Journal articles: '1939-1945 France'

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Lahoueld, Badra. "Germany's psychological war against France (1939-1945)." Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer 82, no. 306 (1995): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.1995.3287.

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THOMAS, M. "FRANCE IN BRITISH SIGNALS INTELLIGENCE, 1939-1945." French History 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/14.1.41.

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Funk, Arthur L., and Andre Beziat. "Franklin Roosevelt et la France, 1939-1945: La diplomatie de l'entetement (Franklin Roosevelt and France, 1939-1945: The Diplomacy of Obstinacy)." Journal of American History 87, no. 2 (September 2000): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568881.

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Levy, Claude, and Yves Durand. "La France dans la 2e guerre mondiale. 1939-1945." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 24 (October 1989): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769167.

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de Mijolla, Alain. "Psychoanalysis and psychoanalysts in France between 1939 and 1945." International Forum of Psychoanalysis 12, no. 2-3 (January 2003): 136–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08037060310014610.

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Pauwels, Jacques R. "France 1939–1945: From strange defeat to pseudo‐liberation." Journal of Labor and Society 23, no. 3 (August 23, 2020): 337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12482.

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DENTON, CHAD. "‘Récupérez!’ The German Origins of French Wartime Salvage Drives, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 399–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000210.

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AbstractThis article examines the origins, implementation and results of salvage drives carried out in wartime France from 1939 to 1945. In post-war accounts – including memoirs and local histories of the occupation – these salvage drives were understood simply as wartime frugality, a logical response to wide-spread shortages. Yet a careful study of the records of both the French Ministry of Armaments and Vichy's Service de la Récupération et de l'Utilisation des Déchets et Vieilles Matières combined with municipal and departmental sources reveals that these salvage drives were heavily influenced by Nazi German practices. From 1939 to 1940, even though French propaganda had previously ridiculed Nazi German salvage drives as proof of economic weakness, officials at the Ministry of Armaments emulated Nazi Germany by carrying out salvage drives of scrap iron and paper. After the fall of France, this emulation became collaboration. Vichy's salvage efforts were a conjoint Franco-German initiative, organised at the very highest levels of the occupation administration. Drawing on the experience of Nazi German salvage experts, Vichy officials carried out the salvage drives according to German models. Nevertheless, they carefully hid the German origins of the campaign from the chain of departmental prefects, mayors, Chambers of Commerce and youth leaders who organised the local drives and solicited participation by evoking French patriotic sentiment. After the liberation of France in 1944, the French Provisional Government renamed but otherwise maintained the Vichy-created salvage organisations and continued to oversee the collection of scrap iron, paper, rags, glass and bones until 1946. At that point, the government largely relinquished control of the salvage industry.

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Kornat, Marek. "Stolica Apostolska w polskiej polityce zagranicznej na uchodźstwie (Wrzesień 1939 – czerwiec 1940)." Polski Przegląd Stosunków Miedzynarodowych, no. 5 (May 3, 2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ppsm.2015.05.02.

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The Holy See In Polish Foreign Policy of the Government on exile (September 1939 — June 1940) The article is devoted to the reexamining of the policy of Polish Government on exile toward the Holy See after Poland’s defeat in September 1939 and the reestablishment of the legal authorities of Poland in France, under President Raczkiewicz and General Sikorski as Prime Minister. Terminus ad quem of the narration is the collapse of France and transfer of the Government of Poland to London in June 1940. Problems of Vatican’s perception of Polish Question is discussed on the basis of Polish archival documents, especially those of Polish Embassy to the Holy See. Vatican-Polish relations at the beginning of the World War II require special attention because the last treatment of this highly debatable problem was made in historiography by Zofia Waszkiewicz more than thirty five years ago in her monograph Polityka Watykanu wobec Polski 1939–1945 [Policy of the Vatican toward Poland 1939—1945] (Warsaw 1980). How much Polish diplomacy achieved fighting for the Holy See’s support against Nazi Germany? Two things must be said. Firstly, the Holy See recognized the legal continuity of Polish State after the German-Soviet occupation of Poland’s territory in September 1939, but did not sent the papal nuncio to Angers, when Polish Government resided. Secondly, Polish thesis on the special significance of Polish Question as the test-case of international justice received the positive response of the Pope Pius XII in his encyclical Summi Pontificatus published on October 20 1939, but the guidelines of Vatican’s policy were based on the doctrine of strict neutrality of the Papacy in the international relations. It did not permit for Papal condemnation ex officio of the Nazi crimes and criminal policy of extermination in Poland.

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RATHBONE, KEITH. "Vichy France and Everyday Life: Confronting the Challenges of Wartime, 1939–1945." History: Reviews of New Books 47, no. 2 (March 4, 2019): 37–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2019.1565012.

