Academic literature on the topic '1939-1945 Participation'
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Journal articles on the topic "1939-1945 Participation"
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Prozorova, I., G. Arutyunyan, V. Adamov, and S. Buryachenko. "Diplomacy of the Polish Republic before and during the Second World War." Diplomatic Service, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2002-03.
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The Article is devoted to the activities of the foreign policy system of the Polish Republic before and during the Second world war. Special attention is paid to the activities of the Polish government in exile (1939–1945) and its participation in the preparation of the Warsaw uprising.
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DENTON, CHAD. "‘Récupérez!’ The German Origins of French Wartime Salvage Drives, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 399–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000210.
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AbstractThis article examines the origins, implementation and results of salvage drives carried out in wartime France from 1939 to 1945. In post-war accounts – including memoirs and local histories of the occupation – these salvage drives were understood simply as wartime frugality, a logical response to wide-spread shortages. Yet a careful study of the records of both the French Ministry of Armaments and Vichy's Service de la Récupération et de l'Utilisation des Déchets et Vieilles Matières combined with municipal and departmental sources reveals that these salvage drives were heavily influenced by Nazi German practices. From 1939 to 1940, even though French propaganda had previously ridiculed Nazi German salvage drives as proof of economic weakness, officials at the Ministry of Armaments emulated Nazi Germany by carrying out salvage drives of scrap iron and paper. After the fall of France, this emulation became collaboration. Vichy's salvage efforts were a conjoint Franco-German initiative, organised at the very highest levels of the occupation administration. Drawing on the experience of Nazi German salvage experts, Vichy officials carried out the salvage drives according to German models. Nevertheless, they carefully hid the German origins of the campaign from the chain of departmental prefects, mayors, Chambers of Commerce and youth leaders who organised the local drives and solicited participation by evoking French patriotic sentiment. After the liberation of France in 1944, the French Provisional Government renamed but otherwise maintained the Vichy-created salvage organisations and continued to oversee the collection of scrap iron, paper, rags, glass and bones until 1946. At that point, the government largely relinquished control of the salvage industry.
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Luchkanyn, Serhii. "Romania in the Second World War 1939–1945: unknown facts and new views on the problem." European Historical Studies, no. 9 (2018): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.09.79-95.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of different views in Romanian historiography on the participation of I. Antonescu, along with Germany, Italy, Hungary, Slovakia and Finland, in the war against the USSR, starting from June 22, 1941. It is known that the decision to join the anti-Soviet war was taken by I. Antonescu alone, without any consultation with any political group, or even with the king Mihai, who has learned from the BBC radio that Romania had entered the war with the USSR. First, the war was proclaimed as a “sacred war” against Bolshevism for the return of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, received full support from the king and from the leaders of the “historical parties”, as well as from a wide range of the population. However, in August 1941, at the request of Hitler, having already military rank of Marshal, Ion Antonescu decided to continue the war in the East, which has been completely unfounded (the territory to the East of the Dniester never belonged to Romania). The modern Romanian historiographers emphasize that the continuation of the anti-Soviet war on the other side of the Dniester, which led to large (and useless) human losses, has become one of Antonescu’s greatest mistakes. The article also raises the issue of the Holocaust in Romania during the Second World War (suppressed during the communist years), the decline in the scale of the tragedy in that period. It is noted that the arrest of I. Antonescu on August 23, 1944 was the merit of the young king, Mihai I, and his entourage, and not the Communist Party of Romania represented by Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu.
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Kuo–tai, Hu. "The Struggle Between The Kuomintang And The Chinese Communist Party On Campus During The War Of Resistance, 1937–45." China Quarterly 118 (June 1989): 300–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000017823.
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Between 1937 and 1945 higher education was one of the main arenas of struggle between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Both sides regarded it as an important area to be controlled. The Bureau of Investigation's 1951 report suggested that KMT support from youth in schools was “the key to success or failure.” The Chinese Communist Party also regarded the work of winning over intellectuals as vital for the Party's future. In 1939 Mao Zedong said that “without the participation of intellectuals victory in the revolution is impossible.” Thus, the two parties competed both overtly and covertly in colleges and universities to win the support of both staff and students.
