivism – Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), journalist and former spin doctor of US-President Wilson (1856–1924), and the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952). The examination of Lippmann’s books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925) and Dewey’s studies The Public and its Problems (1927) and Freedom and Culture (1939) reveals that both concepts are based on different notions of democracy, but on similar perceptions of modernity. Accelerated sequences of economic boom and depression, technological innovation, rapid social change and the seduction of mass media were seen as threats of public participation and of nationwide mobilization. These pessimistic notions of modernity as well as their implicit interactive perceptions of European socialism, nationalism and fascism facilitated the reception of Dewey and Lippmann in Germany. In doing so, German communication scientists, intellectuals, and pedagogues transformed terms like political leadership, community, action and creativity into the German context of nationalism and holistic community. But is this adoption a misreading or is this interpretation injected in the concept of both, Dewey and Lippmann? The comparison and reconstruction of these two concepts will show that their reception in Germany after 1945 was an amalgamation by intermingling different aspects of both models instead of a clear takeover of one model.

The concept of Child rights in Islam is as old as Islam is. Hazrat Muhammadﷺ focused on two major aspects regarding children one is their right to life with all basic necessities and secondly on their nourishment, education and civilization irrespective of any form of discrimination. While on the other hand, in western world, this concept was given in middle Ages only up to this extent that the children were called as “small adults”. Only there are three turns in history in which this topic of child rights was focused seriously with practical approach but with discriminatory behaves, after world war 1st (1914-1918) in 1919 by Eglantyne Jebb, an English woman, established an organization as “Save the Children Fund” for rehabilitation of European children, affected by war. In 1946 after world war 2nd (1939-1945), “UNICEF” in 1953 was established, with the aim of restoration of children affected by war and then in 1989, the most successful and universally accepted child rights convention was held as UNCRC, 1989. In Pakistan many NGO’s are working on child rights from which Akhuwat Foundation and Saylani Welfare Trust are most prominent. Most importantly, the major role is being played by madrassas and jamiaat by providing free of cost children education, medical and residence. Therefore, it can be said that the participation and services provided by these religious centers (madarassas, dini marakaz, jamiaat and mosques) are more than any other national or international NGO’s and organizations including institutions backed by Government as well.

The concept of Child rights in Islam is as old as Islam is. Hazrat Muhammadﷺ focused on two major aspects regarding children one is their right to life with all basic necessities and secondly on their nourishment, education and civilization irrespective of any form of discrimination. While on the other hand, in western world, this concept was given in middle Ages only up to this extent that the children were called as “small adults”. Only there are three turns in history in which this topic of child rights was focused seriously with practical approach but with discriminatory behaves, after world war 1st (1914-1918) in 1919 by Eglantyne Jebb, an English woman, established an organization as “Save the Children Fund” for rehabilitation of European children, affected by war. In 1946 after world war 2nd (1939-1945), “UNICEF” in 1953 was established, with the aim of restoration of children affected by war and then in 1989, the most successful and universally accepted child rights convention was held as UNCRC, 1989. In Pakistan many NGO’s are working on child rights from which Akhuwat Foundation and Saylani Welfare Trust are most prominent. Most importantly, the major role is being played by madrassas and jamiaat by providing free of cost children education, medical and residence. Therefore, it can be said that the participation and services provided by these religious centers (madarassas, dini marakaz, jamiaat and mosques) are more than any other national or international NGO’s and organizations including institutions backed by Government as well.

Prompted by the investigative journalist Gitta Sereny's biography Albert Speer: His Battle with Truth, two recent productions, Esther Vilar's Speer and David Edgar's Albert Speer, have set out to explore the reputation of Hitler's architect and later Minister of Armaments and War Production, Albert Speer, the only leading Nazi to acknowledge his guilt at the Nuremberg Trials. The plays, like the biography, are concerned with the extent of Speer's knowledge of the ‘Final Solution’ during his career in the Nazi hierarchy, and consequently with the integrity of the stance he adopted at Nuremberg and thereafter – that is, of his claim of guilt by association and omission rather than by active participation. In her biography, Sereny claims that as a result of her association with Speer he eventually acknowledged his guilt to her, and was repentant. But Nick White believes that the evidence – much of it unearthed by Sereny herself – suggests otherwise, and that Sereny had failed to acknowledge that between 1978 and his death in 1981 Speer consistently deceived her about crucial aspects of this evidence. How successful are Vilar and Edgar in their quite different dramatic sifting, not only of the public persona of Speer, but also of the interpretation granted their subject by the biographer upon whom their plays, to a lesser and greater degree, depend? Nick White has taught at City University, London, and his PhD dissertation, ‘In the Absence of Memory? Jewish Fate and Dramatic Representation: the Production and Critical Reception of Holocaust Drama on the London Stage, 1945–1989’ (1998) has been followed by a companion volume of criticism, articles, and letters, The Critical Reception of Holocaust Drama on the British Stage, 1939–2000.