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Zahra, T. "'For Their Own Good': Civilian Evacuations in Germany and France, 1939-1945." German History 29, no. 1 (September 15, 2010): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq092.

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Gordon, Bertram M. "La Seconde Guerre Mondiale, Guide des Sources Conservees en France 1939- 1945." Journal of Military History 61, no. 2 (April 1997): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954004.

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SPÄTH, JENS. "The Unifying Element? European Socialism and Anti-Fascism, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000400.

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Far too often studies in contemporary history have concentrated on national stories. By contrast, this article analyses wartime discourses about and practices against fascism in France, Germany and Italy in a comparative and – as far as possible – transnational perspective. By looking at individual biographies some general aspects of socialist anti-fascism, as well as similarities and differences within anti-fascism, shall be identified and start to fill the gap which Jacques Droz left in 1985 when he ended hisHistoire de l'antifascisme en Europewith the outbreak of the Second World War. To visualise the transnational dimension of socialist anti-fascism both in discourse and practice different categories shall be considered. These include historical analyses and projects for the post-war order in letters, newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and books, acts of solidarity like mutual aid networks set up by groups and institutions and forms of collaboration in resistance movements.

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Siegel, Mona, and Kirsten Harjes. "Disarming Hatred: History Education, National Memories, and Franco-German Reconciliation from World War I to the Cold War." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 370–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00404.x.

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On May 4, 2006, French and German cultural ministers announced the publication of Histoire/Geschichte, the world's first secondary school history textbook produced jointly by two countries. Authored by a team of French and German historians and published simultaneously in both languages, the book's release drew considerable public attention. French and German heads-of-state readily pointed to the joint history textbook as a shining example of the close and positive relations between their two countries, while their governments heralded the book for “symbolically sealing Franco-German reconciliation.” Beyond European shores, East Asian commentators in particular have taken note of Franco-German textbook collaboration, citing it as a possible model for how to work through their own region's often antagonistic past. Diplomatic praise is not mere hyperbole. From the Franco-Prussian War (1870) through World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), France and Germany were widely perceived to be “hereditary enemies.” The publication of Histoire/Geschichte embodies one of the most crucial developments in modern international relations: the emergence of France and Germany as the “linchpin” of the New Europe.

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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.

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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.

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Echenberg, Myron. "‘Morts Pour La France’; The African Soldier in France during the Second World War." Journal of African History 26, no. 4 (October 1985): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700028796.

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The involvement of African combatants in France from 1939 to 1945 probably surpassed the large mobilization of an earlier generation during the First World War. Carefully prepared ideologically and well received by the French public, Africans nevertheless paid a heavy price in lives and suffering as soldiers during the Battle of France and as prisoners of the Germans. Liberation brought a new set of tribulations, including discriminatory treatment from French authorities. These hardships culminated in a wave of African soldiers' protests in 1944–5, mainly in France, but including the most serious rising, the so-called mutiny at Thiaroye, outside Dakar, where thirty-five African soldiers were killed.The war's impact was ambiguous. Tragedies like Thiaroye sent shock waves throughout French West Africa, delegitimizing naked force as a political instrument in post-war politics and sweeping away an older form of paternalism. Yet while a militant minority were attracted to more radical forms of political and trade-union organization, most African veterans reaffirmed their loyalties to the French State, which ultimately paid their pensions.

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Voldman, Daniele, and Dominique Veillon. "La mode sous l'Occupation. Debrouillardise et coquetterie dans la France en guerre (1939-1945)." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 28 (October 1990): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769409.

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Andrews, Naomi J., Simon Jackson, Jessica Wardhaugh, Shannon Fogg, Jessica Lynne Pearson, Elizabeth Campbell, Laura Levine Frader, Joshua Cole, Elizabeth A. Foster, and Owen White. "Book Reviews." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 123–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370307.

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Silyane Larcher, L’Autre Citoyen: L’idéal républicain et les Antilles après l’esclavage (Paris: Armand Colin, 2014).Elizabeth Heath, Wine, Sugar, and the Making of Modern France: Global Economic Crisis and the Racialization of French Citizenship, 1870–1910 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).Rebecca Scales, Radio and the Politics of Sound in Interwar France, 1921–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016).Claire Zalc, Dénaturalisés: Les retraits de nationalité sous Vichy (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2016).Bertram M. Gordon, War Tourism: Second World War France from Defeat and Occupation to the Creation of Heritage (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2018).Shannon L. Fogg, Stealing Home: Looting, Restitution, and Reconstructing Jewish Lives in France, 1942–1947 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Sarah Fishman, From Vichy to the Sexual Revolution: Gender and Family Life in Postwar France (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).Frederick Cooper, Citizenship between Empire and Nation: Remaking France and French Africa, 1945–1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014).Jessica Lynne Pearson, The Colonial Politics of Global Health: France and the United Nations in Postwar Africa (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018). Darcie Fontaine, Decolonizing Christianity: Religion and the End of Empire in France and Algeria (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016).