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Fogelova, Patricia. "“To Work–To Sacrifice–To Die”: The Cult of Military Martyrs and its Manifestation in Slovakia during the years 1938–1945." Hungarian Historical Review 11, no. 1 (2022): 205–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2022.1.205.
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The Slovak Republic of 1939–1945 was established on the doorstep of the deadliest war in history. It almost immediately became an active participant in the war as an ally of Nazi Germany. Moreover, already in March 1939, Slovakia, just after its foundation, found itself in a military conflict with Hungary. These facts were naturally reflected in all spheres of society, including urban spaces. This study aims to analyze interventions in the public spaces of Slovak towns related to a cult of martyrs. There was strong need to justify the new Slovak Republic’s participation in the war. This need became increasingly pressing, especially after the invasion of the Soviet Union, which met with the disapproval of the majority of the population. I therefore ask how the regime responded to this. I am especially interested in following questions: how were public spaces transformed change in an effort to build a martyr cult before and after the attack on the Soviet Union? Were there significant interventions in connection with this event (the declaration of war against the USSR)? Had the symbol of a martyr or a soldier changed, and if so, how? The study is organized chronologically. I analyze interventions in public spaces during the so-called Little War in March 1939, at the moment of entry into the war against Poland in September 1939, and at the moment of entry into the war against the USSR in June 1941. I examine interventions on architecture-material level which involved the renaming streets and the creation of memorials. I also focus on perceptions of the street as a “stage” for military parades or ceremonies in the course of which soldiers were awarded decorations.
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Czubocha, Krzysztof. "ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚĆ ZSRR ZA NARUSZENIA PRAWA MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO W STOSUNKU DO POLSKI W LATACH 1939-1945." Zeszyty Prawnicze 5, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2005.5.1.09.
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International Responsibility of the Soviet Union for its Illegal Actions against Poland between 1939 and 1945SummaryThe author of the paper comes to a conclusion that many actions concerning Poland taken by the Soviet Union during The Second World War constituted an abuse of power. The Soviet U nion invaded Poland and illegally occupied its Eastern territories until 1945. As a result of the aggression, hundreds of thousands of Polish soldiers and citizens were killed or persecuted.At the end of The Second W orld W ar decisions concerning Poland were taken at inter-Allied conferences w ithout Poland’s participation. The Great Powers decided to deprive Poland of its Eastern territories against the will of the Polish Government-in-exile, which was legal at that time. W hat is more, Poland was not a signatory of the Jalta and Potsdam agreements. Therefore, the decisions referring to Polish Eastern border should be invalidAs far as the problem of a new Polish government is concerned, it is necessary to stress that according to international law a change of a government in a particular state should take place w ithout any external interference. Nevertheless, the Soviet U nion decided to create a new government for Poland to replace the legal government-in-exile. As a consequence, the Provisional Government of National Unity was created., It consisted mostly of communists who were dependent on the Soviet Union. Many o f them were Soviet spies. They were able to gain power only as a result of the Soviet military intervention in Poland. The government did not represent Polish society and was created against its will. The Soviet U nion did not have the right to impose this sort of government on Poland.The problem of reconciliation between Poland and Russia is also approached in the paper. During the Second World War Polish state and its citizens suffered great losses. Neither the Soviet U nion nor Russia has ever assumed responsibility for the Soviet U nion’s illegal actions against Poland and its citizens between 1939 and 1945. In such circumstances any sort of reconciliation cannot take place.
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Moloeznik, M. P. "75 years after the end of World War II: considerations on Mexico’s participation as a belligerent." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-46-60.