Fiscal decentralisation refers to the transfer of authority and responsibility from central government to sub-national or the local government. It is mostly pre-assumed that fiscal decentralisation can play important role in the efficient allocations of resources and improvement of the political, economic and social activities. Many studies unlock the relationship between federal government and sub-national governments or local government. Fiscal decentralisation theories mostly based on Richard Musgrave’s (1939) functions of government. He defined three roles: stabilisation, allocation and distribution whereas, only the allocation function seems to be appropriate to fiscal decentralisation theory. Because these three functions are not equally suitable for all level of governments and it is necessary for efficiency that each function is properly matched to the level. It is a step forward towards more responsive and efficient governance if the decentralisation is done properly [Oates (1972)]. The logic behind fiscal decentralisation is accountability and efficiency; the smaller organisations are more fragile for accountability than the larger ones. However, decentralisation has not always been effective in the provision of service delivery and hardly accountable due to lack of community participation. If there is no spill over effects and in the absence of diseconomies of scale it could be effective and efficient. The sub-national governments where the externalities are internalised and scale economies are acceptable fiscal responsibilities should be assigned [Rodden, et al. (2003)]. The sub-national governments are much closer to the people and they are better informed to respond according to their demands of goods and services [Hayek (1945); Qian and Weingast (1997)]. Service deliveries are highly dependent on transfers from central governments. It is necessary to increase the revenue autonomy of sub-national governments and it is linked with the service delivery in social sector [Elhiraika (2007)]. Lower level of governments is closer to the people and much aware of the preferences of localities. Service deliveries should be located at the lowest level because decentralised provision of services increases the economic welfare [Oates (1999)].