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Paulhan, Jean. "L'abîme 1939–1945Duroselle, Jean-Baptiste. L'abîme 1939–1945. Collection Politique étrangère de la France. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1982. Pp. 611." Contemporary French Civilization 9, no. 1 (October 1985): 100–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1985.9.1.009.

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Bukowczyk, Piotr. "Muzułmanie w Polskich Siłach Zbrojnych na Zachodzie." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 27 (February 20, 2020): 182–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.27.12.

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Muslims in the Polish Armed Forces in the WestThe Polish Armed Forces in the West had already begun to be formed in France in September 1939. From the beginning not only Roman Catholics but also representatives of different religious minorities living in the Second Republic of Poland joined it. In the Second Polish Corps in Italy, commanded by General Władysław Anders, 36 Muslims were serving in September 1945. At least 3 persons belonging to other military units of the Polish Armed Forces in the West were Muslims. In the text, I try to give as far as possible, the full economic and social characteristics of Muslims serving there.

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Guyot, Blandine. "L'Association des Karaïmes à Paris: de l'entraide amicale (1923-1939) à la lutte contre « la menace monstrueuse suspendue sur nos têtes » (1939-1945)." Almanach Karaimski 9 (December 30, 2020): 9–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33229/ak.2020.9.1.

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At the beginning of the 1920s an active émigré community of 324 Karaims (275 Karaims from Crimea and 49 Karaims from Constantinople) had established itself in France. In 1923 they formed an organisation called the Karaims’ Association in Paris (Association des Karaïmes à Paris), headed by Salomon Krym and Boris Saratch. From its initial foundation until 1938, its goal was to promote mutual assistance, foster community ties and support the Karaim religion. However, in 1938, in response to increasing racial persecution and antisemitism in Europe, the Association assumed a new outlook and devoted greater time and effort to trying to help and protect Karaims in distress, mainly those based in Germany and Czechoslovakia.

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Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert. "Africans Had No Business Fighting in Either the 1914–1918 War or the 1939–1945 War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 18, 2021): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054907.

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The wars of 1914–1918 and 1939–1945 are without parallel in the expansive stretch of decades of the pan-European conquest and occupation of Africa in creating such profound opportunity to study the very entrenched desire by the European conqueror-states in Africa to perpetuate their control on the continent and its peoples indefinitely. The two principal protagonists in each conflict, Britain and Germany, were the lead powers of these conqueror-states that had formally occupied Africa since 1885. Against this cataclysmic background of history, Africans found themselves conscripted by both sides of the confrontation line in 1914–1918 to at once fight wars for and against their aggressors during which 1 million Africans were killed. Clearly, this was a case of double-jeopardy of conquered and occupied peoples fighting for their enemy-occupiers. In the follow-up 1939–1945 war, when Germany indeed no longer occupied any African land (having been defeated in the 1914–1918 encounter), Britain and allies France and Belgium (all continuing occupying powers in Africa) conscripted Africans, yet again, to fight for these powers in their new confrontation against Germany, and Japan, a country that was in no way an aggressor force in Africa. Hundreds of thousands of Africans were killed in this second war. In neither of these conflicts, as this study demonstrates, do the leaders of these warring countries who occupied (or hitherto occupied) Africa ever view their enforced presence in Africa as precisely the scenario or outcome they wished their own homeland was not subjected to by their enemies. On the contrary, just as it was their position in the aftermath of the 1914–1918 war, Britain, France, Belgium, Spain and Portugal in 1945 each envisaged the continuing occupation of the states and peoples of Africa they had seized by force prior to these conflicts. Winston Churchill, the British prime minster at the time, was adamant: ‘I had not become the king’s first minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire’. Charles de Gaulle, leader of the anti-German ‘free French forces’, was no less categorical on this score: ‘Self-government [in French-occupied Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, South America, the Pacific and elsewhere in the world] must be rejected – even in the more distant future’.

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Sagomonyan, Alexander. "The Chambery Tragedy (June 1945): the Causes and Historical Context of the Attack on the Spaniards in France." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017584-1.