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The article attempts to explain the role that Mexico played during World War II (1939-1945). The Mexican armed forces, in particular the 201st air squadron, were directly involved in the hostilities at the end of the armed conflict, which had more of a symbolic significance. Nevertheless, it is necessary to emphasize the contribution of the army of Mexican workers – the Braceros, as well as of the thousands of Mexicans who sacrificed their lives in the uniform of the United States armed forces. In the present review of literature and key historical sources relevant to the topic, the author talks about Mexican heroes, World War II soldiers and considers the armed participation of Mexico in the war in the general context of the national development of this country, which borders with the United States. For Mexico, participation in World War II was an important event in the framework of the Mexican “economic miracle”, the modernization of the national armed complex, and the construction of the new world order (Mexico was one of the founders of the United Nations, taking an active part in the conference of San Francisco).
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Uchaev, Anton N., Elena I. Demidova, and Natalia A. Uchaeva. "The Prime Minister of Canada William Lyon Mackenzie King’s Perception of the USSR during World War II: 1939–45." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 593–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-593-602.
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The article analyzes the specificity of the Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King’s attitude to the Soviet Union during the Second World War. The study analyzes the frequency of the Prime Minister referencing the USSR in his diary from September 1, 1939 to September 2, 1945, as well as his reaction to a number of the most significant events of the Second World War associated with the Soviet Union: the German attack on the USSR, the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Canada, the battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, the victory over Germany. In the course of work, both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive method, comparative method) and special methods (historical-chronological and content analysis) have been used to study the materials of the diary. The use of the historical-chronological method is due to the need to correlate information from the diary with the overall historical picture of the studied period, and the use of content analysis helps to create a more reliable picture of Canadian Prime Minister’s perception of the Soviet participation in World War II. The article has made allowances for the fact that Mackenzie King sought to create his own positive image in his diaries, planning their posthumous publication. But, since the USSR was not a key topic for the Prime Minister (as evidenced by keywords statistics), it can be stated that the leader of the Canadian liberals was quite frank, at least as frank as a person who, in his lifetime, was known as an extremely cautious politician could be. It is clear, that King was well aware of the significance of the events on the Eastern Front. But throughout the war he retained both a negatively neutral attitude towards the USSR (due to its communist nature) and his perception of the Soviet Union as part of Asia and thus a step below the Anglo-Saxon world, which had a higher level of culture and moral principles. The objective reality, i.e. absence of hostilities in Canada, its maneuvering between Great Britain and the United States, and priority of economic and domestic policy for King, explains that a lesser part of his attention was paid to the events in the USSR in comparison with processes associated with England and the United States.
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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.
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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
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Grube, Norbert. "A “New Republic”? The debate between John Dewey and Walter Lippmann and its reception in pre- and postwar Germany." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 10 (October 27, 2009): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v10i0.2137.
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This article tackles the historical context, the genesis and the German reception of two different concepts of elitist governmental people’s instruction and public education drafted by two main intellectuals in the era of American progressivism – Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), journalist and former spin doctor of US-President Wilson (1856–1924), and the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952). The examination of Lippmann’s books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925) and Dewey’s studies The Public and its Problems (1927) and Freedom and Culture (1939) reveals that both concepts are based on different notions of democracy, but on similar perceptions of modernity. Accelerated sequences of economic boom and depression, technological innovation, rapid social change and the seduction of mass media were seen as threats of public participation and of nationwide mobilization. These pessimistic notions of modernity as well as their implicit interactive perceptions of European socialism, nationalism and fascism facilitated the reception of Dewey and Lippmann in Germany. In doing so, German communication scientists, intellectuals, and pedagogues transformed terms like political leadership, community, action and creativity into the German context of nationalism and holistic community. But is this adoption a misreading or is this interpretation injected in the concept of both, Dewey and Lippmann? The comparison and reconstruction of these two concepts will show that their reception in Germany after 1945 was an amalgamation by intermingling different aspects of both models instead of a clear takeover of one model.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "1939-1945 Participation"
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Johnston-White, Iain Edward. "The role of the dominions in British victory, 1939-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283960.
