Journal articles on the topic '1926-2005 Criticism and interpretation'

This research was motivated by the establishment of the Steenkolen Maatschappij Parapattan (SMP) company which exploited the natural resources and human resources of the workers which caused a resistance. The purpose of this study is to describe the initial conditions of Teluk Bayur before the resistance in 1926 and to describe the forms of resistance in 1926. The type of research used in this research is historical research using heuristic methods, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results show that prior to the riots, SMP was established in 1912, which was the beginning of the riots that occurred in 1926. Dutch involvement extended to the government. In addition to exploiting coal, contracted workers were also exploited by doing hard labor in coal mines with disproportionate salaries until there was an action against a junior high school company in Teluk Bayur on the night of 6-7 November 1926. Sarekat Islam was considered a forum that initiated resistance so that SI was frozen by the Dutch after the incident.

The article presents the Slovenian reception of five major groups in American post-war poetry -the Formalists, the Confessionals, the Beats, the Black Mountain poets, and the New York School poets - as well as the reception of those prominent authors who cannot be classified in any of these groups. The analysis reveals which groups have attracted most interest of the Slovenian critics and translators, when was the peak of their reception, which methods of interpretation have been used by the Slovenian critics, and to what extent has their judgement about certain contemporary American authors gradually changed.

The Padang Panjang earthquake has become a major part of the Minang people's memory in recent times. Those born after the earthquake often remember their birthday, after the strong shaking that lasted for seven days. This paper is prepared based on historical methods, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The earthquake that occurred in January 1926 was based on records of reports of the impact of terrible damage. The tsunami, buildings were destroyed, roads were badly damaged, and rail transportation was damaged, not to mention the human casualties who died and were injured. After the damage caused by the earthquake, the Dutch colonial government intervened to provide assistance to earthquake victims. The government is also working hard to rebuild buildings from the rubble of destruction.

In this article, we analyse key policy documents on teacher quality produced by the OECD and the EU during the period 2005 to 2017 using an educational connoisseurship and criticism approach. The purpose of this article is to explore how Eisner’s concepts of educational connoisseurship and educational criticism can be understood and used to analyse educational policy, especially how teacher quality is discursively constructed in transnational authoritative texts on education policy. Eisner’s three aspects of criticism, description, interpretation and evaluation can be utilised in a differentiated critical approach to the analysis of transnational policy documents on education. While the critical descriptive discourse can be viewed as ‘identifying a simple relationship’ between social development and educational needs, the interpretative critical discourse can be regarded as ‘recognising the complexity’ of teachers’ tasks in changing societies and the critical evaluative discourse as ‘recognising and problematising contradictory interests’ that affect teachers’ work. We argue that the philosophical concepts of connoisseurship and criticism contribute to policy research by demonstrating that a multifaceted concept of teacher quality is needed to capture the complex nature of education.

Research on the book of Joshua is developing significantly in a variety of different areas. The review summarizes current scholarship in six distinct methodological approaches: (1) textual criticism; (2) composition and literary context; (3) history, archaeology and geography; (4) violence, genocide and conquest; (5) literary and ideological studies; and (6) reception history. The article will conclude with a brief summary of recent collected studies and commentaries on Joshua. The focus of interpretation will be the last ten years supplementing Greenspoon (2005).

Since Huntington proclaimed the political relevance of ‘civilizations’, the concept has been popular in political culture research. However, it lacks precision and is used inconsistently in interpreting global cultural (dis)similarities. This article aims to illustrate how these flaws can be avoided. First, the broad rubric of civilization is specified and differentiated from political culture. Then, the (dis)similarities of 39 countries in terms of political culture are visualized in a two-dimensional space using data from the World Values Survey (2005–08). The description of the countries’ configuration reveals a specific ‘liberal-democratic culture area’ and the configuration’s additional visual interpretation with both the civilization rubric and two of its core elements is more informative than the use of ‘civilization’ alone.

In his work titled ‘Dance Curves: On the Dances of Palucca’ (1926), Wassily Kandisky translates two postures of the German Expressionist choreographer Gret Palucca from photographs into line drawings. The drawings are a study, but they are neither pictorial, nor straightforwardly representational. Staging an encounter between Dance Curves and Hannah Arendt’s investigation into thinking as both an interrupted and interruptive activity, this essay argues for a poetics of appearance as it is constituted by nonconforming acts of critique.Negotiating conflicts that shape a politics of recognition for criticism which deliberately or implicitly refutes utility, I articulate a process of appearance of meaning with differential relation to modernist concerns for interpretation, dissenting from rationalist and objectivist traditions that have dominated theatre and performance criticism since the Enlightenment. What happens when I disavow the drawings from the images, remove them from the source? Perhaps in such a place, we might find critique as a process of deliberately mishandled translation, as an occupation of an idea shifted elsewhere, as a displacement of meaning. Appearance shapes itself around slippages of attention that depart from the work of performance.In this essay, I turn to how these slippages fold outwards from the encounter, to the political nexus between performance and its world. In Arendt, I locate a means through which forms of thinking rendered as criticism constitute a resistant poetics to normative modes of paying attention, operating beyond what Bojana Kunst calls ‘the ready-made possibilities of discourse’ (2015, 13) under neoliberalism, that is, the ‘pre-established models of criticality and reflexivity’ to which art and artistic subjectivity often partake (ibid.)

Gerakan kepanduan pernah meledak di Afdeling Batipuh X dan Priaman di awal abad ke-20. Tulisan ini bertujuan menganalisis hadirnya gerakan kepanduan dengan segala dinamikanya. Gerakan kepanduan ini beberapa kali melakukan gebrakan serta tuntutan Indonesia merdeka yang mereka suarakan langsung dari Padang Panjang. Mulai dari gerakan protes, hingga membentuk Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia, atau dikenal dengan istilah PNI Baru Hatta-Sjahrir. Tulisan ini disusun berdasarkan kaidah metode sejarah –dimulai dengan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Padvinders di Padang Panjang telah dimulai sejak tahun 1924. Gerakan yang hadir di Padang Panjang antara lain International Padvinders Organitatie, El-Hilaal, Hizbul Wathan, dan Kepanduan Indonesia Muslim (KIM). Masing-masing kepanduan lahir dari sekolah-sekolah yang muncul sejak awal abad ke-20, kemudian bermetamorfosis menjadi sebuah gerakan politik. Gerakan politik KIM menjadi PNI Baru, telah mengubah paradigma kepanduan –yang selama ini hanya dianggap sebagai kegiatan ekstrakurikuler sekolah. The scout movement rose to fame in the afdeling of Batipuh X and Priaman in the early 20th century. This paper is designed to analyze the presence of the scout movement and related matters. It had constituted a break with years of colonial era and pushed for an independent Indonesia, which they voiced directly from Padang Panjang. The movements they organized was from the protest movement to the formation of the Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia or more popularly known as the PNI Baru Hatta – Sjahrir. The paper is organized according to the standard historical method rules; heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The scout movement, it all started in Padang Panjang in 1924. The International Padvinders Organitatie, the El-Hilaal, the Hizbul Wathan, and the Kepanduan Indonesia Muslim (KIM) were around then. They were originally established in schools at the beginning of the 20th century who transformed into the political movement then. KIM, which turned into a political movement or known as PNI Baru, has changed the scouting paradigm, which so far has only been regarded as the extracurricular school activity.

AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan mengungkap kiprah dan pemikiran dari salah seorang ulama terkemuka yang berasal dari Lampung, yaitu H.M. Arief Mahya. Ulama Lampung kelahiran Gedungasin Liwa 6 Juni 1926 ini adalah saksi dari peralihan kolonialisme ke zaman revolusi kemerdekaan, terus berlanjut ke masa pembangunan dan reformasi. Penelitian ini mempergunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitianmemperlihatkan bahwa H.M. Arief Mahya bukan hanya ulama yang mengembangkan dakwah di kalangan umat, namun juga pendidik yang telah melahirkan generasiLampung berikutnya. Selain itu, ia turut berjuang dalam upaya mempertahankan kemerdekaan. Ia pernah menjadi pimpinan Hizbullah melawan kolonialisme yang hendak merebut kemerdekaan. Selain berjuang secara fisik, ia juga mencurahkan pemikiran melalui media publik, seperti surat kabar. Ciri pokok dari tokoh Lampung ini adalah konsistensinya untuk terus berjuang di jalan yang diyakininya. Betapapun dunia sudah berubah dan terjadi krisis nilai, ia terus istiqomah melanjutkan kiprahnya mendidik umat. AbstractThis study aims to reveal the gait and the thought of one of the leading scholars from Lampung, namely KH M. Arief Mahya. Theologian Lampung who was born at Gedungasin Liwa on June 6, 1926 is the witness of the transition era of colonialism to independence revolution and continues to the development and reformation era. This study uses historical method consists of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that KH M. Arief Mahya was not only a scholar who developed the message among the people, but also an educator who had bridged to the next generation of Lampung. In addition, he participated in the effort tomaintain the independence struggle. He was once the leader of Hizbullah against colonialism who want to snatch the independence. Besides physically struggling, he also devoted ideas through public media, such as newspapers. The main characteristic of this Lampung figure was the consistency to keep fighting in the way he believed. No matter how the world has changed and there was a crisis of value, he persistently continued to educate people.

This article discusses the history and contribution of the Sri Alam Dunia Grand Mosque in the spread of Islam in the Sipirok area, South Tapanuli. This study uses a qualitative research method with a historical approach. The historical approach has four writing steps, namely: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The Great Mosque of Sri Alam Dunia is a silent witness to the struggle of the Mandailing scholars in expanding the symbols of Islam in the South Tapanuli region. At first, the Sri Alam Dunia Mosque was a small surah that was used as a place to study religion. The central figures who contributed to the process of establishing this mosque were Sheikh Abdul Manan Siregar and the Muslims who live around the mosque. This mosque was built around 1926 AD and was completed in 1933 AD. The results of the research that the authors found were that the Sri Alam Dunia Mosque besides having a long history was also a socio-cultural center for the Sipirok community, both in ancient times and today. With these various functions, making the Sri Alam Dunia Mosque one of the icons of pride for Muslims in Sipirok.

The purpose of this paper is to determine the process of resolving agrarian conflicts and the process of inventorying and granting land certificates to farmers. The urgency of this paper can theoretically be an important part in the context of resolving agrarian conflicts that often occur in Indonesia. The method used is the historical method consisting of Heuristics, Criticism, Interpretation and Historiography. Agrarian conflicts in Jenggawah District, Jember Regency occurred in 1969 and 1994-1995. The government is trying to find a solution through the implementation of agrarian reform by providing a policy for solving agrarian problems. Efforts to resolve the Jenggawah land conflict through agrarian reform are marked by a process of preparing for the implementation of an inventory, asset management and access arrangement. Asset management consists of redistribution and legalization of land. Access arrangements are carried out in order to improve the economy, add value and encourage entrepreneurial innovation on the subject of agrarian reform for Jenggawah farmers. Through this research, it can be concluded that agrarian reform can be one of the solutions for resolving land conflicts in Indonesia, especially in Jenggawah.

This study aims to analyze the kirprah of the Sekar Rukun Association during the National Movement (1919-1931) which includes the formation, form of struggle, and the process of merging with the Young Indonesia organization. The research method used is the historical method which consists of heuristic, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography stages. Through this research, it can be seen that, first, the Sekar Rukun Association was formed by Sundanese figures who attended school in Batavia, such as Doni Ismail, Iki Adiwidjaja, Djuwariah, Hilman, Moh. Sapii, Mangkudiguna, Soetisna Sendjaja and Iwa Kusumasumantri before finally Dr. Husein Djajadiningrat was involved in the Sekar Rukun Association. Second, the form of struggle for the Sekar Rukun Association is by working with youth organizations similar to that during the National Movement such as Jong Java, Jong Ambon, Jong Sumatranen Bond, Jong Islamieten Bond, Jong Celebes, Jong Bataks and so on. One form of the struggle of the Sekar Rukun Association together with other youth organizations was to hold Youth Congresses I and II in 1926 and 1928. The 2nd Youth Congress in 1928 was known as the Youth Pledge event. Third, as a form of unity and integrity, the Sekar Rukun Association merged with the other youth organizations mentioned above to form an organization called Young Indonesia in 1931.

AbstractThe purpose of this research is to explain how the beginning of the arrival of the people who inhabit Empelu Village and Describe how empelu village development in the field of Social and Cultural. Research method used is historical research method consisting of several steps namely heuristic, criticism, interpretation and historiography. Sources used in the form of literature studies, documents, archives and interviews. The results showed that the progress and development that occurred in Empelu Village can be seen in several perspectives, namely economics, education, social interaction, culture, language, knowledge system, technology and living license plate, arts, livelihood. The socio-cultural life of empelu village community leads to Minang tribe, it seems in many ways such as: Language, wedding dress, kinship system and tradition that has similarities with minang tribeABSTRAKTujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk Menjelaskan bagaimana awal kedatangan masyarakat yang mendiami Desa Empelu dan Menggambarkan bagaimana perkembangan Desa Empelu bidang Sosial dan Budaya.Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian historis yang terdiri dari beberapa langkah yaitu heuristic, kritik, interpretasi dan historiografi.Sumber yang digunakan berupa studi literatur, dokumen, arsip serta wawancara.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemajuan dan perkembangan yang terjadi di Desa Empelu ini dapat dilihat dalam beberapa perspektif, yaitu ekonomi, pendidikan, interaksi social, kebudayaan, bahasa, system pengetahuan, teknologi dan pelatan hidup, kesenian, mata pencaharian. Kehidupan sosial budaya masyarakat Desa Empelu mengarah kepada suku Minang, hal itu tampak dalam banyak hal seperti: Bahasa, baju adat pengantin, sistem kekerabatan dan tradisi yang memiliki kesamaan dengan suku minangKata Kunci: Kebudayaan, Desa Empelu

The present paper deals with a short contribution which E.D. Polivanov published in 1925 in the scientific journal of the Central Asia State University during his stay and work at the University of Taškent. Polivanov’s text presents a phonological analysis of the Georgian consonant system and aims at making the transcription system devised by the academician N.Ja. Marr for the rendering of Georgian sounds comparable with the better known and more useful alphabet of the International Phonetic Association. In addition to the synchronic description and classification of Georgian con-sonants, in which, contrary to the customary interpretation, weak aspiration of voiceless plosives is claimed, Polivanov offers an interesting diachronic ex-planation of the defective postvelar (uvular) series, which in contemporary standard Georgian features only the voiceless ejective member; his reconstruction of the former system is based on typological assumptions about the different behaviour of voiced and voiceless obstruents with respect to lenition (spirantisation). Some years later, the Georgian linguist G.S. Axvlediani provided ar-guments, based on internal reconstruction, which confirmed and further developed Polivanov’s hypothesis. Although he had reviewed Polivanov’s contribution for a Georgian journal in 1926, Axvlediani did not mention it in his later work, probably because Polivanov in the meanwhile had become persona non grata in Soviet lin-guistics for his open criticism of Marr’s linguistic theory.

Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) is a National Government Organization that focuses on advocacy for sustainable security and conflict resolution. This organization was founded in 2000 by Martti Ahtisaari. Ge was the former president of Finland in 1994-2000. CMI was asked to facilitate negotiation between the Indonesian government and GAM (Free Aceh Movement), through personal contact between Farid Husain and Juha Christensen. Aceh conflict was a disintegration-oriented-conflict, so it was potential to threaten Indonesia’s sovereignty.This research used the historical method with heuristic, criticism or verification, interpretation, and historiography stages. The primary sources of data on this research were information in the media, both printed and electronic. Besides, this research also examined or reviewed the literary references that were related and relevant to the research topic. The study was to reveal how the background of CMI's involvement in Aceh peace in 2005, and how the strategic roles of CMI in resolving conflicts until the realization of Aceh peace in 2005 for Aceh remained a part of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).The role of CMI as a reputable international institution and getting the trust of both parties, was capable of providing intervention to the conflicting parties so that its role became very strategic in mediating the conflict. The success of CMI was seen from the negotiation held in Helsinki Finland, resulting in the execution of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on August 15, 2005, as a peace agreement. After the signing of the Helsinki MoU, armed conflict stopped, and the social lives were back to normal, and the development process could resume usually.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui kondisi pendidikan di Enrekang sebelum tahun 1950, sistem pendidikan sekolah rakyat dan perkembangan sekolah rakyat di Enrekang tahun 1950-1959. Sistem dan perkembangan sekolah rakyat dalam penelitian ini berfokus pada kebijakan pemerintah, partisipasi masyarakat, guru sekolah rakyat, minat murid, kondisi dan peralatan sekolah. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian Kualitatif, dengan menggunakan metode sejarah melalui tahapan: heuristik (pengumpulan sumber), kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sekolah rakyat sudah ada pada masa pemerintahan Belanda tahun 1905 sedangkan di Enrekang tahun 1926 namun nama Volkschool. Nama sekolah Rakyat dipakai setelah Indonesia merdeka. Kondisi Sekolah rakyat di Enrekang sebelum tahun 1950 masih dalam keadaan terbelakang namun setelah lima tahun merdeka keadaan sudah semakin membaik. Sistem pendidikan sekolah rakyat setelah kemerdekaan terutama dalam kurikulum yang awalnya hanya belajar membaca, menulis dan berhitung kini semakin bertambah.seperti contohnya belajar sejarah. Sekolah rakyat di Enrekang mengalami perkembangan di lihat dari semakin banyaknya sekolah yang berubah dari SR 3 atau 4 menjadi 6 tahun karena jumlah siswa bertambah. Perkembangan tersebut karena adanya peran aktif masyarakat dan pemerintah yang turut andil dalam kemajuan pendidikan.Kata Kunci: Sekolah rakyat dan Enrekang.AbstractThis study aims to determine the condition of education in Enrekang before 1950, the education system of public schools and the development of community schools in Enrekang in 1950-1959. The system and development of community schools in this study focused on government policy, community participation, community school teachers, student interests, school conditions and equipment. This type of research is a qualitative study, using the historical method through stages: heuristics (source collection), source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results showed that the people's school had existed during the Dutch administration in 1905 while in Enrekang in 1926 the name was Volkschool. The name People's school was used after Indonesian independence. The condition of people's schools in Enrekang before 1950 was still underdeveloped, but after five years of independence the situation had improved. The education system of the people's schools after independence, especially in the curriculum which initially only learned to read, write and count is now increasing. For example studying history. Public schools in Enrekang are experiencing growth in view of the increasing number of schools that change from SR 3 or 4 to 6 years as the number of students increases. This development was due to the active role of the community and the government that contributed to the progress of education.Keywords: Community school and Enrekang

THE BIBLE & ANCIENT SCIENCE: Principles of Interpretation by Denis O. Lamoureux. Tullahoma, TN: McGahan Publishing, 2020. 218 pages. Paperback; $15.99. ISBN: 9781951252052. *"Simply stated, I believe the literary genre of Genesis 1-3 is an ancient account of origins. Notably, it is deeply rooted in ancient science" (p. 195). *Denis O. Lamoureux is Professor of Science and Religion at St. Joseph's College at the University of Alberta. He possesses three earned doctorates (dentistry, theology, and biology) and tells of an intellectual and spiritual journey out of atheism, through fundamentalism, and to his current position. Consequently, if there was ever a model voice that displays the academic and personal experience necessary to speak formidably about the hermeneutical issues associated with Genesis 1-3 and the other creation texts of the Bible, it is Lamoureux. *The study begins with what seems like a simple question, "Is the Bible a book about science?" However, before the opening chapters are completed, the reader understands that the question is anything but simple. In fact, the difficulty of the conversation is poignantly displayed when he offers answers to his leading question from two giant figures within the evangelical tradition. Henry M. Morris answers in the affirmative, but Billy Graham answers negatively. Yet, to his credit, Lamoureux does not dwell on this disagreement. He quickly emphasizes that a proper answer to his question requires an entanglement with issues of hermeneutics, or principles of interpretation (p. 13). Consequently, the remainder of the book is a journey through the wild and woolly world of biblical hermeneutics on the way to answering the question of whether the Bible is a book about science. *Lamoureux guides the reader toward his answer by discussing twenty-two hermeneutical principles that range from the mundane topics of "literalism," "literary genre," and "historical criticism" to the more complex, such as "cognitive competence," "accommodation," and "concordism." Each chapter is devoted to one principle, and all the chapters are organized similarly. They discuss the principle and then specific applications to the creation texts. This approach produces manageable-sized chapters that can be pondered without a fear of being overwhelmed by complex arguments; however, presenting an argument by a series of propositional statements can obfuscate how each proposition interacts with the others and how they all cooperate. In Lamoureux's defense, however, he does well to minimize any dissonance. *Ultimately, Lamoureux finds himself landing between Morris and Graham when answering his leading question. According to Lamoureux, the Bible contains science, but it's ancient science. And that qualification makes all the difference. The biblical writers are indeed talking about the origins of the universe, but they are doing so in terms of an Iron Age worldview while using Iron Age concepts. Therefore, their "science" is incompatible with the scientific inquiry and discourse of today. This conviction implies that concordism neither does justice to the text and its message nor frames a useful conversation. *In pushing back against any simplistic appropriation of the Bible's message upon the demands of modern scientific discourse, Lamoureux offers a very nuanced proposal. But at its heart is a respect for the ancient worldview of the biblical authors with all its frustrating peculiarities. For example, Lamoureux emphasizes how things such as the rhetoric and ahistorical symbolism of parables must be respected. Simple enough; however, Lamoureux also recognizes that ancient Israel perceived the universe through a three-tiered concept, a reality that finds itself alongside flat-earth theories in the hall of fame of modern-day cosmological ludicrousness. Similarly, ancient Israel's botanical awareness was clearly ignorant of the data we have today. Therefore, Lamoureux's discussions eventually bring the reader to a crossroad. How can a reader respect the Bible if it is invoking principles of, say, botany or any other field of science, in ways that run counter to contemporary scientific discourse? Is the reader confronted with the terrible situation in which they must support the Bible's claims despite the contradictory scientific evidence? Are they forced to abandon any notion of inerrancy? *It is at this point that the integrity of Lamoureux's argument reaches a critical point. His argument cannot work without certain hermeneutical principles. First, the principle of accommodation argues that God accommodates himself to humanity--through language, culture, concepts, etc.--in order to ensure effective communication. So, in the example of Israel's botanical awareness, God is "using the botany-of-the-day" to ensure that the audience would understand the message. Similarly, this should also be applied to Israel's three-tiered universe and other cosmological concepts. Second, the message-incident principle argues that the mode of communication is incidental to the core message. To be clear, "Incidental has the meaning of that which happens to be alongside and happening in connection with something important" (p. 46). Therefore, applied to the creation texts, ancient science is incidental but important to delivering spiritual truths (p. 47). Third, Lamoureux champions incarnational inspiration. According to Lamoureux, the incarnation, as understood in Jesus, becomes the analogy par excellence for understanding the nature of scripture. It is fully divine and fully human. The Bible, like Jesus, transcends time and history. And God's perfect message comes through finite and imperfect humanity. *Many of Lamoureux's arguments echo similar arguments made by biblical scholars in recent memory. For example, Kenton Sparks, in God's Word in Human Words: An Evangelical Appropriation of Critical Biblical Scholarship (2008), emphasized accommodation in his attempt to balance a conviction that the Bible contains factual errors but is also inerrant. Peter Enns systematically argued for incarnational inspiration, as in Inspiration and Incarnation: Evangelicals and the Problem of the Old Testament (2005). John Walton and Brent Sandy display affinities to Lamoureux's message-incident principle in their work The Lost World of Scripture: Ancient Literary Culture and Biblical Authority (2013). Consequently, the pitfalls that face these scholars face Lamoureux as well. If accommodation explains the scientific ignorance of the biblical writers, is inerrancy the best description of scripture? Or, because the incarnation is unique to the realities of Jesus, how appropriate is it to invoke it as an analogy for something else? At what point does it break down (cf. Ben Witherington, The Living Word of God [Waco: Baylor University Press, 2007], 35-49)? *I wholeheartedly agree with Lamoureux that it is paramount for the interpreter to dutifully consider the text on its own terms, particularly since I take seriously the notion that God used ancient Israel to communicate his redemptive plan. Thus, the interpreter should yield to Israel's concepts, conventions, and philosophies on the way to understanding the message before they move to appropriation for theological discourse. Nevertheless, several elements in The Bible and Ancient Science could be fine tuned. These include Lamoureux's framing of the discussion of translating Genesis 1:1 (pp. 75-81) as a text-critical issue, when it is more of a translation problem. Lamoureux also presents a generic, almost flat, portrait of the classic criticisms of biblical studies (e.g., textual criticism, literary criticism, historical criticism) that does not support a nuanced understanding of their results for the creation texts. *A little more significant is Lamoureux's understanding of Paul's typological argument in Romans 5. He struggles with the possibility that Paul's argument appears historical in nature. He states, *"As a consequence, Paul undoubtedly believed Adam was a historical person and that the events of Genesis 2-3 really happened. However, it must be emphasized that Paul's belief in the reality of Adam and the events in the Garden of Eden does not necessarily mean they are historical" (p. 175). *Thus, he is forced to wrestle with the implications of his argument as it confronts the semantics of the text. He may well have been influenced by Enns in how he tries to navigate this, but a difficult tension remains (Peter Enns, The Evolution of Adam: What the Bible Does and Doesn't Say about Human Origins [2012]). For Lamoureux, and Enns for that matter, it is difficult to advocate a framework-like typology which usually interprets historical figures in the context of history as, in this instance, functioning with a significant level of historical ignorance. *A deeper commitment to comparative investigations would also have enhanced Lamoureux's argument. He is certainly aware of non-Israelite texts and how they help us understand the concepts, conventions, and message of the biblical text, for he references them in his discussions of worldview and ancient conceptions of the universe. However, reading Genesis 1-2 in the shadow of texts such as the "Enuma Elish" and the "Memphite Theology" crystalizes the form and function of the genre as well as the Old Testament's theological emphases. *Nevertheless, overall Lamoureux gets far more right than wrong and this work is valuable. It makes potentially complicated concepts accessible and applies them to the very important debate about what "inerrant" means when describing the nature of scripture. *Reviewed by David B. Schreiner, Associate Dean and Associate Professor of Old Testament, Wesley Biblical Seminary, Ridgeland, MS 39157.

The transformation in the election of regional heads from indirect to direct since 2005 brought many changes to the dynamics of local politics in Indonesia. One of these changes is the opening up of opportunities for community members as candidates for regional heads and the strengthening of power relations between candidates and urang pandai. A clearer understanding of the position of urang pandai in West Sumatra will help stakeholders in the election to map out the forces that will support a higher-quality election. This research uses the historical method. There are four stages in the historical method, namely; heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study reveal two typologies of urang pandai in Minangkabau culture involved in the election of regional heads, namely the sufi healer, and orang berakuan. Direct regional head election regulations lead to intense competition between candidates. The amount of material sacrifice and strong pressure to win encourages candidates to find someone who has magical abilities and is placed as a spiritual mentor and political advisor. Wirid, tahlilan (reading prayers), pilgrimage to the grave, giving prayers, terawangan (divination) and the use jimat (amulets) are the practice of power relations between people and candidates.

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui apa yang melatar belakangi pemikiran dan perjuangan Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said, bagaimana pemikiran Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said, serta Perjuangan Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said.Prosedur dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah dengan tahapan: Heuristik, Kritik, Interpretasi dan Historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa yang melatar belakangi pemikiran dan perjuangan Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said ialah pendidikan yang beliau dapat dari keluarga yang memang mencintai agama, serta pendidikan yang telah diperolehnya di pondok Pesantren As’adiyah Sengkang. Pemikiran Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said meliputi, pemikiran keagamaan, kenegaraan, dan pendidikan Islam. Beliau selalu menekankan kepada setiap muridnya untuk menjadikan Al’Qur’an dan Hadist sebagai pedoman utama dalam menjalankan syariat Islam. Selain itu beliau juga menekankan untuk tetap patuh terhadap pemerintah yang ada dan tetap bersikap netral tanpa memihak satu parpol tertentu. Keterlibatannya dengan gerakan DI/TII bukan karena beliau sepenuhnya setuju dengan gerakan tersebut, melainkan untuk melindungi keluarganya agar tidak tidak dipaksa untuk terlibat dalam gerakan tersebut. Dari hasil penelitian ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa pemikiran beliau tehradap pendidikan islam, keagamaan dan kenegaraan beliau peroleh dari lingkungan keluarga dan lembaga Pendidikan yang fokus terhadap agama. Setelah memutuskan untuk keluar dari gerakan DI/TII pada tahun 1961. Beliau melakuakan begitu banyak perjuangan, baik itu dalam mencari lokasi untuk mendirikan Pondok Pesantren Darrul Huffadh hingga perjuangan untuk mempertahankan Pondok Pesantren tersebut.Kata Kunci: Anregurutta, Pondok Pesantren, Darrul Huffadh,This this study aims to find out what lies behind the thoughts and struggles of Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said, how the thoughts of Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said, and the Struggle of Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said. The procedure in this study uses historical methods with stages: Heuristics, Criticism, Interpretation and Historiography. The results showed that the background of the thoughts and struggles of Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said was education that he got from families who really loved religion, and the education he had obtained in the Sengkang As'adiyah Islamic Boarding School. The thoughts of Anregurutta Haji Lanre Said include, religious thought, statehood, and Islamic education. He always emphasizes to each of his students to make Al'Quran and Hadith the main guideline in carrying out Islamic law. In addition, he also stressed to remain obedient to the existing government and remain neutral without taking sides for certain political parties. His involvement with the DI / TII movement was not because he fully agreed with the movement, but rather to protect his family so that he was not forced to become involved in the movement. From the results of this study it can be concluded that his thoughts on Islamic, religious and state education were obtained from the family environment and educational institutions that focused on religion. After deciding to leave the DI / TII movement in 1961. He carried out so many struggles, both in finding locations to establish Darrul Huffadh Islamic Boarding School to the struggle to maintain the Islamic Boarding school Keyword : Anregurutta, Islamic Boarding School, Darrul Huffadh

The article discusses the issue of the prevention of violent radicalization processes (Khosrokhavar, 2014) in schools, in the Italian context, focusing on their jihadist-type declination, and it intends to propose an interpretation based on the intercultural approach (Schiavinato & Mantovani 2005; Mantovani, 2008; Schiavinato 2015) to the difference management in public contexts (Rhazzali, 2016). This perspective allows us to move the scientific debate away from the predominantly securitarian and emergency perspective, widely adopted by public policies, that removes from the political agenda the issue of an effective and fair management of cultural and religious plurality in the society and in the public space, by adopting an approach which is defined in the literature as "policed multiculturalism" (Ragazzi, 2015). Moreover, the securitarian discourse is a leading argument of some political parties and, encouraged by the mass media, is still dominant in common sense discourses. The intercultural perspective, on the other hand, proposes a more complex interpretation that includes not only the issue of immigration, but also allows to question the changes affecting society and everyone lives, in relation to the interconnections and exchanges that characterise the current era. It therefore considers personal and individual experience within a web of relationships co-constructed in everyday interactions, that are in turn situated in a wider social and cultural framework, which gives sense and influences them and, at the same time, is signified and influenced by them. The intercultural approach, in this respect, does not renounce taking a position of criticism and questioning of exclusion or inferiorisation dynamics, that operate both on interpersonal level and in everyday relationships, and on the broader level of the social processes that frame them.

The book of “Muhammad: His Life Based on Earliest Sources” was written by Martin Lings, who after converting to Islam got the name Abu Bakar Sirajuddin. Since it was first published in 1983, this book has received many awards and has been translated into 10 languages. This book discusses the biography of the Prophet Muhammad and uses classical sources that are so authoritative from the 2nd century D / 8 M and 3 D / 9 M. This research aims to find out the life history and work of Martin Lings, the contents of the book Muhammad His Life based on the Earliest Sources, and their historiographic analysis. The method used is a historical research method which consists of four stages, namely heuristics (collection of sources), criticism (selection of sources), interpretation (interpretation of data), and historiography (writing of history). Based on research that has been done, it is known that Martin Lings came from England and in 1938 he converted to Islam. He died in 2005 in England. Muhammad's book: His Life Based on Earliest Sources, written by Martin Lings, first published in 1983. This book is divided into 85 parts which can be collected into 4 groups, namely before the birth of the Prophet Muhammad, the life of the Prophet Muhammad in Mecca, the life of the Prophet Muhammad in Medina and Islamic themes. In it, Lings selects the source he uses so he only chooses the earliest source. The style of writing Muhammad His Life's book based on the Earliest Sources by Martin Lings is a type of Sirah included in the biographical tradition in Muslim historiography. The uniqueness that is contained in this book is; the author is a convert to Islam and Sufi, uses authentic sources, written in literary language, and combines socio-cultural analysis with the reading of scriptures and hadith, and also includes stories of miracles.