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On June 15, 1945, a mass attack took place in the French city of Chambery on a train carrying Spaniards traveling from Germany to their homeland. As a result, more than a hundred people were killed and injured. The French authorities presented this incident as a spontaneous wave of popular indignation against the soldiers of the Spanish “Blue Division”, who fought as part of the Nazi Wehrmacht. However, this version is unlikely (this division was disbanded and withdrawn long ago). There are many indications that this action was carried out with the sanction of the French authorities. According to some researchers, such reprisals, not uncommon for liberated France, demonstrating “national hatred of fascism”, were intended — not least оf all — to change the skeptical attitude of the victorious powers to France. This was especially relevant on the eve of the Potsdam Conference. The events in Chambery can also be seen as an attempt to “atone” for the Spanish Republicans for the cruel treatment of refugees from a neighboring country after the end of the Spanish Civil War of 1936—1939.

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Walter, Klaus Peter. "Civilisation (Landeskunde) et science de la culture (Kulturwissenschaft) dans la franco-romanistique : histoire d’un combat." SYMPOSIUM CULTURE@KULTUR 1, no. 1 (April 22, 2019): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sck-2019-0007.

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AbstractL’article reconstitue la chronologie des rapports entre romanistique et science de la culture depuis l’époque romantique jusqu’à nos jours et souligne le fait que les romanistes allemands ont longtemps concentré leurs recherches sur la France. A l’approche savante des textes médiévaux et de l’étymologie succéda, entre 1870 et 1914, une vague positiviste privilégiant la connaissance des faits et l’enseignement de données culturelles afin d’affronter la concurrence entre Etats impérialistes. Ensuite l’orientation a été essentialiste et les préjugés servaient à réhabiliter ce qui était national et allemand. De 1939 à 1945, il y eut des romanistes qui prirent le chemin de l’exil, d’autres qui restèrent réticents, mais il y en eut aussi qui se compromirent avec le régime nazi. C’est pourquoi, la construction de la réconciliation (1945-1970) a vu l’essor des recherches en civilisation et d’une didactique renforçant les compétences communicationnelles. Depuis les années 1990, la prise de conscience de la valeur de la science de la culture découle de la prise en compte de la pluridisciplinarité et d’une définition englobante et dynamique de la culture.

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Brugmans, Henri. "I'Idée européenne dans la résistance à travers la presse clandestine en France et en pologne, 1939–1945." History of European Ideas 10, no. 2 (January 1989): 231–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(89)90072-7.

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REYNOLDS, DAVID. "BRITAIN, THE TWO WORLD WARS, AND THE PROBLEM OF NARRATIVE." Historical Journal 60, no. 1 (October 25, 2016): 197–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000509.

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AbstractThe concept of coming to terms with the past originated in post-1945 West Germany but such historical therapy is evident in all the belligerent countries. In that process, the two world wars are intricately connected, each seen refractively through the prism of the other. This article focuses on Britain whose national obsession with the two world wars is particularly acute. The first and second sections suggest that British public discourse has been able to construct a satisfying narrative of 1939–45 but not of 1914–18, meaning a narrative that has both a clear beginning, middle, and end and also a stark moral meaning. Viable narratives draw on the events themselves, the words used to conceptualize them, and the interpretations of 'instant' histories and memoirs. The third section argues that the elevation of 1939–45 in national discourse as our ‘finest hour’ (Churchill) has aggravated the problematic nature of 1914–18 for the British. In the wake of Brexit, the last section argues that Britain – unlike France and Germany – has found it difficult to move on from the era of the two world wars by locating these conflicts in a more positive narrative of the twentieth century as the eventual triumph of European integration.

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Weitz, Margaret Collins. "La Mode Sous l'Occupation. Débrouillardise et coquetterie dans la France en guerre, 1939–1945Veillon, Dominique. La Mode Sous l'Occupation. Débrouillardise et coquetterie dans la France en guerre, 1939–1945. Paris: Payot, 1990." Contemporary French Civilization 17, no. 2 (October 1993): 395–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1993.17.2.030.

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Antonioli, Kathleen. "Vichy France and Everyday Life: Confronting the Challenges of Wartime, 1939–1945. Edited by Lindsey Dodd and David Lee." French Studies 73, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 489–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knz150.

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Ousselin, Edward. "Vichy France and Everyday Life: Confronting the Challenges of Wartime, 1939–1945 ed. by Lindsey Dodd, and David Lees." French Review 92, no. 4 (2019): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tfr.2019.0314.

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Barkin, Kenneth. "“For Their Own Good”: Civilian Evacuations in Germany and France, 1939-1945, by Julia S. Torrie.“For Their Own Good”: Civilian Evacuations in Germany and France, 1939-1945, by Julia S. Torrie. New York, Berghahn Books, 2010. x, 269 pp. $95.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 47, no. 1 (April 2012): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.47.1.158.

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Harviainen, Tapani. "The Jews in Finland and World War II." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2000): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69575.

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In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.

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Didion, Philipp. "Zwischen Erinnerung und Verständigung: Der Racing Club de Strasbourg und die Wiederaufnahme der deutsch-französischen Fußballbeziehungen nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg." STADION 45, no. 1 (2021): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-32.