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Dahmani, Mohamed Salah. "Les contingents tunisiens ayant servi dans l'armée française pendant la deuxième guerre mondiale, 1939-1945." Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010591.
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Pendant la seconde guerre mondiale, les contingents tunisiens ayant servi dans l'armee francaise ont combattu les forces de l'axe aux cotes des forces alliees. Ce sont ces soldats qui feront l'objet de notre these, dont le but s'avere double. D'une part, nous esperons que tous ceux, tirailleurs ou autres soldats tunisiens, qui ont participe a la deuxieme guerre mondiale s'y reconnaitront. D'autre part, nous desirons apporter une contribution, si modeste soit-elle, a une meilleure appreciation du role joue par ces contingents pendant la seconde guerre mondiale. Cette these devrait aussi repondre a plusieurs questions dont les plus importantes sont : qui etaient ces forces ? quelles furent leurs carrieres ? quels furent leurs comportements ? que penserent-elles des evenements ? au lendemain du declenchement du second conflit mondial, les soldats tunisiens furent mobilises. Quelques regiments ont ete envoyes en france pour prendre part aux cotes d'autres unites francaises, a la guerre contre l'armee allemande qui vient d'envahir le territoire francais. D'autres tunisiens sont restes au sud de la tunisie pour assurer la defense de la frontiere tuniso-tripolitaine. Pendant la campagne de france en juin 1940 et malgre leur armement desuet, les tunisiens ont combattu heroiquement. Au lendemain de la signature de l'armistice franco-allemande, les contingents tunisiens ont ete demobilises, leur effectif reduit, leur armement lourd recupere par les forces de l'axe. Ils ne seront que 9000 environ a rester sous le drapeau pour maintenir l'ordre en tunisie et a s'entrainer clandestinement suivant les directives des generaux weygand et juin en vue de reprendre les armes au moment opportun contre les forces de l'axe. En novembre 1940, les tunisiens ont repris les armes pour participer a la campagne de tunisie ; au sein du c. E. F. Ils ont continue la guerre en italie, en france et en allemagne et ce jusqu'a la capitulation allemande en mai 1945. Malgre la fatigue, le froid, les lourdes pertes, la penurie alimentaire, la plupart des soldats tunisiens ont temoigne de leur loyalisme et de leur discipline envers leurs chefs. Ils ont aussi contribue a la victoire de la "democratie" ; les contingents tunisiens ont perdu 13612 hommes sur un effectif total engage de 46657 hommes.
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Ristanović, Milan. "La participation italienne à la résistance yougoslave." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010570.
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Le mouvement antifasciste italiens en Yougoslavie (1941-1945) avec la participation des gros effectifs militaires, l'activité militaire qui avait duré 20 mois, avec les victimes énormes, a donné une nouvelle qualité dans la deuxième guerre mondiale, et a rétabli un nouvel équilibre dans les Balkans et en Europe, donnant ainsi une remarquable contribution morale et militaire a la défascisation et la démocratisation de l’Italie, et a la libération définitive de la Yougoslavie. Dans l'introduction on parle du phénomène de l'antifascisme dans les forces armées italiennes en Yougoslavie, des volontaires italiens et des racines du mouvement de la résistance italienne à l'étranger. La deuxième partie est consacrée à la capitulation de l’Italie et de ses répercussions sur les forces armées italiennes stationnées dans les Balkans. Durant toute la guerre l'adriatique était une zone, la plus sensible et fragile de toute Europe. Les inquiétudes, les craintes, les espérances et les illusions de toutes les parties engagées dans la guerre étaient liées à l'adriatique. On expose la situation militaire dans cette région dans la troisième partie sous le titre "la bataille pour l'adriatique". La quatrième partie est consacrée à la. .In the introduction one speaks about the phenomenon of anti-fascism in the Italian armed forces in Yugoslavia during the second world war, about the voluntaries Italians in Yugoslavia, and about the roots of Italian resistance in abroad. The second part is consecrated to the capitulation of Italy and to the repercussions to the Italian armed forces situated in Balkans. During whole war the Adriatic was the most tangible and most brittle region of Europe. Many anxieties, fears and hopes of each one side involved in the war was bound for the Adriatic. The military situation in this region is explained in the third part of this work. The fourth part is consecrated to the Italian resistance in Montenegro, where, in the winter 1944 were founded the greats Italians unities militaries as divisions and brigades. In this part, in a whole chapter one speaks about the Italian division partisan "garibaldi", which play a great part in the Yugoslav resistance. In the fifth part one explains the resistance in Bosnia in the Perion winter-spring 1944,. .