Abstract: The author addresses the issue of Nicholai Velimirovich’s attitude towards fascism, responding to the criticism of Bishop Nicholai as a sympathizer of Adolph Hitler’s policy and the interpretation of Velimirovich’s thoughts that enabled such constructions. In the present article, special attention is paid to the public addresses of Nicholai Velimirovich during the period of the rise of the Nazi state, i.e. from 1935 to 1941. The main topic of this article is to deconstruct the great myth of Bishop Nicholai’s critics, which reads: Saint Bishop Nicholai is a fascist because he received a decoration from Hitler in 1934, and in 1935 he gave a lecture at Kolarac called “Nationalism of Saint Sava” where he praised Hitler as few people did during the life of the Reich leader, comparing him with Saint Sava, “whereby Hitler turned out to be bigger than Saint Sava.” This accusation comes from the critics of Bishop Nicholai from Peščanik, whose pamphlets are adopted and passed on by a part of the Serbian intelligentsia in which there are historians, linguists, political scientists, and even theologians. However, such constructions are possible only if we ignore the legacy of Bishop Nicholai and his thought. For instance, it is interesting that in the same year, namely in 1926, Hitler and Velimirovich published two completely opposite works — Hitler the second part of his Mein Kampf in which he revealed his racial theory to the world, and Nicholai a short article entitled “The Problem of Races,” in which he explained that the problem of race can not solve anthropologists, nor historians and psychologists, but only Christianity, urging Serbian youth not to make a value difference between races, but to consider whether a black earthen pot with honey or a white porcelain pot with vinegar is better. In his later works, there are much more references to the issues of racism, nationalism, chauvinism, etc., where he clearly holds moderated and balanced Christian worldview.

This article tells the story, and analyzes the development, of a “staged metaphor” for the translation process, from its chance inception over ten years ago, to the more recent revision and staging of the script. In 2005, I was teaching world literature at Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco, while also researching the writing of Irish and North African women. I chose to focus on those women writing in Irish, Tachelhit, Arabic, or French, whose work had been translated into English. I was initially inspired by Nuala Ni Dhomhnaill’s poem, “The Language Issue,” which compares the "sending forth" of her writing to a potential reader, to the story of Moses being discovered by Pharoah’s daughter. My ultimate goal was to produce a chamber theatre play, based on the Irish and North African texts, which would dramatize a metaphor for the translation process. This was an outgrowth of my doctoral work, in which I had drawn on oral interpretation theorists, who see the performance of literary texts as an accepted means of doing literary criticism. Accordingly, I also expanded the project to include the observations of translation theorists, and I incorporated these into the creation of the script for a chamber theatre performance. After directing a staging of the script in Morocco in 2007, I realized that I needed to add more choreographed movement, and to incorporate the character of Moses’s and Myriam’s mother into the metaphor. The addition of dance, and the foregrounding of the relationship between Myriam and her mother, draws unapologetically on female relationships. It is my conclusion that the revised metaphor, with the addition of these elements, is validated by Yves Bonnefoy’s and Henri Meschonnic's depictions of “translation as relationship with an author,” and that, the metaphor does indeed “provide . . . fresh insights.”

Sarah’s novel is a unique masterpiece of an author dubbed as Imlaq al-'Arab (The Giant), ‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad. This novel is unique because it is the only of his work written in the form of novels among his works. It's pretty awesome because al-'Aqqad has written about 83 books in various fields of science and 10 anthologies of poetries. The presence of this novel provokes some responses of various groups of litterateurs, writers, and readers, either a positive or a negative response, particularly when it is associated with al-‘Aqqad’s side of life as well as the condition of society in his time of life. To review this novel, the author uses the Reception Theory in Literature. The theory emphasizes the reader's reception of a literary text as an important factor in the interpretation of literature. In fact, the reader as interpreter presents diversity of meaning in accordance with the Horizon of Expectations as Hans Robert Jauss said. In addition, the diversity of reader reception is also based on characters of literature itself. It always presents 'open plek' according to Walfgang Iser. It will be filled and solidified differently by the readers. The method used is the Critical Approach that aims to discuss the reception developments of review, criticism, commentary, analysis, or other forms of research such as graduating papers, theses, and dissertations. Reader’s reception toward the novel of Sarah published in1964 up to 2005 shows on three receptions feature. First, the novel is supposed as a novel presenting the women's psychological analysis. Second, Sa>rah novel is as an autobiographical novel that describes the author's love story. Third, Sarah novel is a realist novel depicting the reality of class conflict and describing the attitude of women leaders and scholars of Egypt in facing of modernization.

During the 1960s and 1970s, radicals from the west travelling to socialist countries in the 'Third World' tried to create an alternative pool of expertise, often with a utopian agenda. This leftwing tourism later became the subject of academic discussion and analysis. One prominent standpoint is that the travellers involved agreed with the propaganda to which they were subjected, or at least believed in it. Others regard the travellers' loyalty to the socialist country in question as a way of improving the prospects for hegemony within left organisations at home. Another view is that the travellers contained their criticism amongst themselves, while struggling with their experiences in the country in question. The aim of this text is to examine, through a case study, how travellers not tied up in any partybuilding struggles back home perceived and explained their experience in China, and how this experience was understood and interpreted – and reinterpreted – in hindsight. The study is focused on the Swedish social worker Elsa Larsson, who went to China in 1977. Her impressions and reflections were documented in a short film made with a small hand camera, in letters and notes, and in two speaker texts to her film, one from 1977 and one from 2005. The study shows that Larsson did harbour some scepticism about what was presented during her visit – but also that the expectations of friends and colleagues in Sweden were important in how she came to tell the story of her trip. This points to a more general picture, whereby the preconceptions of the traveller's own communities were of great significance in creating the western image of Red China, in addition to the Chinese state's own propaganda. The study contributes a tentative explanation as to why China as an alternative welfare society was so favourably received in Sweden (and in Europe) in the 1970s. When Larsson reinterpreted her material many years later she added in analysis of the problematic issue of how the travellers had in general failed to grasp the extent of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) propaganda. It seems that, in this later phase, it was important for Larsson to continue to create a frame for her experiences, rather than to uncritically adapt to any contemporary interpretation.

AbstrakTulisan mengenai Sejarah Sosial Daerah Kabupaten Lebak menggambarkan kehidupan masyarakat yang mencakup aspek geografi, pemerintahan, penduduk, budaya sinkretisme dan masyarakat adat, budaya, dan pendidikan. Untuk merekontruksi kembali menggunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahap, yaitu: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiogarfi. Lebak menjadi bagian dari wilayah Kesultanan Banten dan masyarakatnya menganut ajaran agama Islam. Pada abad ke-19 terjadilah perubahan politik di daerah tersebut. Perubahan itu seiring dengan semakin meluasnya kekuasaan Belanda di wilayah Banten yang ditandai oleh penghapusan Banten tahun 1808 oleh Daendels. Perkembangan selanjutnya pada masa pemerintahan Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Thomas Stamford Raffles (1811-1816), Banten dibagi menjadi empat daerah setingkat kabupaten, yaitu: Kabupaten Banten Lor, Banten Kulon, Banten Tengah, dan Banten Kidul. Setelah kekuasaan dipegang kembali oleh Belanda, maka wilayah Banten dibagi menjadi 3 kabupaten yaitu: Kabupaten Serang, Caringin, dan Lebak. Perubahan berikutnya terjadi pada tanggal 14 Agustus 1925, Lebak menjadi sebuah kabupaten otonom. Kemudian, pada tahun 1950 mengenai pembentukan daerah-daerah dalam lingkungan Provinsi Jawa Barat. Kabupaten Lebak dimasukkan ke dalam 25 Daerah Tingkat II di provinsi tersebut. Pada tahun 2003 Kabupaten Lebak menjadi bagian dari Provinsi Banten. Penduduk Kabupaten Lebak dari tahun ke tahun mengalami perkembangan yang signifikan, begitu pula di bidang sosial budaya dan pendidikan berkembang cukup dinamis.AbstractThis study illustrates aspects of community life in Kabupaten Lebak in the 19th century. Then, Lebak was part of the Sultanate of Banten and most of the people embraced Islam. In the 19th century Lebak faced a political change due to the expanding power of theDutch in Banten. Daendels eliminated the Sultanate of Banten in 1808. During the reign of Lieutenant Governor-General Thomas Stamford Raffles (1811-1816) Banten was divided into four districts: Banten Lor (Northern Banten), Banten Kulon (Western Banten), Banten Tengah (Central Banten), and Banten Kidul (Southern Banten). When the Dutch regained its power in Banten, the region was divided into three disctricts: Serang, Caringin, and Lebak. In August 14, 1925 Lebak became an autonomous district. In 1950 District of Lebak was part of 25 districts in the Province of West Java, and since 2005 the district became part of the Province of Banten. Today, the population of Lebak has been increasing significantly every year and the educational and socio-cultural life has been developed quite dynamically. To reconstruct this history the author conducted method in history: heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography.

After the second world war in 1960s, there were two currents of thoughts to understand culture, symbolic and postcolonial. The symbolic school included Clifford Geertz (1926-2006), while the postcolonial school included scholars like Talal Asad and Edward Said. Both of these attempted to understand how colonialism shaped multiple societies. They also filled a vacuum in anthropology by raising questions on ‘inequality’ and ‘discrimination’ by the researcher. The data was biased to those who funded the research and critical questions were not usually asked. In this light, the discipline witnessed the birth of ‘Action Anthropology’. Postmodernists like Geertz and Bourdieu criticised the notion of a ‘researcher as a detached scientist’, and ‘objectivity’ which were emphasised in the Functional Anthropology (Durkheim). In this article, light is drawn to Geertz’ style of writing about cultures through ‘ethnographies of experiences.’ It is an affective turn that focuses on cultural pluralism and respecting differences. The article attempts to highlight on Geertz’ significant contributions in writings like ‘Religion in Java’ and ‘Interpretation of cultures.’

There has been much debate about ‘after the fact’ environmental authorisations and the ability to privately prosecute environmental-law offences in South Africa. These two issues came to a head in Uzani Environmental Advocacy CC v BP Southern Africa (Pty) Ltd. This case is the first known private prosecution of environmental-law contraventions in South Africa. BP Southern Africa (Pty) Ltd (‘BPSA’) was privately prosecuted for constructing filling stations without environmental authorisations, allegedly between 1998 and 2005. BPSA submitted ‘rectification’ applications in 2005, paid administrative fines, and was issued with ‘after the fact’ environmental authorisations. Nevertheless, in 2019 BPSA was convicted for contravening the related environmental-law requirement. This article discusses the applicable legislative context, the complex and frequently changing environmental laws, and their interpretation and application in a criminal context. Criticisms of the Uzani judgment include that the court did not sufficiently deliberate or determine the applicable law at the time of the offences for which BPSA was indicted; the public or environmental interest served by the private prosecution; strict liability in relation to the offence; policy and other considerations for not prosecuting these offences; constitutionality and admissibility of the evidence; and the potentially far-reaching consequences of such prosecutions. These issues all act as reminders of the importance of clear and precise legislative drafting, and contextual interpretation.

Professor J. Lorand Matory's thorough critique of the English translation of my book, which was first published in Brazil in 2006, did not come to me as a complete surprise. He and I have known each other for some years, and we have shared with each other interests in the cultural history of Candomblé, in particular the place and role of the Jeje nation. We have discussed our interpretative divergences in private and in public, and I have referred to some of them in writing (Nagôization, 2005; Birth, 2005; Formation). I do appreciate and feel honored that such a distinguished scholar has devoted some of his precious time to reviewing my book, giving me the chance to revisit my over-a-decade-old argument in the light of his provoking challenges. Yet, after reading his essay (certainly more than a standard review), I wondered why he had taken the effort to write 15 single-spaced pages of meticulous criticism on a work he ultimately dismisses as theoretically old-fashioned and full of errors and inconsistencies. If it is so worthless, why care about it in the first place?

This ethnographic study aims to shed light on how the services of simultaneous interpreters working during plenary sessions of the European Parliament are perceived and evaluated by the users, i.e. mainly Members of the European Parliament and other European Union officials. The corpus analysed covers all the plenaries in the eight-year period 2005–2012. The aim was to examine references to interpreters and/or their output made by the speakers. A total of 230 relevant excerpts were identified, varying in length. Thematic analysis established that speakers’ comments addressed to, or concerning, interpreters were associated with six topics. The most frequent was appreciation of interpreters (almost a third of all items), after which doubts regarding interpretations were only marginally ahead of reminders to speakers about the practical constraints imposed by interpreting (each accounting for almost 20%). Three far less frequent items (about 5–10% each) were criticism, difficulty (of interpreting specific items) and apologies. The study discusses representative occurrences of each topic, also providing an overall breakdown of quantitative trends.

In 2005, the European Commission advocated for a more economic approach to enforcing competition laws. The sole criterion for assessing the lawfulness of a market practice should be the appraisal of its net effect on consumer welfare. The Court of Justice was reluctant to adopt such an approach until its 2017 Intel Judgment. Its endorsement—which is debatable insofar as the judgment may give rise to different interpretations—may appear paradoxical in that it is concomitant with a sharp challenge to the consumer welfare criterion in the United States. The purpose of this article is to retrace the history of this criterion, particularly its adoption in the context of EU competition law. We aim to show that the criticisms of the effects-based approach can be addressed not by moving away from the consumer welfare criterion but by integrating it into a broader perspective that also takes into account the protection of the competition process itself.

Eleven Afrotropical species of Bengalia Robineau-Desvoidy, ten in the Bengalia peuhi species-group and one reassignedto the Bengalia spinifemorata species-group, are revised. The male genitalia of all, and the ovipositor of six species, areillustrated by means of digital colour photography. A key to males is provided. Two species, i.e., Bengalia minor Malloch,1927 and Bengalia peuhi Villeneuve, 1914, are assigned to the Bengalia peuhi subgroup of the Bengalia peuhi species-group. Five species, i.e., Bengalia depressa Walker, 1858, Bengalia floccosa Wulp, 1885, Bengalia gaillardi Surcouf &Guyon, 1912, Bengalia roubaudi Rickenbach, Hamon & Mouchet, 1960 and Bengalia tibiaria Villeneuve, 1926 areassigned to the Bengalia floccosa subgroup of the Bengalia peuhi species-group. Three species, i.e., Bengalia africanoidessp. nov., Bengalia aliena Malloch, 1927 and Bengalia wyatti (Lehrer, 2005) comb. nov., have been left as species incertaesedis in the Bengalia peuhi species-group. The eleventh species, Bengalia bantuphalla (Lehrer, 2005) comb. nov., is re-assigned to the Bengalia spinifemorata species-group. Bengalia africanoides sp. nov. has only 3 post dc setae, a featureunique for a species of Bengalia. A neotype is designated for Calliphora floccosa Wulp, 1885 (now in Bengalia), to fixthe interpretation of the name in accordance with current usage. Lectotypes are designated for Bengalia bekilyana Séguy,1935, Bengalia depressa, Bengalia gaillardi, Bengalia peuhi and Bengalia unicalcarata Villeneuve, 1913 to fix theinterpretation of the names. Bengalia africana Malloch, 1927 is established as a junior synonym of Bengalia depressa,syn. nov. Bengalia cuthbertsoni Zumpt, 1956 is established as a junior synonym of Bengalia tibiaria, syn. nov.Shakaniella sakinehae Lehrer, 2011 is established as a junior synonym of Shakaniella wyatti (now in Bengalia), syn. nov.Tsunamia yourubana Lehrer, 2005 is established as a junior synonym of Bengalia aliena, syn. nov. Ochromyia petersianaLoew, 1852 is removed from its current position as a doubtful senior synonym of Bengalia depressa and transferred to thegenus Thoracites Brauer & Bergenstamm, 1891 as Thoracites petersiana, comb. nov. in the Rhiniidae. This name is proposed as a senior synonym of Thoracites neglectus Zumpt, 1972, syn. nov.