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This article aims to analyse the role of the Alsatian football club Racing Club de Strasbourg throughout the re-establishment process of the French-German football relations after the Second World War. Because of its geographical location between France and Germany and due to the double annexation of the Alsace by the German Reich the club held a special position in the French football landscape. To examine the difficulties and conflicts that came along with the attempt to restore international sport relations between West Germany and France, the paper focuses on three aspects: German prisoners of war in France, efforts to organise football games between French and German top-level-clubs, and the re-establishment of international matches between the two countries. As a result, Racing’s attitude can be situated in a field of tension between hurtful wartime experiences on the one hand and sporting as well as financial benefits on the other hand. While the former was an argument held against an over-hasty spirit of understanding between the French and the German teams especially by the Alsatian Football Association, the latter were a reason for Racing to intensify its pragmatical efforts to re-establish sport relations with West German clubs. This ambivalence is further exemplified by the dualism between Aimé Gissy, secretary general of the Alsatian Football Association (1935-1939, 1945-1974), and Willy Scheuer, president of Racing Club de Strasbourg (1952-1960).

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Molodiakov, V. E. "Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 4 (December 12, 2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-166-182.

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Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.

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Hangouët, Jean-François. "Two Cinemas: Sierra de Teruel by André Malraux and Birds in Peru by Romain Gary." Literatūra 64, no. 4 (October 29, 2022): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2022.64.4.3.

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This communication reviews some of the aesthetical and circumstantial characteristics of André Malraux’s only film, Sierra de Teruel (1939), also known as Espoir (Hope, 1945), and of Romain Gary’s first film, Les oiseaux vont mourir au Pérou (Birds in Peru, 1968). As regards Espoir, our observations are based on the 1939 and 1945 versions of the film, now of easy access, and on the abundant and reliable academic literature published about it. Birds in Peru, conversely, is a far lesser-known and lesser-documented work. Screenings of Gary’s film are all too rare indeed nowadays and, but for a few highly specialized references, its appraisal still consists in a short set of irrelevant legends, continually retold by biographers and academics alike despite their blatant discrepancies with historical evidence, with the film itself, and with Gary’s literary works in general. Ours are first-hand observations: in our possession is a release print, which we had digitized and can thus view at will. In addition, we have explored a variety of source materials in cinematographic archives and historical newspapers.Valued either as one of Malraux’s works or as an example of antifascist propaganda, it is lucky that Sierra de Teruel can still be viewed today, despite the political censorship that prevented its release in September 1939 and despite the destruction of all prints but two by the German occupant in France during WWII. Equally fortunate are the facts that moralistic considerations failed to stop the release of Birds in 1968 and that prints of it aren’t all lost. Gary scholars will find food for thought in it, as well as semioticians, Gary’s film being just as allegorical as his contemporary novel The Dance of Genghis Cohn. More generally still, both works, no naïve executions, bring evidence that talented writers can change media effectively. Far from being literal adaptations, their two films narrate free and inspired versions of stories already told in the written form. Their filming style is creative, their technique masterly. Their ease with the cinematographic medium allows them to reemploy and expand devices known to make their personal literary signature. Such as the striking juxtaposition of action and scenery used by Malraux to convey his metaphysics of disjunction between man and nature. Such as the subtle art of immigrating lexical components from other tongues and languages, idiosyncratic to Gary’s novel writing. Even elements of their respective forms of humanism show through their films.

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Buffet, Jacky. "Denis Rolland, Mémoire et imaginaire de la France en Amérique latine : la commémoration du 14 juillet, 1939-1945, Paris, L'Harmattan, 2000,190 p." Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 49-4, no. 4 (2002): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.494.0207.

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Rapaic, Stevan, and Andrea Matijevic. "Les relations économiques entre la France et la Serbie – aperçu historique et tendances contemporaines." Srpska politička misao, Specijal 2/2022 (April 21, 2022): 131–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.specijal22022.6.