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Boivin, Michel. "Les manchois dans la tourmente de la guerre, 1939-1945." Caen, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003CAEN1378.
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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier l'opinion, les comportements et la vie quotidienne des Manchois pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Il s'agit de montrer comment ces ruraux conservateurs ont vécu l'entrée en guerre, l'Occupation et la sortie de guerre. Restés chez eux en mai-juin 1940, ils ont monté la garde et tenté de défendre leur territoire en combattant l'ennemi en plusieurs endroits. Face à l'occupant comme face à Vichy, ils se sont déterminés en fonction d'une présence allemande qu'ils rejettent dès ses débuts. Leur résistance, plus spontanée qu'organisée, se manifeste sous diverses formes. Très tôt gaullistes en grand nombre, ils ont peu collaboré et peu suivi la Révolution nationale. Leur forte cohésion sociale a limité les effets pervers d'un marché noir somme toute modeste. Leur adhésion massive au gaullisme a permis un retour à la démocratie sans heurts et constitué une spécificité durable.
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Fargettas, Julien. "Entre légendes et réalités, des soldats méconnus : les tirailleurs sénégalais de la Seconde Guerre mondiale." Aix-Marseille 3, 2010. http://www.numeriquepremium.com/content/books/9782847348545.
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Entre 1939 et 1945, les "tirailleurs sénégalais" participent au sein des troupes coloniales à tous les combats de l'armée française. Ils se distinguent au cours de la campagne de mai et juin 1940 et lors des combats de la Libération. Ils sont également engagés en Afrique et Proche-Orient dans les rangs de Vichy et de la France Libre. En 1940, ils sont victimes d'exactions de la part des troupes allemandes marquées par le conflit mondial et en cours de nazification. Par la suite, les tirailleurs prisonniers de guerre sont internés en France dans des Frontstalags. Cette expérience leur permet de découvrir la société française. Ces soldats sont en majorité des appelés et des réservistes venus des colonies française d'Afrique subsaharienne. Leur participation au conflit intervient à la suite de la Grande Guerre au cours de laquelle la Force noire avait été engagée massivement. En 1939-1940, ils apparaissent comme un "recours face à la puissance allemande. Les tirailleurs évoluent dans un monde propre, fait de discipline, de traditions et de distinctions entre blancs et noirs. Au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les unités de tirailleurs sont marquées par de nombreux incidents, en particulier à Tiaroye, en 1944. Les soldats noirs qui sont démobilisés en 1944-1945, se démarquent par une mentalité différente de celle de leurs aînés. La mémoire de ces soldats coloniaux est particulièrement floue. La notion de victime domine. Les anciens combattants africains auraient été oubliés. La question de la cristallisation des pensions marque les esprits et connaît un règlement tardifBetween 1939 and 1945, the Tirailleurs sénégalais participate to all fights of the French Army within the colonial troops. They distinguish themselves in the campaigns of May and June 1940 and during the fights for Libération. They fight also in Africa and Middle East in the ranks of Vichy and of France Libre. In 1940, they are victims of exactions from the German troops that are still affected by the First World War and are being nazificated. Thereafter, the tirailleurs are emprisoned in France in Frontstalags. This experience allows them to discover the French society. These soldiers are mainly conscripts and reservists coming from French colonies of Black Africa. They take part of the conflict, as they did during the First World War when the Force noire was massively recruited. In 1939-1940, they are considered as "recourse" against the German power. The tirailleurs live in a neat world full of discipline, traditions and distinctions between Whites and Blacks. During the Second World War, the units of Tirailleurs experience lot of incidents, particularly in Thiaroye, in 1944. The black soldiers who are demobilized in 1944-1945 have a state of mind different from their elders'. The memory of these soldiers from the colonies is particularly vague. The idea of victim is the one dominating. The war veterans would have been forgotten. The cristallisation and the payment of the pension are strinking and are solved late
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Bingley, Lindsey, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "From overalls to aprons? The paid and unpaid labour of southern Alberta women, 1939-1959." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2006, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/339.