Słowa kluczowe: edukacja, zapasy, współpraca, region, Obwód Kaliningradzki. Streszczenie Wkrótce po zakończeniu działań wojennych (1945) utworzono w Okręgu Mazurskim pierwsze placówki oświatowe i rozpoczął się proces edukacyjno-wychowawczy. Po przekształceniu okręgu w województwo olsztyńskie przybył na Warmię ppor. Zenon Rydziński i jako oficer-zapaśnik propagował na modnych wówczas festynach i zawodach pokazowych walory uprawianej niegdyś dyscypliny sportowej. Po utworzeniu w Olsztynie Okręgowego Związku Zapaśniczego szkolenie prowadzono także w powstających spontanicznie klubach i sekcjach Ludowych Zespołów Sportowych. Wspomniane stowarzyszenia szczególnie cenną rolę odgrywały w środowiskach wiejskich. Po zgłębieniu podstaw nawiązano współpracę z Obwodem Kaliningradzkim. Wzajemna wymiana doświadczeń skutkowała wzrostem poziomu wyszkolenia sportowego, budowaniu zrębów przyjaźni między obu społecznościami, a wyjazdy zagraniczne stwarzały możliwość bliższego poznania regionów i kultury mieszkającej tam ludności. Ekipy wyjeżdżające za granicę tworzono z najlepszych zawodników, a powołanie w skład drużyny było dla zapaśników jednocześnie wyróżnieniem i nagrodą. W wymianie sportowej uczestniczyła także młodzież uprawiająca sport w szkolnych sekcjach. W treningach brali udział również młodzi Romowie i Ukraińcy i był to wzorcowy przykład integracji społecznej. Wzrastający poziom wyszkolenia skutkował uczestnictwem w turniejach ogólnopolskich, mistrzostwach Polski, a w roku 1978 rozegrano nawet mecz z przebywającą w Polsce drużyną stanu Colorado (USA). Bibliografia Archiwum Akt – Archiwum Akt Nowych w Warszawie, Państwowy Urząd Wychowania Fizycznego i Przysposobienia Wojskowego. 78, s. 22, Stan urządzeń. [Device status] 78, s. 22. Archiwum Państwowe, 1951 – Archiwum Państwowe w Olsztynie, Komitet Wojewódzki Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. 1141, Protokół z posiedzenia egzekutywy KW PZPR z maja 1951 roku, k. 141. [Minutes of the executive meeting of the KW PZPR in May 1951], k. 141. Archiwum Państwowe – Archiwum Państwowe w Olsztynie, Komitet Wojewódzki Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. 1141/2093, k. 80. X lat współpracy Olsztyna z Kaliningradem. [10 years of cooperation between Olsztyn and Kaliningrad], k. 80. [Poland]. Archiwum Państwowe, 1972-1973 – Archiwum Państwowe w Olsztynie, Komitet Wojewódzki Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. 1141/2101, Sprawozdanie z międzywojewódzkiej współpracy partyjnej z krajami socjalistycznymi w latach 1972–1973, k. 14. [Report on interregional party cooperation with socialist countries in 1972–1973], k. 14. [Poland]. Archiwum Państwowe, 1960 – Archiwum Państwowe w Olsztynie, Komitet Wojewódzki Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. 1141/2087, k. 10. Plan sportowych kontaktów przygranicznych Olsztyn – Kaliningrad na rok 1960. [The plan of sports contacts on the Olsztyn - Kaliningrad border for 1960], k. 10. [Poland]. Archiwum Państwowe, 1963 – Archiwum Państwowe w Olsztynie, Komitet Wojewódzki Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. 1141/2090, k. 1. Terminarz delegacji Olsztyn – Kaliningrad 1963. [Timetable of the Olsztyn - Kaliningrad delegation 1963], k. 1. [Poland]. Borejsza, 1964 – Czesław Borejsza. Władysław Pytlasiński i jego trening zapaśniczy. Warszawa 1964. 64 s. [Władysław Pytlasiński and his wrestling training]. Warszawa 1964. 64 s. [Poland]. Chełmecki, Głaz, Lipski, 2012 – Chełmecki Jerzy, Głaz Andrzej, Lipski Jerzy. Historia Polskich zapasów 1922 – 2012. Warszawa 2012. 345 s. [History of Polish stocks 1922 – 2012]. Warszawa 2012. 345 s. [Poland]. Dmowski, 1981 – Dmowski Zygmunt. I ty zostaniesz olimpijczykiem. Warszawa 1981. 80 s. [And you will become an Olympian]. Warszawa 1981. 80 s. [Poland]. Dmowski, Skubis, 1976 – Dmowski Zygmunt, Skubis Jacek. Zapasy judo. Warszawa 1976. 133 s. [Judo wrestling]. Warszawa 1976. 133 s. [Poland]. Tracewski, 1979 – Tracewski Janusz. Zapasy dla ciebie. Warszawa 1979. 18 s. [Stocks for you]. Warszawa 1979. 18 s. [Poland]. Filipkowski, 1979 – Filipkowski Tadeusz. Węzłowe problemy oświaty województwa olsztyńskiego po1945r. [Key problems of education in the Olsztyn voivodeship after 1945]. W: Zeszyt Pedagogiczny. 50 lat szkolnictwa polskiego na Warmii i Mazurach. Olsztyn 1979. S. 97– 128. [Poland]. Gąsiorowski, 2005 – Gąsiorowski Andrzej. Podróże historyczne i krajoznawcze na pograniczu pruskim 1466 – 1939. Olsztyn 2005. 379 s. [Historical and sightseeing trips in the Prussian borderland 1466 – 1939]. Olsztyn 2005. 379 s.[Poland]. Godlewski, 1987 – Godlewski Piotr. Mini-zapasy. [Mini-stocks]. W: Wychowanie Fizyczne i Higiena Szkolna 1987, Nr 8. Warszawa 1987. S. 5 – 12. Godlewski, 1987 – Godlewski Piotr. Rozwój organizacyjny sportu zapaśniczego w pierwszych latach Polski Ludowej. [Organizational development of wrestling sport in the first years of People's Poland]. W: Monografia AWF, Poznań, 1987, Nr 235. S. 233–242. Godlewski, 1987 – Godlewski Piotr. Aktualne problemy badań w zapasach, Warszawa 1987. 59 s. [Current research problems in stocks]. Warszawa 1987. 59 s. [Poland]. Godlewski, 1988 – Godlewski Piotr. Zarys dziejów polskiego zapaśnictwa profesjonalnego. Gorzów Wielkopolski 1988. 64 s. [An outline of the history of Polish professional wrestling]. Gorzów Wielkopolski 1988. 64 s. [Poland]. Gross, 2011 – Gross Radosław. Powszechna Organizacja „Służba Polsce” w województwie olsztyńskim w latach 1948 – 1955. Olsztyn 2011. 384 s. [The General Organization "Służba Polsce" in the Olsztyn voivodship in the years 1948 – 1955]. Olsztyn 2011. 384 s. [Poland]. Górniewicz, 2008 – Górniewicz Józef. Teoria wychowania. Olsztyn 2008. 187 s. [The theory of education]. Olsztyn 2008. 187 s. [Poland]. Jaroszewski, Połaniecka, 2019 – Jaroszewski Julian, Połaniecka Agnieszka. Sukcesy sportowe zapaśników z terenu województwa łódzkiego w latach 1945 – 1990. [Sports successes of wrestlers from the Łódź Province in 1945 – 1990]. W: Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 2019, t. 2, Nr 3. Częstochowa 2019. S. 71– 93. Księga Pamiątkowa – Księga Pamiątkowa Ludowego Klubu Sportowego „Agrokompleks” Kętrzyn. [Memorial Book of the People's Sports Club "Agrokompleks". Kętrzyn]. 52 s. [Poland]. Masztaler, Walichnowski, 1999 – Masztaler Jan, Walichnowski Feliks. Wokół stadionu Leśnego. [Around the Leśny Stadium.]. Olsztyn 1999, 38 s. [Poland]. Mistrzostwa w zapasach, 1971 – Mistrzostwa w zapasach. [Wrestling Championship]. W: Gazeta Olsztyńska 1971, Nr 33. S. 4. [Poland]. Nowocień, 2013 – Nowocień Jerzy. Studium o pedagogice kultury fizycznej. Warszawa 2013. 248 s. [A study on the pedagogy of physical culture]. Warszawa 2013. 248 s. [Poland]. 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Последние несколько лет богаты для нашей страны различными юбилейными датами, в первую очередь связанными с военной историей Отечества, в частности с оказанием военной и экономической помощи республиканцам в годы Гражданской войны в Испании (1936–1939), началом и окончанием Великой Отечественной войны (1941–1945). Цель настоящей статьи — установление личностей и судеб уроженцев Рязанской губернии (в территориальных границах до Октябрьской революции), принимавших участие в обеих войнах. За 2,5 года пребывания в Испании советские военнослужащие и гражданские специалисты способствовали тому, что у республиканцев в кратчайшие сроки появились авиация, полевая и зенитная артиллерия, танковые части, службы их обеспечения. В Испании в качестве общевойсковых советников, зенитчиков, танкистов, летчиков, моряков, работников оборонных предприятий, переводчиков, врачей находились 46 уроженцев земли Рязанской. Почти все они были награждены орденами и медалями за мужество и героизм в этой первой схватке с фашизмом, а затем в Великой Отечественной войне. Судьбы добровольцев сложились по-разному, некоторые из них не вернулись с фронта, разным был и вклад их в общую победу, однако каждый из них защищал от фашизма и свое Отечество, и другие страны. Предлагаемое исследование может быть использовано для патриотического воспитания граждан Российской Федерации как в уважении к Отечеству и его защитникам в целом, так и в воспитании гордости за свою малую Родину — Рязанскую землю. Recent years have seen many important dates closely associated with Russian military history, such as military and economic assistance to Spanish republicans during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945). The aim of the article is to investigate the fates of Ryazan citizens (we take into consideration the territory of the Ryazan province as it was before the Great October Revolution) who took part in both wars. With the help of Soviet militaries and civilians, who spent 2.5 years in Spain, Spanish republicans managed to acquire aviation, field and anti-aircraft artillery, tank divisions, maintenance teams. 46 Ryazan-born citizens worked in Spain as military advisors, antiaircraft gunners, tankmen, pilots, seamen, employees of defense enterprises, translators and interpreters, doctors. Almost all of them were awarded orders and medals for gallantry and bravery in battle against fascism during the Spanish Civil War and later during the Great Patriotic War. The volunteers had different fates. Some of them never returned from the war, they contributed differently to the victory over fascism, yet every one of them defended their motherland and the world against the fascist threat. The present research can be used for patriotic education of citizens of the Russian Federation. It can help teach people to respect their motherland and its defenders and to feel proud of their home region of Ryazan.