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Dans cet article, les auteurs tentent de présenter systématiquement l’évolution des relations économiques entre la Serbie et la France. Pour cela, les auteurs partent d’une revue de l’histoire des relations économiques, nécessaire à la compréhension du contexte contemporain. La revue historique comprend une analyse des relations économiques entre la Serbie et la France à travers les étapes suivantes : 1. 1878-1918 ; 2. 1918-1939 ; 3. 1945-1991, et 4. 1991-2000. Les tendances contemporaines sont examinées pour la période allant des changements politiques en Serbie en 2000 jusqu’au 2020. L’histoire des relations économiques indique l’importance du niveau de coopération économique pour le caractère des relations politiques globales entre les États. Presque en règle générale, on peut remarquer qu’un niveau plus élevé de coopération économique a entraîné l’amélioration des relations politiques entre les deux pays, et vice versa, et que les années ’90 représentent la période des relations économiques et politiques les plus faibles de l’histoire de relations entre la Serbie et la France. Avec ce niveau de relations économiques, on est entrée en un nouveau millénaire. L’observation de la période postérieure aux années 2000 indique cependant l’amélioration des relations économiques entre les deux pays, observée à travers les relations de commerce extérieur et le mouvement des investissements directs étrangers (IDE). La base de l’amélioration des relations est la libéralisation des relations commerciales entre la Serbie et l’Union européenne (UE) réalisée par la conclusion de l’Accord de stabilisation et d’association (ASA), ainsi que l’arrivée d’entreprises françaises en Serbie, qui a été lancée au début des années 2000 avec l’ouverture de l’économie serbe. Cette évolution est à la base d’attentes optimistes quant à une coopération économique productive entre les deux pays dans les années à venir.

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Duroux, Rose. "Help of neutral countries in the return to life of the Women deportees from Ravensbrück camp. The Spanish Women case." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.024.

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Nothing more usual than to find Spanish refugees of 1939 in the French Resistance as they continued their fight against fascism. Therefore, hundreds of Spaniards where caught in the nets of the Vichy Government and the Gestapo. They are imprisoned in the French jails (Toulouse, Montluc, Fresnes, Compiègne, etc.) alongside the French Resistant women. Both will be piled up in wagons to the camps of the Third Reich. Many ended at the women’s camp in Ravensbrück. Usually, the Spaniards were labelled “F”, “French”, because they were arrested in France. This “F” was part of the “red triangle” of the “political prisoners”. Some were even classified NN (Nacht und Nebel), i.e. called to disappear without a trace. As they were recognized by nobody (neither the French nor the Spaniards), this means: no mail, no parcels. They held on for life thanks to the links they forged randomly across blocks, satellite camps, languages, affinities... However, many died. For some of them, the release arrived in April 1944, thanks to “neutral” countries initiatives: in fact, a few Spanish women were able to slip into the Red Cross convoys transiting through Switzerland, which were initially reserved for French women. Others returned by Sweden. Others, finally, faced the apocalyptic evacuation of the camps of 1945 and the “marches of death”. We propose to study “the return to life” helps through some cases – obviously return to France since there could be no possible repatriation for these Spanish anti-fascist survivors, as the victory of the Allies did not affect General Franco’s power. After returning to France, this help continued for two or three years, in particular thanks to convalescent stays in Switzerland, Sweden and somewhere else, and thanks to one-off material contributions from the Swiss Grant (“Don suisse”) or from various organizations.

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Welshman, John. "Julia S. Torrie . “For Their Own Good”: Civilian Evacuations in Germany and France, 1939–1945 . New York: Berghahn Books. 2010. Pp. ix, 269. $95.00." American Historical Review 116, no. 3 (June 2011): 865. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.3.865.

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Grönberg, Albert. "Recherches médicales en France pendant la Guerre 1939-1945.Édition médicale Flammarion. Trente textes réunis et présentés par Jean Hamburger, Professeur agrégéà la Faculté de Médecine." Acta Medica Scandinavica 129, no. 4 (April 24, 2009): 411–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0954-6820.1947.tb09314.x.

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Atack, Margaret. "Reviews : L'Idée européenne dans la résistance à travers la presse clandestine en France et en Pologne 1939-1945. By Tadeusz Wyrwa. Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1987. Pp. 242." Journal of European Studies 19, no. 1 (March 1989): 72–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004724418901900106.

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Truninger, Florianne. "Les Maillons de la chaîne (1939-1945): Témoignage d'un prisonnier de guerre - Henry Goldstein, Les Maillons de la chaîne, 1939–1945, Editions Dricot, Liege-Bressoux, 1992, Tome I, Récit vécu, 495 pages; Tome II, La descente en enfer, 431 pages; préface du professeur Yves Durand de l'université d'Orléans – La Source, France." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 75, no. 801 (June 1993): 277–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100087888.

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Langlois, Suzanne. "Vichy France and Everyday Life: Confronting the Challenges of Wartime, 1939-1945. Edited by Lindsey Dodd and David Lees. (New York, NY: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. Pp. ix, 253. $114.00.)." Historian 81, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 732–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.13289.

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TAYLOR, L. "Artists Under Vichy: A Case of Prejudice and Persecution * Le Project culturel de Vichy * Jacques Fath * La Mode sous l'Occupation debrouillardise et coquetterie dans la France en guerre (1939 1945)." Journal of Design History 8, no. 2 (January 1, 1995): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jdh/8.2.149.