Since Romaine's (1982) pioneering work, historical sociolinguistics has been studying the relationships between language and society in its socio-historical context by focusing on the study of language variation and change with the use of variationist methods. Work on this interdisciplinary sub-field subsisting on sociology, history and linguistics is expanding, as shown, for example, by Milroy (1992), Nevalainen & Raumolin-Brunberg (1996; 2003), Ammon, Mattheier & Nelde (1999), Jahr (1999), Kastovsky & Mettinger (2000), Bergs (2005), Conde-Silvestre (2007), Trudgill (2010), or Hernández-Campoy & Conde-Silvestre (2012). These works have been elucidating the theoretical limits of the discipline and applying the tenets and findings of contemporary sociolinguistic research to the interpretation of linguistic material from the past. Yet in the course of this development historical sociolinguistics has sometimes been criticised for lack of representativeness and its empirical validity has occasionally been questioned. Fortunately, in parallel to the development of electronic corpora, the assistance of corpus linguistics and social history has conferred ‘empirical’ ease and ‘historical’ confidence on the discipline.

This article considers an important source on the evolution of Russian historical science. These are four letters written in 1926–1928 by the leading historian I.M. Grevs (1860–1941) to his colleague S.I. Archangelsky (1882–1958), a future corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Unfortunately, the response letters of S.I. Arkhangelsky have been lost. The letters under study focus on two main problems. I.M. Grevs unsuccessfully helped S.I. Arkhangelsky to publish the historical source he had translated – “The Edict on Maximum Prices” of Emperor Diocletian. In this connection, the problems of scientific formation and ideas of S.I. Arkhangelsky, the difficulties faced by the USSR historians of the 1920s who wanted to publish their scientific works, and the scholarly activity of I.M. Grevs in the Soviet period are considered. S.I. Arkhangelsky and I.M. Grevs adhered to different directions in interpreting world economic history – Eduard Meyer and Karl Bücher, respectively. S.I. Arkhangelsky refused to criticize I.M. Grevs, the reasons for which are discussed here. Another chief point of interest in the letters is the problems of local history studies. Based on the analysis of the exchange of views, new interpretations of the facts of I.M. Grevs’s biography – his travels along the Volga River, meetings with the figures of the Nizhny Novgorod Scientific Society for the Study of Local History – are offered. These and other issues are presented in the biographical context of communication ties between both the historians. The article is accompanied by the full texts of the letters and commentaries

This article is an installment in an ongoing debate between me and Hägglund. Both here and throughout our exchanges, I argue on behalf of Freud and Lacan against Hägglund's Derrida-inspired critique of psychoanalysis. Prior to the appearance of Hägglund's 2012 book Dying for Time, the back-and-forth between us centered primarily around the issue of just how atheistic Freudian-Lacanian analysis really is in light of the Derridean-Hägglundian ‘radical atheism’ delineated by Hägglund's 2008 book of that title. In this piece, which focuses on the final chapter of Dying for Time, I carry out two interrelated tasks. First, I highlight what I allege to be certain limitations to Hägglund's Derridean ‘chronolibidinalism’ preventing it from doing full justice to the multiple dimensions of psychoanalysis both theoretical and clinical. Second, I offer interpretations of Freud and Lacan sharply contrasting with the readings of these two figures presented by Hägglund in Dying for Time as well as his other texts engaging with analysis. Moreover, in the process, I defend my version of Freudian-Lacanian drive theory as per my 2005 book Time Driven: Metapsychology and the Splitting of the Drive in the face of Hägglund's explicit criticisms of it.

Abstract At the latest with the designation of Indonesian group of artists, ruangrupa, as collective co-directors of documenta fifteen in 2022, the collective has arrived at the centre of the art world. This notion includes not only the organizational form of a group, but also designates a specific mode of cooperating with outsiders, of reflecting and of cultivating appearances. In their curatorial approach, ruangrupa present an extremely comprehensive conceptualisation of the collective, in which the various collective aspirations observable in the art field, which have been spreading for some time now, are condensed. As early as the 1990s, there has been, in the art world, an increase in individual facets of the collective. This is evidenced not only by the growing differentiation between different forms of collective associations, which can hardly be represented in a typology anymore; the turn towards the collective is also reflected in its being addressed in exhibitions, which in turn often refer to theoretical considerations derived from the fields of philosophy, cultural studies, or sociology, interpreting the ›collective turn‹ as a ›sign of the times‹. Art-historically speaking, the examination of the collective is a relatively young phenomenon which exhibits a range of subject-specific peculiarities. While art-historical classification, in particular, retains fundamental reservations about this ›unconventional‹ artistic working mode (Thurn 1991, Stahlhut 2019), rather more recent, cultural studies approaches tend to put forward typologies based on such notions as complicity (Ziemer 2013) or collaboration (Schneider 2006). In all these contributions, authorship is the central ›axis‹ of analysis. However, the breaking up of individual authorship, which in the visual arts remained virtually unchallenged for a very long time, to make room for collective associations, has been neither the only nor the most important reason, in recent decades, for artists to associate collectively. The rejection of a ›singular‹ notion of creation is nevertheless often introduced as the most important theoretical-analytical reference; social factors, by contrast, which have accompanied or even promoted the spread of the phenomenon, are often pointed out only selectively, if at all. Well-founded discussions of select examples, or instances of reasonably systematic contextualisation, may only be found from the mid-2000s onwards (e. g. Lind 2007). And it was only in the 2010s that art historians and scholars from other disciplines became interested in collective working modes. In their attempts to clarify and classify this trend, whose reality can no longer be gainsaid owing to its omnipresence, most publications and events initially started from a rather broad, and thus vague, understanding of the collective. Nevertheless, the tension between the creative individual and the collective remained central to the narrative put forward in numerous contributions. Those texts originating from artistic and/or curatorial practice – i. e., from the art world itself – often were written in a legitimating style which, combined as it often was with inventive text and image elements, appeared intended confidently to position collective forms of organisation (cf. Baukrowitz 1994; Bianchi 1999; Block/Nollert 2005). Based on this, the diversity of the formats that have since been established was emphasised, as were the advantages of this mode of working and organising. So far, there has been hardly any question as to the social structure within which this mode of working has been able to gain its considerable resonance; neither have scholars investigated how the individual groups relate to their political and social framework, what kind of self-image they derive from this, or how they relate the ›we‹ they have created to the group’s individual members. Against this backdrop, the present article proposes an interpretation of collective authorship as a complex and dynamic constellation of elements that develops and positions itself within a field of tension generated by the various notions of authorship, the organisation of work, criticism of the prevailing system, and competing models of society. The notion of a ›constellation‹ appears particularly suitable here because it suggests a ›bigger picture‹, yet at the same time allows to crystallise, for concrete situations (such as specific collective associations), »the elements of their respective special relationship, and what may conceivably emerge from them in concrete terms« (Mersch 2015, 166). The present article outlines and traces these relationships based on a selection of such collective associations, intending to show where and how – despite specific contextual difference – common concerns and overarching trends may be identified. This, ultimately, results in a complex reading of those individual phenomena.

This paper overviews more than 39 families of fossil Coleoptera from Lower Cretaceous Lebanese amber from nine outcrops. Lebanese amber contains the oldest representatives of the families Scydmaenidae (considered by some as a subfamily of Staphylinidae), Ptiliidae, Elodophalmidae, Clambidae, Throscidae, Lebanophytidae fam. n., Ptilodactylidae, Cantharidae, Melyridae, Dasytidae, Dermestidae, Ptinidae, Kateretidae, Erotylidae, Latridiidae, Laemophloeidae, Salpingidae, Anthicidae, Melandryidae, Aderidae, Curculionidae (Scolytinae). The families Chelonariidae and Scraptiidae are known from both Lebanese amber and Baissa, with both sites having a comparable age. The subfamilies Trechinae (Carabidae), Euaesthetinae (Staphylinidae) and Liparochrinae (Hybosoridae) first appear in the fossil record in Lebanese amber. The Coleoptera in Lebanese amber mostly belong to groups with arboreal habits (as found today in wood and tree fungi).Eochelonarium bellegen. et sp. n.,Rhizophtoma synchrotronicasp. n.,Rhizobactron marinaegen et sp. n. andAtetrameropsis subglobosagen. et sp. n. are described from Lebanese amber. A new subfamily in the family Cerophytidae is proposed forAphytocerus communisZherichin, 1977 (Aphytocerinae subfam. n.) and new genusBaissopsisgen.nov. is erected forBaissophytum amplusChang, Kirejtshuk et Ren, 2011. Also a new interpretation of the taxon “Lasiosynidae” is provided by placing it as a subfamily in the family Eulichadidae with two genera (LasiosyneTan, Ren et Shih, 2007 andBupredactylaKirejtshuk, Chang, Ren et Shih, 2010), while the other genera initially regarded as “Lasiosynidae” were tentatively transferred into Eulichadinae sensu n. (MesodascillaMartynov, 1926;TarsomegamerusZhang, 2005;BrachysyneTan et Ren, 2009;AnacapitisYan, 2009;ParelateriformiusYan et Wang, 2010 andCretasyneYan, Wang et Zhang, 2013) with the new synonymy ofTarsomegamerusandParelateriformiussyn. n. The genusMesaplusHong, 1983 described in the family Triaplidae is also transvered to Eulichadinae. The generaArtematopoditesPonomarenko, 1990;DzeregiaPonomarenko, 1985 andGlaphyropteroidesHandlirsch, 1906 proposed for species known only by separate elytra and recently included in the “family” Lasiosynidae (Yan et al., 2013) are regarded as Elateriformiaincertae sedis. The first insect from the newly discovered outcrops of Nabaa Es-Sukkar – Brissa: Caza (District) Sir Ed-Danniyeh, Mouhafazet (Governorate) Loubnan Esh-Shimali (North Lebanon) is described and the first general description of this outcrop is made.

One of the most powerful aspects of social network data is the fact that they can reproduce social relationships in a formal and comparable way. Relational matrices abstract from the hustle and bustle of everyday interaction, and systematise information in terms of presence or absence of ties expressing them in a directed or undirected, binary or valued form. While the formal approach represents an advantage of social network analysis, as it allows bracketing off the idiosyncratic and subjective content of social structures, the mathematization of the complex nature of social relationships has also been criticised for the lack of engagement with the subjective meaning and context of relationships. Such stream of critique has called for an increase of use of qualitative methods in social network research. The first goal of the paper is to address these critiques by rebalancing the argument and showing how social network analysis has always engaged with both formal and contextual aspects of social structures. The paper reviews some theoretical perspectives that discuss and systematise a mixed method approach, and explores the methodological advantages of using network visualizations together with qualitative interviews in the collection, analysis and interpretation of personal networks. The advantages of adopting a mixed method approach are illustrated over some examples of friendship networks of 23 single male and female people collected in Milan, Italy, in 2005. A classic name generator is used to reconstruct their egonets of friends, and the visualization is adopted as the input for in-depth interviews with specific attention devoted to the meaning of friendship relationships, the kind of resources they offer, the conflicts and constrains they entail, and how they have developed and evolved over time. By comparing information obtained respectively with name generators and in-depth interviews, the paper shows how the mix of data improves and specify the understanding of personal networks.

Wallach & O’Neill (2009) recently suggested that poison baiting for dingoes (Canis lupus dingo and hybrids) caused the localized extinctions of kowaris (Dasyuroides byrnei) through mesopredator release effects. However, in this paper I briefly highlight some weaknesses in their approach to show that the information presented adds little to our knowledge of dingo-mesopredator or dingo-kowari interactions. Wallach & O’Neill (2009) visited two cattle properties in northeast South Australia once each in the winter of 2007 where they used sand plot activity indices to compare the relative abundance of several carnivore and herbivore species at each site. Observations of dingo howling and scat counts were used as measures of social structure. In line with the mesopredator release hypothesis (Crooks & Soulé, 1999), the lethal control of dingoes (usually achieved through 1080 baiting campaigns), followed by abundance increases of mesopredators and herbivores was the suggested mechanism that produced the localized extinction of kowaris at one of the sites. Unfortunately though, the study design suffers from multiple critical weaknesses in the methods applied, considerably limiting its ability to make inferences about dingo populations and ecosystem processes. 1. The authors stated that across Australia, ‘it is extremely rare to find dingo populations that are not being subjected to lethal control’ (Wallach & O’Neill, 2009, pg. 127). This is misleading, and in the context of their paper, gives the reader the mistaken impression that stable dingo packs are rare across Australia due to widespread control. Dingoes and dingo packs are, in fact, extremely common (Fleming et al., 2001; West, 2008), and control practices in South Australia are quite conservative (Allen, 2010b). ‘Lethal control’ is also an ambiguous term, because it includes everything from occasional shooting through to intensive and coordinated poison baiting campaigns. Hence, the degree of control can vary immensely, and in the context of their paper, different forms of lethal control are unlikely to influence social structure in the same way. For example, it is possible that occasional shooting may simply replace natural mortality and have a minor overall effect on dingo social structure, though these processes would need to be investigated. Furthermore, in the northeast pastoral district of South Australia where their two sites were located, official 1080 bait supply records (B. Allen, unpublished data, kept since 1972) indicate that poison baiting seldom occurs, with an average rate of 25% properties receiving baits in any given year (range: 0% in 1984 to 68% in 1991). Legislation permits a baiting intensity of up to 10 baits/km2 (APVMA, 2008). But the greatest supply of baits occurred in 1989, and equated to a regional baiting intensity of only 0.07 baits/km2 (Allen, 2010b). Requests for poison baits from the whole of the northern pastoral district have also reduced dramatically over the last five years to the point where only three (out of 19) properties in the northeast region received baits in the three years prior to their study and no baits at all were supplied in 2009. This means that approximately 600,000 km2 of South Australia experienced very little dingo control that year (dingo populations in the indigenous lands in the northwest of the state -255,000 km2- have rarely, if ever, been subject to lethal control by Europeans). On a property level (i.e. 10,000 km2), even the most intensive baiting campaigns in northern pastoral areas rarely exceed 0.25 baits/km2. Therefore, lethal control of any kind may be a relatively minor fraction of total dingo mortality across the region in which Wallach & O’Neill (2009) conducted their study. 2. The use of sand plot activity indices are a common and useful tool for sampling dingo populations. However, their proper use is governed by principles that ensure that the data obtained from them can be used reliably in subsequent analyses. Specifically, activity indices cannot be validly compared between different habitats/land uses, seasons, or species because of the way these factors potentially influence animal activity (Wilson & Delahay, 2001; Engeman, 2005). Scat counts and howling can also be useful indicators of some population parameters when sampled properly (Corbett, 2001; Mitchell & Balogh, 2007). Wallach & O’Neill (2009) understandably chose these useful methods to assess populations, but their application of them did not follow the sampling principles that ensure their reliability. For example: – The ‘index of abundance’ was calculated by multiplying a continuous measure (tracks/transect/night) with a binary measure (presence/absence of tracks on 2 ha plots). This could be argued as providing a potential synergy of assumption violations -leaving little prospect for a valid variance estimate- and unnecessary if the track sampling was representative of animal usage (Engeman et al., 1998; Blaum et al., 2008). – Even before combining them, these measures included invalidated assumptions about the ability to distinguish between “fresh” and “old” tracks and the distance of one track to another as an indication of the same individual animal. Wind can have a dramatic effect on the readability of tracks in sand, often obliterating them within minutes, and the size, shape and direction of footprints on separated but sequential sand plots/transects reveals little about the identity of the individual responsible for them (Triggs, 2004; Funston et al., 2010). – The relative abundance estimates derived from activity indices were invalidly compared between species, potentially confusing abundance differences with behavioural differences (Wilson & Delahay, 2001; Engeman, 2005). – A once-off collection of scats around 119 rabbit warrens, water points and carcasses in two ~500 km2 areas will provide a limited ability to assess the structure of dingo packs (or infer causal processes) at extensive rangeland sites (Wilson & Delahay, 2001; Mitchell & Balogh, 2007), and the representativeness of scats collected from resource points is unknown (Allen, 2010a). – The opportunistic recording of dingo howls at remote water points in the presence of people (and companion dogs, A. Wallach pers. comms.) is also a particularly weak technique for making inferences about pack structure. To be useful, the sampling of vocalizations must be objective and repeatable. Vocalizations are also communicative behaviours, and in the case of Wallach and O’Neill’s observations, dingoes may have simply been alerting any other dingoes to the presence of humans and/or other dogs. Assessments of pack structure or social stability are founded in behavioural observations between individually identifiable animals (Whitehead, 2008), and is usually undertaken through radio collaring and/or direct observations (e.g. Corbett, 1988; Thomson, 1992). Identification of individuals was not attempted by Wallach & O’Neill (2009), and scats or howling cannot provide this information. Moreover, the once-off, opportunistic collection of dingo spoor (i.e. tracks and scats) and vocalizations cannot account for the known seasonal changes in their expression (Corbett, 2001), the multiple explanations for any given observation (Williams et al., 2002; MacKenzie et al., 2006), or the mechanisms/causes underlying any observed correlations (Caughley, 1977). 3. Ignoring these methodological issues, alternative explanations may equally describe the observations of Wallach & O’Neill (2009). For example, the greater abundance of dingoes observed at Pandie Pandie may not be due to relaxed dingo control but may be a symptom of the site’s closer proximity to Goyder’s Lagoon, a well-watered and resource-rich section of the Warburton Creek, which is not fed from local rainfall. Publicly available water-level data recorded upstream in the years preceding the study show significant flows into the lagoon which were not matched by local rainfall events on Mungerannie during the same period. Additionally, the observed rarity of some small mammals on Mungerannie may reflect bottom-up processes, whereby rabbit abundance provides competition for vegetation, reduces it’s availability to invertebrates, and supports larger numbers of feral carnivores (increasing the risk of hyperpredation), which all work in concert to cause the localized extinction of some small mammals. These processes are known to occur with or without dingoes in the landscape. Furthermore, the recorded activity of predators and prey alike can change rapidly in response to environmental perturbations, and their presence or absence on sand plots during a once-off survey may merely reflect such stochastic events. Such surveys have a limited ability to infer causal process because there may be multiple alternative explanations for the data (Caughley, 1977; Williams et al., 2002; MacKenzie et al., 2006). Causal processes involving dingoes are best addressed using rigorous experimental techniques (such as BACI experiments) where confounding factors can be controlled (Glen et al., 2007). In summary, while ecological data is scant for arid areas and is always welcomed, it is important to use research resources wisely in order to provide scientifically defensible information (Platt, 1964), used ultimately to inform threatened species recovery. While the conclusions of Wallach & O’Neill (2009) align nicely with the mesopredator release hypothesis, their foundations, methods, and interpretation are undermined by misleading contextual information, the poor application of otherwise robust sampling methods, and a lack of discussion on alternative explanations. As such, the study contributes little insight into the effect of dingo control on kowaris. The study sites, methods, and results presented in Wallach & O’Neill (2009) have also been used elsewhere (Wallach et al., 2009a, 2009b, 2010), and these criticisms equally apply to those reports, and others similar to them. Researchers, reviewers and readers should therefore be vigilant in looking for design issues that may be more important than initially appears to be the case, before accepting intuitively sound conclusions on face value. Improving the quality of dingo-mesopredator studies is necessary if threatened species are to be managed more effectively.