The wastage of Canadian manpower due to venereal disease (VD) during World War II was an ongoing problem for the Canadian Army. Military authorities took both medical and disciplinary measures in attempt to reduce the number of soldiers that were kept from regular duties while under treatment. The study of the techniques employed to control sexual behaviour and infection places the Canadian Army in a new historical perspective as a modern institution which sought to establish medical surveillance and disciplinary control over soldiers’ bodies. This study also explores Canadian soldiers’ sexual behaviour overseas, showing their engagement in a broken system of regulated prostitution, and with European women who were coping with war’s destabilization and strain by participating in the sex trade. Agents of the Canadian Army overseas extended their disciplinary and surveillance functions from soldiers to their sexual partners. VD rates were low when formations were in combat, but rose to alarming rates when they were out of the line, suggesting that individual agency and sexual choice trumped the efforts of modern discipline.

AbstractAs the clash of aspirations increased among European countries, a European ‘civil war’ started in 1914, which engulfed the whole world. With all the terrible destruction and loss of life, it was felt that an international organization must be established to avert war in future. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the British government succeeded in gaining separate representation for its dominions, including India. This created a rather anomalous situation, since a dependency of a foreign power, a colony which could not control its internal affairs, was accepted as a sovereign state by an international treaty. Europe had hardly recovered from the First World War in the late 1920s when it drifted towards a second holocaust in 1939. India became a founding member of the United Nations in 1945, even though it was still under British rule, participating in the historic founding conference. But Indian national public opinion was neither very hopeful nor enthusiastic about the conference on the new international organization. Not only India, which was not even independent at that time, but Asian countries as such played a very small and insignificant role in the formulation of the UN Charter.