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Canada's declaration of war in 1939 resulted in the creation of a "total war"
economy that necessitated the absorption of all available men, and led to the wide scale
recruitment of women into the military and labour force. The end of the war resulted in
government and media encouragement to return to the home, but despite this emphasis on
home and family, many women developed a two-phase work history. In this thesis, I use
the oral history of sixteen Southern Alberta women to analyze the effect of World War II
on Southern Alberta women's work and family choices, focusing specifically on the
years between 1939 and 1959. I argue that, although the war did not significantly change
the status of women in the paid workforce, it did affect the geographic mobility of
women and the perception of their own work, both paid and unpaid.vi, 181 leaves ; 29 cm.
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Ebako, Éliane. "Le ralliement du Gabon à la France Libre : une guerre franco-française (septembre-décembre 1940)." Paris 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA040051.
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De septembre à décembre 1940, le Gabon a été le théâtre de combats entre Français, mettant aux prises gaullistes et vichystes. Procédant du Cameroun au Nord et de Pointe Noire, au Congo, au Sud, les Forces Françaises Libres ont rallié cette colonie en commençant par l'intérieur des terres; rarement par la persuasion le plus souvent en recourant à la force des armes; car face à l'obstination des autorités de ce territoire à rester fidèles à Vichy, le général de Gaulle a été contraint de procéder à une offensive pour venir à bout de la résistance de cette colonie. Il importait de détruire cette tête de pont vichyste afin de pouvoir utiliser cette petite colonie comme base arrière pour le reprise de la guerre aux côtés des forces Britanniques, notamment sur le front de Libye. Libreville a été le plus important théâtre des opérations de cette guerre civile, aujourd'hui volontairement oubliéeFrom september to december 1940, Gabon was the theatre of military action between Frenchmen. These fights put to grips Gaullists and Vichysts. Coming from Cameroon in the North, and from Pointe Noire (French Congo) in the South, the Free French Forces rallied this colony, starting from inland, seldom by persuasion, most of the time by armed forces. Facing the authorities of this territory, which were stubbornly loyal to Vichy, General de Gaulle was compelled to go over to the offensive in order to break down the resistance of this colony. The point was to destroy this vichyst bridgehead so as to use this small territory as a back basis, in order to resume fighting at the side of the British Forces, especially on the Libyan battlefront. Libreville was the most important place for the operations of this civil war, which has been now willingly forgotten
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Lacour-Astol, Catherine. "La Résistance féminine : répression et reconnaissance (1940-début des années 1950) : l'exemple du Nord." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0050.