The cognitive specificity of social pedagogy is its interest in the issues related to social conditionings of human development and, respectively, the specific social conditionings of the upbringing process. The notion has been developed in various directions since the very beginning of the discipline, yet the most clearly visible area seems to be the functioning of individuals, families and broader environment. Simultaneously, it is possible to observe that the issues have been entangled in certain socio-political conditions, the knowledge of which is substantial for the reconstruction and identification of the research heritage of social pedagogy. All these interrelationships allowed to distinguish particular stages of development of social pedagogy. Contemporarily, it is a discipline with descent scientific achievements which marks out and indicates new perspectives both in the field of educational practice and the theory of social activity. Social pedagogy, similarly to other areas (subdisciplines) of pedagogy, deals with the notion of upbringing in a certain aspect – in a certain problem inclination. It specializes in social and environmental conditionings of the upbringing process. It is the thread of the social context of upbringing what proves to be the crucial, basic and fundamental determinant of upbringing and, thus, decisive factor for human development. This notion was always present in the general pedagogical thought however, its organized and rationalized character surfaced only when the social pedagogy was distinguished as a separate, systematic area of pedagogy. It occurred in Poland only at the beginning of the 19th century. From the very beginning the creators and precursors of this subdiscipline pointed out its relatively wide range. It has been the notion of individual – social conditionings of human development, yet, social pedagogists were interested in human at every stage of their lives i.e. childhood, adolescence, adulthood and old age. Another area of interest were the issues related to family as the most important “place” of human development and, in this respect, the issues connected with institutions undertaking various activities: help, care, support and animation. Finally, the scope of interest included issues related to the environment as the place where the upbringing process is supposed to realize and realizes. Since the very beginning of social pedagogy these have been the prominent threads for exploration. At the same time it ought to be stated that these threads have always been interwoven with various social-political conditions both with regards to their interpretation as well as possible and planned educational practice. Therefore social pedagogy and its findings must be always “read” in the context of social-political conditions which accompanied the creation of a given thought or realization of some educational practice. As these conditions have constantly been undergoing certain transformations one may clearly distinguish particular stages of development of social pedagogy. The stages reflect various approaches to exploring and describing the above-mentioned areas of this discipline. Following the assumptions regarding the chronology of social pedagogy development and the three distinguished stages of development, it seems worthwhile to study how the issues related to an individual, family and environment were shaped at these stages. The first stage when the social psychology was arising was mainly the time of Helena Radlińska’s activities as well as less popular and already forgotten Polish pedagogists – precursors of this discipline such as: Anna Chmielewska, Irena Jurgielewiczowa, Zofia Gulińska or Maria Korytowska. In that period social pedagogists mainly dealt with individuals, families and the functioning of environments in the context of educational activities aimed at arousing national identity and consciousness. However, their work did no focus on indicating the layers of threats and deficits in functioning of individuals, social groups or families but on the possibilities to stimulate their development and cultural life. Therefore social pedagogy of those times was not as strongly related to social work as it currently is but dealt mainly with educational work. The classic example of such approach in the research carried out in the social pedagogy of that time may be the early works by Helena Radlińska who undertook the narrow field of cultural-educational work targeted to all categories of people. The works described such issues as the organization of libraries, organizing extra-school education (H. Orsza, 1922, H. Orsza-Radlińska, 1925). It ought to be stated that this kind of work was regarded as public and educational work, whereas currently it exists under the name of social work. Frequently quoted works related to the issues of arising social pedagogy were also the works by Eustachy Nowicki e.g. “Extra-school education and its social-educational role in the contemporary Polish life” from 1923 or the works by Stefania Sempołowska, Jerzy Grodecki or Jadwiga Dziubińska. Such an approach and tendencies are clearly visible in a book from 1913 (a book which has been regarded by some pedagogists as the first synthetic presentation of social pedagogy). It is a group work entitled “Educational work – its tasks, methods and organization” (T. Bobrowski, Z. Daszyńska-Golińska, J. Dziubińska, Z. Gargasa, M. Heilperna, Z. Kruszewska, L. Krzywicki, M. Orsetti, H. Orsza, St. Posner, M. Stępkowski, T. Szydłowski, Wł. Weychert-Szymanowska, 1913). The problem of indicated and undertaken research areas and hence, the topics of works realized by the social pedagogists of that times changed immediately after regaining independence and before World War II. It was the time when the area of social pedagogists interests started to include the issues of social inequality, poverty and, subsequently, the possibility of helping (with regards to the practical character of social pedagogy). The research works undertaken by social pedagogists were clearly of diagnostic, practical and praxeological character. They were aimed at seeking the causes of these phenomena with simultaneous identification and exploration of certain environmental factors as their sources. A classic example of such a paper – created before the war – under the editorial management of H. Radlińska was the work entitled “Social causes of school successes and failures” from 1937 (H. Radlińska, 1937). Well known are also the pre-war works written by the students of H. Radlińska which revealed diagnostic character such as: “The harm of a child” by Maria Korytowska (1937) or “A child of Polish countryside” edited by M. Librachowa and published in Warsaw in 1934 (M. Librachowa, 1934). Worthwhile are also the works by Czesław Wroczyński from 1935 entitled “Care of an unmarried mother and struggle against abandoning infants in Warsaw” or the research papers by E. Hryniewicz, J. Ryngmanowa and J. Czarnecka which touched upon the problem of neglected urban and rural families and the situation of an urban and rural child – frequently an orphaned child. As it may be inferred, the issues of poverty, inefficient families, single-parent families remain current and valid also after the World War II. These phenomena where nothing but an outcome of various war events and became the main point of interest for researchers. Example works created in the circle of social pedagogists and dealing with these issues may be two books written in the closest scientific environment of Helena Radlińska – with her immense editorial impact. They are “Orphanage – scope and compensation” (H. Radlińska, J. Wojtyniak, 1964) and “Foster families in Łódź” (A. Majewska, 1948), both published immediately after the war. Following the chronological approach I adopted, the next years mark the beginning of a relative stagnation in the research undertaken in the field of social pedagogy. Especially the 50’s – the years of notably strong political indoctrination and the Marxist ideological offensive which involved building the so called socialist educational society – by definition free from socio-educational problems in public life. The creation and conduction of research in this period was also hindered due to organizational and institutional reasons. The effect of the mentioned policy was also the liquidation of the majority of social sciences including research facilities – institutes, departments and units. An interesting and characteristic description of the situation may be the statement given by Professor J. Auletner who described the period from the perspective of development of social policy and said that: “During the Stalinist years scientific cultivation of social policy was factually forbidden”. During the period of real socialism it becomes truly difficult to explore the science of social policy. The name became mainly the synonym of the current activity of the state and a manifestation of struggles aimed at maintaining the existing status quo. The state authorities clearly wanted to subdue the science of social activities of the state […]. During the real socialism neither the freedom for scientific criticism of the reality nor the freedom of research in the field of social sciences existed. It was impossible (yet deliberated) to carry out a review of poverty and other drastic social issues” (J. Auletner, 2000). The situation changes at the beginning of the 60’s (which marks the second stage of development of social pedagogy) when certain socio-political transformations – on the one hand abandoning the limitation of the Stalinist period (1953 – the death of Stalin and political thaw), on the other – reinforcement of the idea of socialist education in social sciences lead to resuming environmental research. It was simultaneously the period of revival of Polish social pedagogy with regards to its institutional dimension as well as its ideological self-determination (M. Cichosz, 2006, 2014). The issues of individuals, families and environments was at that time explored with regards to the functioning of educational environments and in the context of exploring the environmental conditionings of the upbringing process. Typical examples here may be the research by Helena Izdebska entitled “The functioning of a family and childcare tasks” (H. Izdebska, 1967) and “The causes of conflicts in a family” (H. Izdebska, 1975) or research conducted by Anna Przecławska on adolescents and their participation in culture: “Book, youth and cultural transformations” (A. Przecławska, 1967) or e.g. “Cultural diversity of adolescents against upbringing problems” (A. Przecławska, 1976). A very frequent notion undertaken at that time and remaining within the scope of the indicated areas were the issues connected with organization and use of free time. This may be observed through research by T. Wujek: “Homework and active leisure of a student” (T. Wujek, 1969). Another frequently explored area was the problem of looking after children mainly in the papers by Albin Kelm or Marian Balcerek. It is worthwhile that the research on individuals, families or environments were carried out as part of the current pedagogical concepts of that time like: parallel education, permanent education, lifelong learning or the education of adults, whereas, the places indicated as the areas of human social functioning in which the environmental education took place were: family, school, housing estate, workplace, social associations. It may be inferred that from a certain (ideological) perspective at that time we witnessed a kind of modeling of social reality as, on the one hand particular areas were diagnosed, on the other – a desired (expected) model was built (designed) (with respect to the pragmatic function of practical pedagogy). A group work entitled “Upbringing and environment” edited by B. Passini and T. Pilch (B. Passini, T. Pilch, 1979) published in 1979 was a perfect illustration of these research areas. It ought to be stated that in those years a certain model of social diagnosis proper for undertaken social-pedagogical research was reinforced (M. Deptuła, 2005). Example paper could be the work by I. Lepalczyk and J. Badura entitled: “Elements of pedagogical diagnostics” (I. Lepalczyk, J. Badura, 1987). Finally, the social turning point in the 80’s and 90’s brought new approaches to the research on individuals, families and environments which may be considered as the beginning of the third stage of the development of social pedagogy. Breaking off the idea of socialist education meant abandoning the specific approach to research on the educational environment previously carried out within a holistic system of socio-educational influences (A. Przecławska, w. Theiss, 1995). The issues which dominated in the 90’s and still dominate in social pedagogy with regards to the functioning of individuals, families and local environments have been the issues connected with social welfare and security as well as education of adults. Research papers related to such approach may be the work by Józefa Brągiel: “Upbringing in a single-parent family” from 1990; the work edited by Zofia Brańka “The subjects of care and upbringing” from 2002 or a previous paper written in 1998 by the same author in collaboration with Mirosław Szymański “Aggression and violence in modern world” published in 1999 as well as the work by Danuta Marzec “Childcare at the time of social transformations” from 1999 or numerous works by St. Kawula, A. Janke. Also a growing interest in social welfare and social work is visible in the papers by J. Brągiel and P. Sikora “Social work, multiplicity of perspectives, family – multiculturalism – education” from 2004, E. Kanwicz and A. Olubiński: “Social activity in social welfare at the threshold of 21st century” from 2004 or numerous works on this topic created by the circles gathered around the Social Pedagogy Faculty in Łódź under the management of E. Marynowicz-Hetka. Current researchers also undertake the issues related to childhood (B. Smolińska-Theiss, 2014, B. Matyjas, 2014) and the conditionings of the lives of seniors (A. Baranowska, E. Kościńska, 2013). Ultimately, among the presented, yet not exclusive, research areas related to particular activities undertaken in human life environment (individuals, families) and fulfilled within the field of caregiving, social welfare, adult education, socio-cultural animation or health education one may distinguish the following notions:  the functioning of extra-school education institutions, most frequently caregiving or providing help such as: orphanage, residential home, dormitory, community centre but also facilities aimed at animating culture like youth cultural centres, cultural centres, clubs etc.,  the functioning of school, the realization of its functions (especially educational care), fulfilling and conditioning roles of student/teacher, the functioning of peer groups, collaboration with other institutions,  the functioning (social conditionings) of family including various forms of families e.g. full families, single-parent families, separated families, families at risk (unemployment) and their functioning in the context of other institutions e.g. school,  social pathologies, the issues of violence and aggression, youth subcultures,  participation in culture, leisure time, the role of media,  the functioning of the seniors – animation of activities in this field,  various dimensions of social welfare, support, providing help, the conditionings of functioning of such jobs as the social welfare worker, culture animator, voluntary work. It might be concluded that the issues connected with individuals, families and environment have been the centre of interest of social pedagogy since the very beginning of this discipline. These were the planes on which social pedagogists most often identified and described social life – from the perspective of human participation. On the course of describing the lives of individuals, families and broader educational environments social pedagogists figured out and elaborated on particular methods and ways of diagnosing social life. Is it possible to determine any regularities or tendencies in this respect? Unquestionably, at the initial stage of existence of this discipline, aimed at stimulating national consciousness and subsequent popularization of cultural achievements through certain activities – social and educational work, social pedagogists built certain models of these undertakings which were focused on stimulating particular social activity and conscious participation in social life. The issues concerning social diagnosis, though not as significant as during other stages, served these purposes and hence were, to a certain extent, ideologically engaged. The situation changed significantly before and shortly after the World War II. Facing particular conditions of social life – increase in many unfavourable phenomena, social pedagogists attempted to diagnose and describe them. It seems to have been the period of clear shaping and consolidation of the accepted model of empirical research in this respect. The model was widely accepted as dominating and has been developed in Polish social pedagogy during the second and subsequent stages of developing of this discipline. Practical and praxeological character of social pedagogy became the main direction of this development. Consequently, social diagnosis realized and undertaken with regard to social pedagogy was associated with the idea of a holistic system of education and extra-school educational influences and related educational environments. Therefore, the more and more clearly emphasized goal of environmental research – forecasting, was associated with the idea of building holistic, uniform educational impacts. After the systemic transformation which occurred in Poland in the 90’s, i.e. the third stage of social pedagogy development, abandoning the previous ideological solutions, environmental research including diagnosis was reassociated with social life problems mainly regarding social welfare and security. Individuals, families and environment have been and still seem to be the subject of research in the field of social pedagogy in Poland. These research areas are structurally bound with its acquired paradigm – of a science describing transformations of social life and formulating a directive of practical conduct regarding these transformations. A question arouses about the development of social pedagogy as the one which charts the direction of transformations of practices within the undertaken research areas. If it may be considered as such, then it would be worthwhile to enquire about the directions of the accepted theoretical acknowledgments. On the one hand we may observe a relatively long tradition of specifically elaborated and developed concepts, on the other – there are still new challenges ahead. Observing the previous and current development of Polish social pedagogy it may be inferred that its achievements are not overextensive with regards to the described and acquired theoretical deliberations. Nevertheless, from the very beginning, it has generated certain, specific theoretical solutions attempting to describe and explain particular areas of social reality. Especially noteworthy is the first period of the existence of this discipline, the period of such social pedagogists like i.a. J.W. Dawid, A. Szycówna, I. Moszczeńska or Helena Radlińska. The variety of the reflections with typically philosophical background undertaken in their works (e.g. E. Abramowski) is stunning. Equally involving is the second stage of development of social pedagogy i.e. shortly after the World War II, when Polish social pedagogy did not fully break with the heritage of previous philosophical reflections (A. Kamiński, R. Wroczyński) yet was developed in the Marxist current. A question arouses whether the area of education and the projects of its functioning of that time were also specific with regards to theory (it seems to be the problem of the whole Socialist pedagogy realised in Poland at that time). The following years of development of this discipline, especially at the turn of 80’s and 90’s was the period of various social ideas existing in social pedagogy – the influences of various concepts and theories in this field. The extent to which they were creatively adapted and included in the current of specific interpretations still requires detailed analysis, yet remains clearly visible. Another important area is the field of confronting the theories with the existing and undertaken solutions in the world pedagogy. A. Radziewicz-Winnicki refers to the views of the representatives of European and world social thought: P. Bourdieu, U. Beck, J. Baudrillard, Z. Bauman and M. Foucault, and tries to identify possible connections and relationships between these ideas and social pedagogy: “the ideas undertaken by the mentioned sociologists undoubtedly account for a significant source of inspiration for practical reflection within social pedagogy. Therefore, it is worthwhile to suggest certain propositions of their application in the field of the mentioned subdiscipline of pedagogy” (Radziewicz-Winnicki 2008). The contemporary social pedagogy in Poland constantly faces numerous challenges. W. Theiss analysed the contemporary social pedagogy with regards to its deficiencies but also the challenges imposed by globalisation and wrote: “Modern social pedagogy focuses mainly on the narrow empirical research and narrow practical activity and neglects research in the field of theory functioning separately from the realms of the global (or globalising) world or pays insufficient attention to these problems. It leads to a certain self-marginalisation of our discipline which leaves us beyond the current of main socio-educational problems of modern times. In this respect, it seems worthwhile and necessary to carry out intensive conceptual and research work focused on e.g. the following issues:  metatheory of social pedagogy and its relationship with modern trends in social sciences;  the concepts of human and the world, the concepts of the hierarchy of values;  the theory of upbringing, the theory of socialization, the theory of educational environment;  a conceptual key of the modern reality; new terms and new meanings of classical concepts;  socio-educational activities with direct and indirect macro range e.g. balanced development and its programmes, global school, intercultural education, inclusive education, professional education of emigrants”. Considering the currently undertaken research in this field and the accepted theoretical perspectives it is possible to indicate specific and elaborated concepts. They fluctuate around structural spheres of social pedagogy on the axis: human – environment – environmental transformations. It accounts for an ontological sphere of the acknowledged concepts and theories. Below, I am enumerating the concepts which are most commonly discussed in social pedagogy with regards to the acquired and accepted model. Currently discussed theoretical perspectives (contexts) in social pedagogy and the concepts within. I. The context of social personal relationships  social participation, social presence;  social communication, interaction;  reciprocity. II. The context of social activities (the organization of environment)  institutionalisation;  modernization;  urbanization. III. The context of environment  space;  place;  locality. The socially conditioned process of human development is a process which constantly undergoes transformations. The pedagogical description of this process ought to include these transformations also at the stage of formulating directives of practical activities – the educational practice. It is a big challenge for social pedagogy to simultaneously do not undergo limitations imposed by current social policy and response to real social needs. It has been and remains a very important task for social pedagogy.