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Ott, Sandra. "Vichy France and Everyday Life: Confronting the Challenges of Wartime, 1939–1945. Edited by Lindsey Dodd and David Lees.London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018. Pp. x+254. $114.00 (cloth); $102.60 (e-book)." Journal of Modern History 91, no. 4 (December 2019): 949–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/705854.

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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.

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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.

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Carrol, A. "War, Judgement and Memory in the Basque Borderlands, 1914-1945 * At the Border. Margins and Peripheries in Modern France * Colonial Borderlands: France and the Netherlands in the Atlantic in the Nineteenth Century * The Culture of Regionalism. Art, Architecture and international exhibitions in France, Germany and Spain, 1890-1939." French History 28, no. 2 (February 27, 2014): 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/cru031.

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Baranowski, Shelley. "“For Their Own Good”: Civilian Evacuations in Germany and France, 1939–1945. By Julia S. Torrie. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. 2010. Pp. x+269. Cloth $95.00. ISBN 978-1-84545-724-9." Central European History 44, no. 1 (March 2011): 178–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001342.

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Stark, Gary D. "Political Censorship of the Arts and the Press in Nineteenth-Century Europe. Robert Justin GoldsteinCensorship of Political Caricature in Nineteenth-Century France. Robert Justin GoldsteinThe World War, 1939-1945: The Cartoonists' Vision. Roy Douglas." Journal of Modern History 64, no. 4 (December 1992): 760–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244558.

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Myagkov, M. Yu. "USSR in World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-7-51.

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The article offers an overview of modern historical data on the origins, causes of World War II, the decisive role of the USSR in its victorious end, and also records the main results and lessons of World War II.Hitler's Germany was the main cause of World War II. Nazism, racial theory, mixed with far-reaching geopolitical designs, became the combustible mixture that ignited the fire of global conflict. The war with the Soviet Union was planned to be waged with particular cruelty.The preconditions for the outbreak of World War II were the humiliating provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for the German people, as well as the attitude of the "Western democracies" to Russia after 1917 and the Soviet Union as an outcast of world development. Great Britain, France, the United States chose for themselves a policy of ignoring Moscow's interests, they were more likely to cooperate with Hitler's Germany than with Soviet Russia. It was the "Munich Agreement" that became the point of no return to the beginning of the Second World War. Under these conditions, for the USSR, its own security and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany began to come to the fore, defining the "spheres of interests" of the parties in order to limit the advance of German troops towards the Soviet borders in the event of German aggression against Poland. The non-aggression pact gave the USSR just under two years to rebuild the army and consolidate its defensive potential and pushed the Soviet borders hundreds of kilometers westward. The signing of the Pact was preceded by the failure in August 1939 of the negotiations between the military missions of Britain, France and the USSR, although Moscow took the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations with all seriousness.The huge losses of the USSR in the summer of 1941 are explained by the following circumstances: before the war, a large-scale modernization of the Red Army was launched, a graduate of a military school did not have sufficient experience in managing an entrusted unit by June 22, 1941; the Red Army was going to bleed the enemy in border battles, stop it with short counterattacks by covering units, carry out defensive operations, and then strike a decisive blow into the depths of the enemy's territory, so the importance of a multi-echeloned long-term defense in 1941 was underestimated by the command of the Red Army and it was not ready for it; significant groupings of the Western Special Military District were drawn into potential salients, which was used by the Germans at the initial stage of the war; Stalin's fear of provoking Hitler to start a war led to slowness in making the most urgent and necessary decisions to bring troops to combat readiness.The Allies delayed the opening of the second front for an unreasonably long time. They, of course, achieved outstanding success in the landing operation in France, however, the enemy's losses in only one Soviet strategic operation in the summer of 1944 ("Bagration") are not inferior, and even exceed, the enemy’s losses on the second front. One of the goals of "Bagration" was to help the Allies.Soviet soldiers liberated Europe at the cost of their lives. At the same time, Moscow could not afford to re-establish a cordon sanitaire around its borders after the war, so that anti- Soviet forces would come to power in the border states. The United States and Great Britain took all measures available to them to quickly remove from the governments of Italy, France and other Western states all the left-wing forces that in 1944-1945 had a serious impact on the politics of their countries.

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Rodríguez Teijeiro, Domingo. "Morir de hambre en las cárceles de Franco (1939-1945)." Historia Contemporánea, no. 51 (July 7, 2015): 641–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/hc.14730.