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Marqué par une expérience d’occupation répétée, le Nord est un espace privilégié pour interroger le genre de la Résistance et l’évolution des constructions du féminin. Cette thèse se propose d’approcher la Résistance féminine et ses représentations par le double éclairage de la répression et de la reconnaissance. La répression conduite par l’OFK 670 met à nu la précocité, la diversité, la spécificité (une résistance d’aide) mais aussi l’autonomie de l’engagement féminin. Les femmes réprimées, qui ont majoritairement agi en individus libres de leurs actes, sont frappées par une répression influencée par la différence de sexe dans sa chronologie, ses modalités, et son intensité. L’après-guerre est le temps d’une reconnaissance contrastée et éphémère. Arène politique et champ des honneurs s’ouvrent aux résistantes dans une dynamique complexe, initiée en temps de guerre, déclinée en sortie de guerre à l’échelle locale. L’analyse des acteurs (organisations résistantes, pouvoirs, individus), des temporalités, comme des déterminants culturels de la reconnaissance, montre que le principal frein à la consécration des résistantes et de la Résistance féminine vient des résistantes elles-mêmes. Leur faible investissement du champ de la revendication – par la demande de reconnaissance ou par la fabrique d’une mémoire de la Résistance féminine – contribue à expliquer la concurrence que la figure de la victime fait à celle de la résistante, ultime prolongement de la difficulté à penser la responsabilité féminine. La part des femmes parmi les victimes de la répression semble fonder celle qu’elles occupent dans la reconnaissance politique et statutaire de la RésistanceThe North of France, which was twice occupied by the German army, is an ideal area from which to examine the gender of the Resistance as well as the development of women’s constructions. This thesis aims at approaching the women’s Resistance and its representations, by means of repression and gratitude. The repression, as conducted by the OFK 670, revealed an earlier and diverse Resistance, the original feature of which lied in assistance. The repression also displayed the autonomy of women’s commitment to the Resistance. The majority of the female victims of the German repression have acted in an individual way. Nevertheless, the repression which touched them depended on sexual difference, through its chronology, its methods, its intensity. Post-war years were the time of a contrasted and ephemeral recognition. The political scene and field of honors opened up to the female members of the Resistance. Studying the different actors of gratitude (Resistance organizations, local powers, members of Resistance), its chronology – during the war, and once the war was over – and its cultural determiners, showed that women themselves represented the most important brake to the recognition of female resisters and women’s Resistance. Female members of Resistance had no interest in social recognition, thus they have ignored the step to obtain medals or status of « volunteer fighter of the Resistance ». At the same time, they have played a small role in the building of the Resistance memory, which can explain why, in the case of women, the figure of the victim competes with that of the Resistant
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Hall, Robert Anthony. "The relationship between Aborigines, Islanders and armed forces in the Second World War." Phd thesis, University of New South Wales, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/267261.
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Crombois, Jean-François. "Camille Gutt et le gouvernement de Londres: aspects politiques, économiques et financiers de la participation belge à la Seconde Guerre mondiale." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211995.
Full textBooks on the topic "1939-1945 Participation"
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Cygan, Wiktor Krzysztof. Polska--w obronie wolności, 1939-1945. Warszawa: Fenix Editions, 2005.
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Cygan, Wiktor Krzysztof. Poland--in the defence of freedom 1939-1945. Warsaw: Barwa i Broń, 2005.
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Żydowski Instytut Historyczny im. Emanuela Ringelbluma and Stowarzyszenie Żydów Kombatantów i Poszkodowanych w II Wojnie Światowej, eds. Żydzi w walce 1939-1945. Warszawa: Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, 2009.
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4
Quétel, Claude. Femmes dans la guerre, 1939-1945. [Paris]: Larousse, 2004.
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Femmes dans la guerre: 1939-1945. [Paris]: Larousse, 2004.
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Tewes, Ludger. Jugend im Krieg: Von Luftwaffenhelfern und Soldaten, 1939-1945. Essen: R. Hobbing, 1989.
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Harris, Carol. Women at war: In uniform, 1939-1945. Stroud: Sutton, 2003.
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Femmes dans la guerre: 1939-1945. [Panazol]: Lavauzelle, 2006.
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Oriol-Maloire, Albert. Les femmes en guerre, 1939-1945: Les oubliées de l'histoire. Amiens: Martelle, 1995.
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Santos, Félix. Españoles en la liberación de Francia: 1939-1945. Madrid: Fundación Españoles en el Mundo, 1995.
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