In a study on the material of Ukrainian, in particular, Kharkiv, periodicals, an attempt was made to reconstruct the play by N. Erdman “The Mandate”. This is one of the most popular stagings in the national theater repertoire of the 1925/1926 season. The scientific novelty of the work is due to the fact that the problems of reception and interpretation of “The Mandate” play by the Ukrainian theater critics of the 1920s have not yet become the subject of a special scientific study. The research methodology consists of applying an integrated approach, in particular, using historical, cultural, typological, and intertextual methods for the analysis. This approach allowed us to get an idea of such components of the staging as the director’s, actors’ activities, and the audience’s reaction. In addition, an attempt was made to classify domestic theater criticism of the 1920s. It is shown that the director’s theater influenced the writers. However, despite the commitment of critics to a particular aesthetic system, the sociological trend dominated in their comments, which often led to simplified perception and interpretation. It has been established that the emergence of the Ukrainian stage history of “The Mandate” is primarily due to the repertoire crisis of domestic theaters, the lack of plays, with the exception of M. Kulish’s works, that would reflect contemporary life, reproduced the Soviet life on a scene. Filling the repertoire lacunae with plays that were successful on the stages of the capital's theaters, the newly formed groups, in particular, the Chervonozavodskyi Theater in Kharkiv, tried to acknowledge their professionalism. The principles and limits of the director’s “interference” in the art world of the play did not always correspond to the plan of the playwright and were due to the desire to establish a link between art and life. In general, the theatrical season of 1925/1926, in terms of saturation with theatrical premieres, affirmed the beginning of a new era in the Ukrainian theater and, as a result, in the Ukrainian theater criticism.

The events of the change of political regimes of the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are called “color” revolutions. They led to subsequent events: the Russian-Georgian war and criminal charges against Georgian President Micheil Saakashvili; towards the end of the political career of the revolutionary leader of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, the collapse of the regime of Viktor Yanukovych and the hybrid war between Ukraine and Russia. And in Kyrgyzstan - to constant political instability. And at the moment, the reassessment of “color” revolutions is important, as an important lesson for these countries themselves and for the international community as a whole. The interpretation of the color revolutions themselves was dominated by two General approaches. On the one hand, there is criticism of the aggressive export of Western democratic standards to the post-Soviet space, sponsored by the United States. On the other hand, supporters of the events perceive them as spontaneous and truly democratic uprisings that contributed to the overthrow of autocratic regimes and initiated Pro-democratic changes.

The influence of the Constitution on the enforceability of exemption clauses contained in contracts has received some attention in the recent jurisprudence and literature on the subject. (Tladi “One Step Forward Two Steps Back for Constitutionalising the Common Law: Afrox Healthcare v Strydom” 2002 2 SA Public Law 473-478; Young “Indemnification Clauses in Multiple Contract Transactions” March 2002 IBL 115-118. Van der Heever “Exclusion of Liability in Private Hospitals” April 2003 De Rebus 47-48; Richardson “Managing HIV/AIDS Impact No Easy Task; Interpreting an Indemnity Clause: Insurance” Jun-Jul 2005 Executive Business Brief 28-29; Hopkins “Exemption Clauses in Contract” June 2007 De Rebus 22-25; and Visser “Drifters Adventures Tours CC v Hircock [2006] SCA 130 (RSA)”2007 1 De Jure 188-193.) In particular, decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeal, the traditional upper custodian of the common law, have drawn much interest and criticism for their apparent failure to approach contractual issues from a constitutional perspective. The recent case of Drifters Adventures Tours CC v Hircock (2007 2 SA 83) provides a further opportunity to obtain some insight into that court’s approach in interpreting exemption clauses in contracts. This note endeavours to analyse the court’s approach and decision in the Drifter’s case against the background of the well-established traditional approach to contractual interpretation as well as recent cases which have raised the role of the Constitution with respect to exemption clauses. A further objective of this paper is to consider the impact of the court’s decisions on the wording which drafters of such clauses choose to use when seeking to protect their clients or themselves.

In recent years there has been an intense profusion of qualitative research in education in Brazil, with a growing emphasis on the use of ethnography; however, there has also been an intense debate about the uses and possibilities of ethnography in education, including criticism of how It has been incorporated into educational research. In this article, in a broad dialogue between anthropology and education, I seek to elucidate some questions about the use of ethnography, but starting from a particular conception of ethnography, developed in what is called interpretative anthropology, based mainly on the work of the American anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1926 -2006).ResumoEm período recente tem havido uma intensa profusão de pesquisas qualitativas em educação no Brasil, ganhando um destaque crescente o uso da etnografia, entretanto, tem ocorrido também um intenso debate sobre os usos e possibilidades da etnografia em educação, incluindo críticas à forma como ela tem sido incorporada na pesquisa educacional. Neste artigo, num amplo diálogo entre antropologia e educação, busco elucidar algumas questões sobre o uso da etnografia, porém partindo de uma concepção particular de etnografia, desenvolvida no que se denomina de antropologia interpretativa, assentada principalmente na obra do antropólogo americano Clifford Geertz (1926-2006).ResumenEn un período reciente ha habido una intensa profusión de investigaciones cualitativas en educación en Brasil, ganando un destaque creciente el uso de la etnografía, sin embargo, ha ocurrido también un intenso debate sobre los usos y posibilidades de la etnografía en educación, incluyendo críticas a la forma como se ha incorporado en la investigación educativa. En este artículo, en un amplio diálogo entre antropología y educación, busco elucidar algunas cuestiones sobre el uso de la etnografía, pero partiendo de una concepción particular de etnografía, desarrollada en lo que se denomina antropología interpretativa, asentada principalmente en la obra del antropólogo americano Clifford Geertz (1926 -2006).Palavras-chave: Etnografia, Antropologia da educação, Pesquisa educacional.Keywords: Ethnography, Anthropology of education, Educational research.Palabras Claves: Etnografía, Antropología de la educación, Investigación educativa.ReferencesANDRÉ, Marli E.D.A. Etnografia da prática escolar. Campinas: Papirus, 1995.ALEXANDER, Jeffrey; SMITH, Philipe. Introduction: the rise and fall and rise of Clifford Geertz. In: ALEXANDER, Jeffrey; NORTON, Matthew (Orgs.). Interpreting Clifford Geertz: cultural investigation in the social sciences, New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2011, p. 1-8.BARTH, Fredrik. O guru, o iniciador e outras variações antropológicas. Rio de Janeiro: Contra Capa Livraria, 2000.BOURDIEU, Pierre; PASSERON, Jean-Claude. A Reprodução. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2008.BOURDIEU, Pierre; PASSERON, Jean-Claude. Os Herdeiros. Florianópolis: EDUFSC, 2014.DAUSTER, Tânia. An interdisciplinary experience in anthropology and education: memory, academic project and political background. Vibrant, v. 12, n. 2, p. 451-496, 2015.DIAS SILVA, Graziela M. Sociologia da Sociologia da Educação: caminhos e desafios de uma Policy Science no Brasil (1920-1979). Bragança Paulista: Edusf, 2002.FONSECA, Claudia. Quando cada caso NÃO é um caso: pesquisa etnográfica e educação. Revista Brasileira de Educação, Rio de Janeiro, ANPEd, n. 10, p. 58-78, jan./abr. 1999.FORQUIN, Jean-Claude. Escola e cultura. Porto Alegre, Artes Médicas, 1993.GEERTZ, Clifford. A interpretação das culturas. Rio de Janeiro: LTC 1989.GEERTZ, Clifford. Atrás dos Fatos: dois países, quatro décadas, um antropólogo. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2012.GEERTZ, Clifford. Nova luz sobre a antropologia. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, 2001.GEERTZ, Clifford. O saber local: novos ensaios em antropologia interpretativa. Petrópolis, Vozes,1997.GEERTZ, Clifford. Obras e vidas: o antropólogo como autor. Rio de Janeiro, Editora da UFRJ, 2005.GODELIER, Maurice. O Enigma do Dom. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2001.GOMES, Ana M. R.; GOMES, Nilma L. Anthropology and Education in Brazil: Possible Pathways. In: ANDERSON-LEVITT (Ed.) Anthropologies of Education: A Global Guide to Ethnographic Studies of Learning and Schooling. New York: Berghahn Books, 2011, p. 111-130.GUSMÃO, Neusa. Entrelugares: antropologia e educação no Brasil. Educação, v. 34, n. 1, p. 29-46, 2009.MAGGIE, Yvonne; PRADO, Ana. O que muda e o que permanece o mesmo nas escolas cariocas: culturas de gestão e as representações dos estudantes. In: GUEDES, Simone Lahud; CIPINIUK, Tatiana (Orgs.) Abordagens etnográficas sobre educação: adentrando os muros das escolas. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Alternativa, 2014, p. 69-81.NAGLE, Jorge. Educação e sociedade na Primeira República. São Paulo: EDUSP, 1988.OLIVEIRA, Amurabi. O Lugar da Antropologia na Formação Docente: um olhar a partir das Escolas Normais, Pro-Posições, v. 24, n. 2, p. 27-40, 2013a.OLIVEIRA, Amurabi. Por que etnografia no sentido estrito e não estudos do tipo etnográfico em educação? Revista FAEEBA, v. 22, n. 40, p. 69-82, 2013b.OLIVEIRA, Amurabi; ALMIRANTE, Kleverton Arthur. Aprendendo com o Axé: processos educativos no terreiro e o que as crianças pensam sobre ele e a escola. Revista Ilha, v. 16, n. 1, p. 139-174, 2014.OLIVEIRA, Amurabi; BOIN, Felipe; BÚRIGO, Beatriz. A Antropologia, os Antropólogos e a Educação no Brasil. Revista Anthropológicas, v. 27, n. 1, p. 21-44, 2016.OLIVEIRA, Roberto Cardoso de. O trabalho do antropólogo. São Paulo, Editora UNESP, 2006.TOSTA, Sandra de F. P. Cruzando Fronteiras - entre a Antropologia e a Educação no Brasil e na Argentina. Pró-Posições, v. 24, n. 2, p. 95-107, 2013.WOORTMANN, Klaas. A etnologia (quase) esquecida de Bourdieu, ou o que fazer com heresias. Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais, v. 19, n. 5, p. 129-137, 2004.

SummaryWhat is it for predicates to mean what they do and what is their contribution to the meaning of an utterance? It is exactly this question to which Davidson dedicates his book Truth and Predication (2005). Most commentators focus on Davidson’s discussion of failed accounts, in particular of Frege’s account. In contrast to this tendency, I focus here on Davidson’s own account. The structure is as follows. First, I sketch the problem of predication and I glance at Davidson’s discussion of failed accounts. Then I present his solution and integrate it in his theory of interpretation, thereby bringing out the particularity of the account. In doing so I shall scrutinize some criticisms as well, for as I intend to show, they originate from a wrong understanding of his comprehensive theory of interpretation.