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El objetivo del presente trabajo es realizar un acercamiento a lo que fueron las condiciones de vida en las prisiones franquistas de posguerra, centrándonos en las consecuencias que se derivan de la insuficiente alimentación que recibían los presos. Hacemos un breve recorrido por la memoria de los presos, que nos han dejado constantes referencias a su escasez y nulo aporte alimenticio. Estudiamos las normas remitidas a todos los centros de reclusión desde la Inspección Central de Sanidad de la Dirección General de Prisiones en las que se establecían directrices a seguir en lo tocante a la alimentación, que muestran una total desconexión de la realidad. Contrastamos esas normas con los informes elaborados por los médicos, en concreto, el amplio informe remitido por el responsable de la Prisión Provincial de Ourense que llama la atención sobre las consecuencias de la subalimentación a que se ven sometidos los reclusos. Finalmente, en las conclusiones, avanzamos una cifra del número de fallecidos en las prisiones durante la posguerra, a partir de los escasos datos disponibles.

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Pedersen, Lars Schreiber. "Dansk arkæologi i hagekorsets skygge 1933-1945." Kuml 54, no. 54 (October 20, 2005): 145–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v54i54.97314.

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Danish archaeology in the shadow of the swastika, 1933-1945 With Hitler’s takeover in 1933 and the emergence of the National Socialist regime, Prehistoric archaeology in Germany was strengthened, both on the economical and the scholarly level. Prehistoric archaeologists entered into a Faustian bargain with the new government, and arguing the presence of Germanic peoples outside the borders of the Third Reich, they legitimated the Nazi “Drang nach Osten”. With the Fuhrer’s lack of interest in German prehistory, the fight for control of this field became a matter between two organisations, the Ahnenerbe, which was attached to Heinrich Himmler’s SS, and the competing Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte under NSDAP’s chief ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg’s “Amt Rosenberg” (Figs. 1-2). When the Second World War broke out in 1939, Ahnenerbe appeared as winner of the fight over the German prehistory. However, the archaeological power struggles continued in the conquered territories until the end of the war.Immediately after the Nazi takeover in 1933, leading staff members of the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen, such as Mouritz Mackeprang, Poul Nørlund, and Johannes Brøndsted (Figs. 3-4) dissociated themselves from the political development south of the border. However, in the course of time, and in conformity with the official Danish accommodation policy towards Germany in the 1930s, the opposition changed their attitude into a more neutral policy of cultural adjustment towards Nazified German colleagues.The Danish government’s surrender on the 9th of April 1940 meant a continuing German recognition of Denmark as a sovereign state. From the German side, the communication with the Danish government was handled by the German ministry of foreign affairs in Berlin, and by the German legation in Copenhagen. Denmark was the sole occupied country under the domain of the ministry of foreign affairs, and from the beginning of the occupation it became a regular element in the policy of the ministry to prevent other political organs within the Nazi polycracy to gain influence in Denmark. Not until the appointment of SS-Gruppenfuhrer Werner Best (Fig. 5) as the German Reich Plenipotentiary in Denmark in November 1942, the SS and the Ahnenerbe got an opportunity to secure their influence in Denmark. However, due to the chilly attitude in the Danish population towards the German culture propaganda, practiced mainly through the German Scientific Institute in Copenhagen, and the gradual worsening of the political conditions following the resignation of the Danish government on the 29th of August 1943, the Ahnenerbe, led by Wolfram Sievers (Fig. 6), was never firmly established in Denmark. The one result of Ahnenerbe’s influence in Denmark worth mentioning was the effort by the Kiel Archaeologist Karl Kersten (Fig. 7) to prevent German destruction of prehistoric Danish (Germanic) relics. Kersten began his work in 1940 and was met from the start with aversion from the National Museum in Copenhagen, which regarded the activities of the Ahnenerbe-archaeologist as German interference with Danish conditions. Yet, in time the work of the Kiel archaeologist was accepted and recognised by the muse- um, and he was officially recognized by the Danish state when in 1957, Kersten was made Knight of Dannebrog.Less successful than the Ahnenerbe rival was the prominent Nazi archaeologist Hans Reinerth (Fig. 8) and the efforts by Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte to gain influence on the Danish scene of culture politics. One of Reinerth’s few successes in occupied Denmark was a short contact with two Danish archaeologists, Gudmund Hatt and Mogens B. Mackeprang (Figs. 9-10). However, the connections with the RfDV-leader do not seem to have been maintained, once the Danish government had ceased to function from the 29th of August 1943.During the occupation, around 300 listed burial mounds and an unknown number of prehistoric relics below ground level were destroyed or damaged due to construction projects carried out by the German occupants (Figs. 11-12). The complaints about the damage put forward by the National Museum were generally met by understanding in the German administration and in the Bauleitung (construction department), whereas the Wehrmacht had a more indifferent approach to the complaints. As opposed to this, the Danish museums managed to get through the war with no damage or German confiscations worth mentioning, thus avoiding the fate of museums, collections, and libraries in countries such as France, Poland, and the Soviet Union.Lars Schreiber PedersenÅrhusTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

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Journal articles on the topic '1939-1945 France'

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