Anyone contemplating the role of a “hermeneutics of suspicion” in literary and cultural studies must concede that the phrase is rarely used—even by its most devout practitioners, who usually think of themselves engaged in something called “critique.” What, then, are the terminological differences between “critique” and “the hermeneutics of suspicion”? What intellectual worlds do these specific terms conjure up, and how do these worlds converge or diverge? And what is the rationale for preferring one term over the other?The “hermeneutics of suspicion” is a phrase coined by Paul Ricoeur to capture a common spirit that pervades the writings of Marx, Freud, and Nietzsche. In spite of their obvious differences, he argued, these thinkers jointly constitute a “school of suspicion.” That is to say, they share a commitment to unmasking “the lies and illusions of consciousness;” they are the architects of a distinctively modern style of interpretation that circumvents obvious or self-evident meanings in order to draw out less visible and less flattering truths (Ricoeur 356). Ricoeur’s term has sustained an energetic after-life within religious studies, as well as in philosophy, intellectual history, and related fields, yet it never really took hold in literary studies. Why has a field that has devoted so much of its intellectual energy to interrogating, subverting, and defamiliarising found so little use for Ricoeur’s phrase?In general, we can note that hermeneutics remains a path not taken in Anglo-American literary theory. The tradition of hermeneutical thinking is rarely acknowledged (how often do you see Gadamer or Ricoeur taught in a theory survey?), let alone addressed, assimilated, or argued over. Thanks to a lingering aura of teutonic stodginess, not to mention its long-standing links with a tradition of biblical interpretation, hermeneutics was never able to muster the intellectual edginess and high-wattage excitement generated by various forms of poststructuralism. Even the work of Gianni Vattimo, one of the most innovative and prolific of contemporary hermeneutical thinkers, has barely registered in the mainstream of literary and cultural studies. On occasion, to be sure, hermeneutics crops up as a synonym for a discredited model of “depth” interpretation—the dogged pursuit of a hidden true meaning—that has supposedly been superseded by more sophisticated forms of thinking. Thus the ascent of poststructuralism, it is sometimes claimed, signaled a turn away from hermeneutics to deconstruction and genealogy—leading to a focus on surface rather than depth, on structure rather than meaning, on analysis rather than interpretation. The idea of suspicion has fared little better. While Ricoeur’s account of a hermeneutics of suspicion is respectful, even admiring, critics are understandably leery of having their lines of argument reduced to their putative state of mind. The idea of a suspicious hermeneutics can look like an unwarranted personalisation of scholarly work, one that veers uncomfortably close to Harold Bloom’s tirades against the “School of Resentment” and other conservative complaints about literary studies as a hot-bed of paranoia, kill-joy puritanism, petty-minded pique, and defensive scorn. Moreover, the anti-humanist rhetoric of much literary theory—its resolute focus on transpersonal and usually linguistic structures of determination—proved inhospitable to any serious reflections on attitude, disposition, or affective stance.The concept of critique, by contrast, turns out to be marred by none of these disadvantages. An unusually powerful, flexible and charismatic idea, it has rendered itself ubiquitous and indispensable in literary and cultural studies. Critique is widely seen as synonymous with intellectual rigor, theoretical sophistication, and intransigent opposition to the status quo. Drawing a sense of intellectual weightiness from its connections to the canonical tradition of Kant and Marx, it has managed, nonetheless, to retain a cutting-edge sensibility, retooling itself to fit the needs of new fields ranging from postcolonial theory to disability studies. Critique is contagious and charismatic, drawing everything around it into its field of force, marking the boundaries of what counts as serious thought. For many scholars in the humanities, it is not just one good thing but the only conceivable thing. Who would want to be associated with the bad smell of the uncritical? There are five facets of critique (enumerated and briefly discussed below) that characterise its current role in literary and cultural studies and that have rendered critique an exceptionally successful rhetorical-cultural actor. Critique, that is to say, inspires intense attachments, serves as a mediator in numerous networks, permeates disciplines and institutional structures, spawns conferences, essays, courses, and book proposals, and triggers countless imitations, translations, reflections, revisions, and rebuttals (including the present essay). While nurturing a sense of its own marginality, iconoclasm, and outsiderdom, it is also exceptionally effective at attracting disciples, forging alliances, inspiring mimicry, and ensuring its own survival. In “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam?” Bruno Latour remarks that critique has been so successful because it assures us that we are always right—unlike those naïve believers whose fetishes we strive to expose (225–48). At the same time, thanks to its self-reflexivity, the rhetoric of critique is more tormented and self-divided than such a description would suggest; it broods constantly over the shame of its own success, striving to detect signs of its own complicity and to root out all possible evidence of collusion with the status quo.Critique is negative. Critique retains the adversarial force of a suspicious hermeneutics, while purifying it of affective associations by treating negativity as an essentially philosophical or political matter. To engage in critique is to grapple with the oversights, omissions, contradictions, insufficiencies, or evasions in the object one is analysing. Robert Koch writes that “critical discourse, as critical discourse, must never formulate positive statements: it is always ‘negative’ in relation to its object” (531). Critique is characterised by its “againstness,” by its desire to take a hammer, as Latour would say, to the beliefs of others. Faith is to be countered with vigilant skepticism, illusion yields to a sobering disenchantment, the fetish must be defetishised, the dream world stripped of its befuddling powers. However, the negativity of critique is not just a matter of fault-finding, scolding, and censuring. The nay-saying critic all too easily calls to mind the Victorian patriarch, the thin-lipped schoolmarm, the glaring policeman. Negating is tangled up with a long history of legislation, prohibition and interdiction—it can come across as punitive, arrogant, authoritarian, or vitriolic. In consequence, defenders of critique often downplay its associations with outright condemnation. It is less a matter of refuting particular truths than of scrutinising the presumptions and procedures through which truths are established. A preferred idiom is that of “problematising,” of demonstrating the ungroundedness of beliefs rather than denouncing errors. The role of critique is not to castigate, but to complicate, not to engage in ideas’ destruction but to expose their cultural construction. Barbara Johnson, for example, contends that a critique of a theoretical system “is not an examination of its flaws and imperfections” (xv). Rather, “the critique reads backwards from what seems natural, obvious, self-evident, or universal in order to show that these things have their history” and to show that the “start point is not a (natural) given, but a (cultural) construct, usually blind to itself” (Johnson xv–xvi). Yet it seems a tad disingenuous to describe such critique as free of negative judgment and the examination of flaws. Isn’t an implicit criticism being transmitted in Johnson’s claim that a cultural construct is “usually blind to itself”? And the adjectival chain “natural, obvious, self-evident, or universal” strings together some of the most negatively weighted words in contemporary criticism. A posture of detachment, in other words, can readily convey a tacit or implicit judgment, especially when it is used to probe the deep-seated convictions, primordial passions, and heart-felt attachments of others. In this respect, the ongoing skirmishes between ideology critique and poststructuralist critique do not over-ride their commitment to a common ethos: a sharply honed suspicion that goes behind the backs of its interlocutors to retrieve counter-intuitive and uncomplimentary meanings. “You do not know that you are ideologically-driven, historically determined, or culturally constructed,” declares the subject of critique to the object of critique, “but I do!” As Marcelo Dascal points out, the supposedly non-evaluative stance of historical or genealogical argument nevertheless retains a negative or demystifying force in tracing ideas back to causes invisible to the actors themselves (39–62).Critique is secondary. A critique is always a critique of something, a commentary on another argument, idea, or object. Critique does not vaunt its self-sufficiency, independence, and autotelic splendor; it makes no pretense of standing alone. It could not function without something to critique, without another entity to which it reacts. Critique is symbiotic; it does its thinking by responding to the thinking of others. But while secondary, critique is far from subservient. It seeks to wrest from a text a different account than it gives of itself. In doing so, it assumes that it will meet with, and overcome, a resistance. If there were no resistance, if the truth were self-evident and available for all to see, the act of critique would be superfluous. Its goal is not the slavish reconstruction of an original or true meaning but a counter-reading that brings previously unfathomed insights to light. The secondariness of critique is not just a logical matter—critique presumes the existence of a prior object—but also a temporal one. Critique comes after another text; it follows or succeeds another piece of writing. Critique, then, looks backward and, in doing so, it presumes to understand the past better than the past understands itself. Hindsight becomes insight; from our later vantage point, we feel ourselves primed to see better, deeper, further. The belatedness of critique is transformed into a source of iconoclastic strength. Scholars of Greek tragedy or Romantic poetry may mourn their inability to inhabit a vanished world, yet this historical distance is also felt as a productive estrangement that allows critical knowledge to unfold. Whatever the limitations of our perspective, how can we not know more than those who have come before? We moderns leave behind us a trail of errors, finally corrected, like a cloud of ink from a squid, remarks Michel Serres (48). There is, in short, a quality of historical chauvinism built into critique, making it difficult to relinquish a sense of in-built advantage over those lost souls stranded in the past. Critique likes to have the last word. Critique is intellectual. Critique often insists on its difference from everyday practices of criticism and judgment. While criticism evaluates a specific object, according to one definition, “critique is concerned to identify the conditions of possibility under which a domain of objects appears” (Butler 109). Critique is interested in big pictures, cultural frameworks, underlying schema. It is a mode of thought well matched to the library and seminar room, to a rhythm of painstaking inquiry rather than short-term problem-solving. It “slows matters down, requires analysis and reflection, and often raises questions rather than providing answers” (Ruitenberg 348). Critique is thus irresistibly drawn toward self-reflexive thinking. Its domain is that of second-level observation, in which we reflect on the frames, paradigms, and perspectives that form and inform our understanding. Even if objectivity is an illusion, how can critical self-consciousness not trump the available alternatives? This questioning of common sense is also a questioning of common language: self-reflexivity is a matter of form as well as content, requiring the deployment of what Jonathan Culler and Kevin Lamb call “difficult language” that can undermine or “un-write” the discourses that make up our world (1–14). Along similar lines, Paul Bove allies himself with a “tradition that insists upon difficulty, slowness, complex, often dialectical and highly ironic styles,” as an essential antidote to the “prejudices of the current regime of truth: speed, slogans, transparency, and reproducibility” (167). Critique, in short, demands an arduous working over of language, a stoic refusal of the facile phrase and ready-made formula. Yet such programmatic divisions between critique and common sense have the effect of relegating ordinary language to a state of automatic servitude, while condescending to those unschooled in the patois of literary and critical theory. Perhaps it is time to reassess the dog-in-the-manger attitude of a certain style of academic argument—one that assigns to scholars the vantage point of the lucid and vigilant thinker, while refusing to extend this same capacity to those naïve and unreflecting souls of whom they speak.Critique comes from below. Politics and critique are often equated and conflated in literary studies and elsewhere. Critique is iconoclastic in spirit; it rails against authority; it seeks to lay bare the injustices of the law. It is, writes Foucault, the “art of voluntary insubordination, that of reflected intractability” (194). This vision of critique can be traced back to Marx and is cemented in the tradition of critical theory associated with the Frankfurt School. Critique conceives of itself as coming from below, or being situated at the margins; it is the natural ally of excluded groups and subjugated knowledges; it is not just a form of knowledge but a call to action. But who gets to claim the mantle of opposition, and on what grounds? In a well-known essay, Nancy Fraser remarks that critical theory possesses a “partisan though not uncritical identification” with oppositional social movements (97). As underscored by Fraser’s judicious insertion of the phrase “not uncritical,” critique guards its independence and reserves the right to query the actions and attitudes of the oppressed as well as the oppressors. Thus the intellectual’s affiliation with a larger community may collide with a commitment to the ethos of critique, as the object of a more heartfelt attachment. A separation occurs, as Francois Cusset puts it, “between academics questioning the very methods of questioning” and the more immediate concerns of the minority groups with which they are allied (157). One possible strategy for negotiating this tension is to flag one’s solidarity with a general principle of otherness or alterity—often identified with the utopian or disruptive energies of the literary text. This strategy gives critique a shot in the arm, infusing it with a dose of positive energy and ethical substance, yet without being pinned down to the ordinariness of a real-world referent. This deliberate vagueness permits critique to nurture its mistrust of the routines and practices through which the everyday business of the world is conducted, while remaining open to the possibility of a radically different future. Critique in its positive aspects thus remains effectively without content, gesturing toward a horizon that must remain unspecified if it is not to lapse into the same fallen state as the modes of thought that surround it (Fish 446).Critique does not tolerate rivals. Declaring itself uniquely equipped to diagnose the perils and pitfalls of representation, critique often chafes at the presence of other forms of thought. Ruling out the possibility of peaceful co-existence or even mutual indifference, it insists that those who do not embrace its tenets must be denying or disavowing them. In this manner, whatever is different from critique is turned into the photographic negative of critique—evidence of an irrefutable lack or culpable absence. To refuse to be critical is to be uncritical; a judgment whose overtones of naiveté, apathy, complacency, submissiveness, and sheer stupidity seem impossible to shrug off. In short, critique thinks of itself as exceptional. It is not one path, but the only conceivable path. Drew Milne pulls no punches in his programmatic riff on Kant: “to be postcritical is to be uncritical: the critical path alone remains open” (18).The exceptionalist aura of critique often thwarts attempts to get outside its orbit. Sociologist Michael Billig, for example, notes that critique thinks of itself as battling orthodoxy, yet is now the reigning orthodoxy—no longer oppositional, but obligatory, not defamiliarising, but oppressively familiar: “For an increasing number of younger academics,” he remarks, “the critical paradigm is the major paradigm in their academic world” (Billig 292). And in a hard-hitting argument, Talal Asad points out that critique is now a quasi-automatic stance for Western intellectuals, promoting a smugness of tone that can be cruelly dismissive of the deeply felt beliefs and attachments of others. Yet both scholars conclude their arguments by calling for a critique of critique, reinstating the very concept they have so meticulously dismantled. Critique, it seems, is not to be abandoned but intensified; critique is to be replaced by critique squared. The problem with critique, it turns out, is that it is not yet critical enough. The objections to critique are still very much part and parcel of the critique-world; the value of the critical is questioned only to be emphatically reinstated.Why do these protestations against critique end up worshipping at the altar of critique? Why does it seem so exceptionally difficult to conceive of other ways of arguing, reading, and thinking? We may be reminded of Eve Sedgwick’s comments on the mimetic aspect of critical interpretation: its remarkable ability to encourage imitation, repetition, and mimicry, thereby ensuring its own reproduction. It is an efficiently running form of intellectual machinery, modeling a style of thought that is immediately recognisable, widely applicable, and easily teachable. Casting the work of the scholar as a never-ending labour of distancing, deflating, and diagnosing, it rules out the possibility of a different relationship to one’s object. It seems to grow, as Sedgwick puts it, “like a crystal in a hypersaturated solution, blotting out any sense of the possibility of alternative ways of understanding or things to understand” (131).In this context, a change in vocabulary—a redescription, if you will—may turn out to be therapeutic. It will come as no great surprise if I urge a second look at the hermeneutics of suspicion. Ricoeur’s phrase, I suggest, can help guide us through the interpretative tangle of contemporary literary studies. It seizes on two crucial parts of critical argument—its sensibility and its interpretative method—that deserve more careful scrutiny. At the same time, it offers a much-needed antidote to the charisma of critique: the aura of ethical and political exemplarity that burnishes its negativity with a normative glow. Thanks to this halo effect, I’ve suggested, we are encouraged to assume that the only alternative to critique is a full-scale surrender to complacency, quietism, and—in literary studies—the intellectual fluff of aesthetic appreciation. Critique, moreover, presents itself as an essentially disembodied intellectual exercise, an austere, even abstemious practice of unsettling, unmaking, and undermining. Yet contemporary styles of critical argument are affective as well as analytical, conjuring up distinctive dispositions and relations to their object. As Amanda Anderson has pointed out in The Way We Argue Now, literary and cultural theory is saturated with what rhetoricians call ethos—that is to say, imputations of motive, character, or attitude. We need only think of the insouciance associated with Rortyan pragmatism, the bad-boy iconoclasm embraced by some queer theorists, or the fastidious aestheticism that characterises a certain kind of deconstructive reading. Critical languages, in other words, are also orientations, encouraging readers to adopt an affectively tinged stance toward their object. Acknowledging the role of such orientations in critical debate does not invalidate its intellectual components, nor does it presume to peer into, or diagnose, an individual scholar’s state of mind.In a related essay, I scrutinise some of the qualities of a suspicious or critical reading practice: distance rather than closeness; guardedness rather than openness; aggression rather than submission; superiority rather than reverence; attentiveness rather than distraction; exposure rather than tact (215–34). Suspicion, in this sense, constitutes a muted affective state—a curiously non-emotional emotion of morally inflected mistrust—that overlaps with, and builds upon, the stance of detachment that characterises the stance of the professional or expert. That this style of reading proves so alluring has much to do with the gratifications and satisfactions that it offers. Beyond the usual political or philosophical justifications of critique, it also promises the engrossing pleasure of a game-like sparring with the text in which critics deploy inventive skills and innovative strategies to test their wits, best their opponents, and become sharper, shrewder, and more sophisticated players. In this context, the claim that contemporary criticism has moved “beyond” hermeneutics should be treated with a grain of salt, given that, as Stanley Fish points out, “interpretation is the only game in town” (446). To be sure, some critics have backed away from the model of what they call “depth interpretation” associated with Marx and Freud, in which reading is conceived as an act of digging and the critic, like a valiant archaeologist, excavates a resistant terrain in order to retrieve the treasure of hidden meaning. In this model, the text is envisaged as possessing qualities of interiority, concealment, penetrability, and depth; it is an object to be plundered, a puzzle to be solved, a secret message to be deciphered. Instead, poststructuralist critics are drawn to the language of defamiliarising rather than discovery. The text is no longer composed of strata and the critic does not burrow down but stands back. Instead of brushing past surface meanings in pursuit of hidden truth, she dwells in ironic wonder on these surface meanings, seeking to “denaturalise” them through the mercilessness of her gaze. Insight, we might say, is achieved by distancing rather than by digging. Recent surveys of criticism often highlight the rift between these camps, underscoring the differences between the diligent seeker after buried truth and the surface-dwelling ironist. From a Ricoeur-inflected point of view, however, it is their shared investment in a particular ethos—a stance of knowingness, guardedness, suspicion and vigilance—that turns out to be more salient and more striking. Moreover, these approaches are variously engaged in the dance of interpretation, seeking to go beyond the backs of texts or fellow-actors in order to articulate non-obvious and often counter-intuitive truths. In the case of poststructuralism, we can speak of a second-order hermeneutics that is less interested in probing the individual object than the larger frameworks and conditions in which it is embedded. What the critic interprets is no longer a self-contained poem or novel, but a broader logic of discursive structures, reading formations, or power relations. Ricoeur’s phrase, moreover, has the singular advantage of allowing us to by-pass the exceptionalist tendencies of critique: its presumption that whatever is not critique can only be assigned to the ignominious state of the uncritical. As a less prejudicial term, it opens up a larger history of suspicious reading, including traditions of religious questioning and self-scrutiny that bear on current forms of interpretation, but that are occluded by the aggressively secular connotations of critique (Hunter). In this context, Ricoeur’s own account needs to be supplemented and modified to acknowledge this larger cultural history; the hermeneutics of suspicion is not just the brain-child of a few exceptional thinkers, as his argument implies, but a widespread practice of interpretation embedded in more mundane, diffuse and variegated forms of life (Felski 220).Finally, the idea of a suspicious hermeneutics does not invalidate or rule out other interpretative possibilities—ranging from Ricoeur’s own notion of a hermeneutics of trust to more recent coinages such as Sedgwick’s “restorative reading,” Sharon Marcus’s “just reading” or Timothy Bewes’s “generous reading.” Literary studies in France, for example, is currently experiencing a new surge of interest in hermeneutics (redefined as a practice of reinvention rather than exhumation) as well as a reinvigorated phenomenology of reading that elucidates, in rich and fascinating detail, its immersive and affective dimensions (see Citton; Macé). This growing interest in the ethos, aesthetics, and ethics of reading is long overdue. Such an orientation by no means rules out attention to the sociopolitical resonances of texts and their interpretations. It is, however, no longer willing to subordinate such attention to the seductive but sterile dichotomy of the critical versus the uncritical.ReferencesAnderson, Amanda. The Way We Argue Now: A Study in the Cultures of Theory. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2005.Asad, Talal. “Free Speech, Blasphemy, and Secular Criticism.” Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech. Ed. Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Saba Mahmood. Berkeley: Townsend Center for the Humanities, 2009. 20–63. Bewes, Timothy. “Reading with the Grain: A New World in Literary Studies.” Differences 21.3 (2010): 1–33.Billig, Michael. “Towards a Critique of the Critical.” Discourse and Society 11.3 (2000): 291–92. Bloom, Harold. The Western Canon: The Books and School of the Ages. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1994.Bove, Paul. Mastering Discourse: The Politics of Intellectual Culture. Durham: Duke UP, 1992. Butler, Judith. “The Sensibility of Critique: Response to Asad and Mahmood.” Is Critique Secular? Blasphemy, Injury, and Free Speech. Ed. Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Saba Mahmood. Berkeley: Townsend Center for the Humanities, 2009. 101–136.Citton, Yves. Lire, interpréter, actualiser: pourqoi les études littéraires? Paris: Editions Amsterdam, 2007. Culler, Jonathan and Kevin Lamb, “Introduction.” Just Being Difficult? Academic Writing in the Public Arena. Ed. Jonathan Culler and Kevin Lamb. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003. 1–14. Cusset, Francois. French Theory: How Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze, & Co. Transformed the Intellectual Life of the United States. Trans. Jeff Fort. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2008.Dascal, Marcelo. “Critique without Critics?” Science in Context 10.1 (1997): 39–62.Felski, Rita. “Suspicious Minds.” Poetics Today 32.2 (2011): 215–34.Fish, Stanley. Doing What Comes Naturally: Change, Rhetoric, and the Practice of Theory in Literary and Legal Studies. Durham: Duke UP, 1989.Foucault, Michel. “What is Critique?” The Political. Ed. David Ingram. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002. 191–211. Fraser, Nancy. “What’s Critical about Critical Theory? The Case of Habermas and Gender.” New German Critique 35 (1985): 97–131. Hunter, Ian. Rethinking the School: Subjectivity, Bureaucracy, Criticism. New York: St Martin’s Press, 1994.Johnson, Barbara. “Translator’s Introduction.” Jacques Derrida’s Dissemination. London: Continuum, 2004. vii–xxxv. Koch, Robert. “The Critical Gesture in Philosophy.” Iconoclash: Beyond the Image Wars in Science, Religion, and Art. Ed. Bruno Latour and Peter Weibel. Cambridge: MIT, 2002. 524–36. Latour, Bruno. “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern.” Critical Inquiry 30 (2004): 225–48.Macé, Marielle. Facons de lire, manières d’être. Paris: Gallimard, 2011. Marcus, Sharon. Between Women: Friendship, Desire, and Marriage in Victorian England. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2007.Milne, Drew. “Introduction: Criticism and/or Critique.” Modern Critical Thought: An Anthology of Theorists Writing on Theorists. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002. 1–22. Ricoeur, Paul. Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation. New Haven: Yale UP, 1970. Ruitenberg, Claudia. “Don’t Fence Me In: The Liberation of Undomesticated Critique.” Journal of the Philosophy of Education 38.3 (2004): 314–50. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. “Paranoid Reading and Reparative Reading, Or, You’re So Paranoid, You Probably Think This Essay is About You.” Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy, Performativity. Durham: Duke UP, 2003. 123–52. Serres, Michel and Bruno Latour. Conversations on Science, Culture, and Time. Trans. Roxanne Lapidus. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1995.Vattimo, Gianni. Beyond Interpretation: The Meaning of Hermeneutics for Philosophy. Trans. David Webb. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1997.

The difficulty of reading Allen Ginsberg's poetry is a recurring theme in criticism of his work and that of other post-WWII "Beat Generation" writers. "Even when a concerted effort is made to illuminate [Beat] literature," laments Nancy M. Grace, "doing so is difficult: the romance of the Beat life threatens to subsume the project" (812). Of course, the Beat life is romantic to the extent that it is romantically regaled. Continual romantic portrayals, such as that of Ginsberg in the recent movie Howl (2010), rekindle the Beat romance for new audiences with chicken-and-egg circularity. I explore this difficulty of reading Ginsberg that Grace and other critics identify by articulating it with respect to "Kaddish"—"Ginsberg's most highly praised and his least typical poem" (Perloff 213)—as a difficulty of interpreting Ginsberg suspiciously. Philosopher Paul Ricoeur's theories of interpretation—or "hermeneutics"—provide the theoretical foundation here. Ricoeur distinguishes between a romantic or "restorative" mode of interpretation, where meaning is reverently reconciled to a text assumed to be trustworthy, and a "suspicious" approach, where meaning is aggressively extrapolated from a text held as unreliable. In order to bring these theories to bear on "Kaddish" and its criticism, I draw on Rita Felski's pioneering work in relating Ricoeur's concept of "suspicious reading" to the field of literature. Is it possible to read "Kaddish" suspiciously? Or is there nothing left for suspicious readers to expose in texts such as "Kaddish" that are already self-exposing? In "Kaddish," Ginsberg tells the story of his mother Naomi Ginsberg, a Russian Jewish immigrant, who died in a mental hospital in 1956. It is a lengthy prose poem and spans a remarkable 19 pages in Ginsberg's Collected Poems (1984). In the words of Maeera Y. Shreiber, "Kaddish" "is a massive achievement, comprised of five numbered parts, and an interpellated 'Hymmnn' between parts two and three" (84). I focus on the second narrative part, which forms the bulk of the poem, where the speaker—I shall refer to him henceforth as "Allen" in order to differentiate between Ginsberg's poetic self-representation and Ginsberg-the-author—recounts the nervous breakdowns and hospital movements of his mother, whom he calls by her first name, Naomi. I begin by illustrating the ways in which Allen focalises Naomi in the text, and suggest that his attempts to "read" her suspicious mind alternate between restorative and suspicious impulses. I then take up the issue of reading "Kaddish" suspiciously. Acknowledging Ricoeur's assertion that psychoanalysis is an unequivocal "school of suspicion" (32), I consider James Breslin's psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish," in particular, his reading of what is easily the most contentious passage in the poem: the scene where Naomi solicits Allen for sex. I regard this passage as a microcosm of the issues that beset a suspicious reading of "Kaddish"—such as the problem posed by the self-exposing poem and poet—and I find that Breslin's response to it raises interesting questions on the politics of psychoanalysis and the nature of suspicious interpretation. Finally, I identify an unpublished thesis on Ginsberg's poetry by Sarah Macfarlane and classify her interpretation of "Kaddish" as unambiguously suspicious. My purpose is not to advance my own suspicious reading of "Kaddish" but to highlight the difficulties of reading "Kaddish" suspiciously. I argue that while it is difficult to read "Kaddish" suspiciously, to do so offers a fruitful counterbalance to the dominant restorative criticism on the poem. There are as yet unexplored hermeneutical territories in and around this poem, indeed in and around Ginsberg's work in general, which have radical implications for the future direction of Beat studies. Picking her tooth with her nail, lips formed an O, suspicion—thought's old worn vagina— (Ginsberg, "Kaddish" 218)Ginsberg constructs Naomi's suspicion in "Kaddish" via Allen's communication of her visions and descriptions of her behaviour. Allen relates, for example, that Naomi once suspected that Hitler was "in her room" and that "she saw his mustache in the sink" ("Kaddish" 220). Subsequently, Allen depicts Naomi "listening to the radio for spies—or searching the windowsill," and, in an attempt to "read" her suspicious mind, suggests that she envisages "an old man creep[ing] with his bag stuffing packages of garbage in his hanging black overcoat" ("Kaddish" 220). Allen's gaze thus filters Naomi's; he watches her as she watches for spies, and he animates her visions. He recalls as a child "watching over" Naomi in order to anticipate her "next move" ("Kaddish" 212). On one fateful day, Naomi "stared out the window on the Broadway Church corner"; Allen interprets that she "spied a mystical assassin from Newark" ("Kaddish" 212). He likewise observes and interprets Naomi's body language and facial expressions. When she "covered [her] nose with [a] motheaten fur collar" and "shuddered at [the] face" of a bus driver, he deduces that, for Naomi, the collar must have been a "gas mask against poison" and the driver "a member of the gang" ("Kaddish" 212). On the one hand, Allen's impetus to recover "the lost Naomi" ("Kaddish" 216)—first lost to mental illness and then to death—may be likened to Ricoeur's concept of a restorative hermeneutic, "which is driven by a sense of reverence and goes deeper into the text in search of revelation" (Felski 216). As if Naomi's mind constitutes a text, Allen strives to reveal it in order to make it intelligible. What drives him is the cathartic impulse to revivify his mother's memory, to rebuild her story, and to exalt her as "magnificent" and "mourned no more" ("Kaddish" 212), so that he may mourn no more. Like a restorative reader "driven by a sense of reverence" (Felski 216), he lauds Naomi as the "glorious muse that bore [him] from the womb [...] from whose pained head [he] first took Vision" ("Kaddish" 223). Critics of "Kaddish" also observe the poem's restorative impulse. In "Strange Prophecies Anew," Tony Trigilio reads the recovery of Naomi as "the recovery of a female principle of divinity" (773). Diverging from Ginsberg's earlier poem "Howl" (1956), which "represses signs of women in order to forge male prophetic comradeship," "Kaddish" "constructs maternity as a source of vision, an influence that precedes and sustains prophetic language. In 'Kaddish', Ginsberg attempts to recover the voice of his mother Naomi, which is muted in 'Howl'" (776). Shreiber also acknowledges Ginsberg's redemption of "the feminine, figured specifically as the lost mother," but for her it "is central to both of the long poems that make his reputation," namely "Kaddish" and "Howl" (81). She cites Ginsberg's retrospective confession that "Howl" was actually about Naomi to argue that, "it is in the course of writing 'Howl' that Ginsberg discovers his obligation to the elided (Jewish) mother—whose restoration is the central project of 'Kaddish'" (81). On the other hand, Allen's compulsion to "cut through" to Naomi, to talk to her as he "didn't when [she] had a mouth" ("Kaddish" 211), suggests the brutality of a suspicious hermeneutic where meanings "must be wrestled rather than gleaned from the page, derived not from what the text says, but in spite of what it says" (Felski 223). When Naomi was alive and "had a mouth," Allen aggressively "pushed her against the door and shouted 'DON'T KICK ELANOR!'" in spite of her message: "Elanor is the worst spy! She's taking orders!" ("Kaddish" 221). As a suspicious reader wrestles with a resistant text, Allen wrestles with Naomi, "yelling at her" in exasperation, and even "banging against her head which saw Radios, Sticks, Hitlers—the whole gamut of Hallucinations—for real—her own universe" ("Kaddish" 221).Allen may be also seen as approaching Naomi with a suspicious reader's "adversarial sensibility to probe for concealed, repressed, or disavowed meanings" (Felski 216). This is most visible in his facetiously professed "good idea to try [to] know the Monster of the Beginning Womb"—to penetrate Naomi's body in order to access her mind "that way" ("Kaddish" 219). Accordingly, in his psychoanalytic reading of "Kaddish," James Breslin understands Allen's "incestuous desires as expressing [his] wish to get inside his mother and see things as she does" (424). Breslin's interpretation invokes the Freudian concept of "epistemophilia," which Bran Nicol defines as the "desire to know" (48).Freud is one of "three masters" of suspicion according to Ricoeur (32). Freud, Nietzsche, and Marx "present the most radically contrary stance to the phenomenology of the sacred and to any hermeneutics understood as the recollection of meaning" (Ricoeur 35). They "begin with suspicion concerning the illusions of consciousness, and then proceed to employ the stratagem of deciphering" (Ricoeur 34). Freud deciphers the language of the conscious mind in order to access the "unconscious"—that "part of the mind beyond consciousness which nevertheless has a strong influence upon our actions" (Barry 96). Like their therapeutic counterparts, psychoanalytic critics distinguish "between the conscious and the unconscious mind," associating a text's "'overt' content with the former" and "'covert' content with the latter, privileging the latter as being what the work is 'really' about" (Barry 105). In seeking to expose a text's unconscious, they subscribe to a hermeneutic of suspicion's "conviction that appearances are deceptive, that texts do not gracefully relinquish their meanings" (Felski 216). To force texts to relinquish their meanings suspicious readers bear "distance rather than closeness; guardedness rather than openness; aggression rather than submission; superiority rather than reverence; attentiveness rather than distraction; exposure rather than tact" (Felski 222).For the most part, these qualities fail to characterise Breslin's psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish" and "Howl." Far from aggressive or superior, Breslin is a highly sympathetic reader of Ginsberg. "Many readers," he complains, are "still not sympathetic to the kind [sic] of form found in these poems" (403). His words echo Trigilio's endorsement of Marjorie Perloff's opinion that critics are too often "unwilling to engage the experimental scope of Ginsberg's poems" (Trigilio 774). Sympathetic reading, however, clashes with suspicious reading, which "involves a sense of vigilant preparedness for attack" (Shand in Felski 220). Breslin is sympathetic not only to the experimental forms of "Kaddish" and "Howl," but also to their attestation to "deep, long-standing private conflicts in Ginsberg—conflicts that ultimately stem from his ambivalent attachment to his mother" (403). In "Kaddish," Allen's ambivalent feelings toward his mother are conspicuous in his revolted and revolting reaction to her exposed body, combined with his blasé deliberation on whether to respond to her apparent sexual provocation: One time I thought she was trying to make me come lay her—flirting to herself at sink—lay back on huge bed that filled most of the room, dress up round her hips, big slash of hair, scars of operations, pancreas, belly wounds, abortions, appendix, stitching of incisions pulling down in the fat like hideous thick zippers—ragged long lips between her legs—What, even, smell of asshole? I was cold—later revolted a little, not much—seemed perhaps a good idea to try—know the Monster of the Beginning Womb—Perhaps—that way. Would she care? She needs a lover. ("Kaddish" 219)In "Confessing the Body," Elizabeth Gregory observes that "Naomi's ordinary body becomes monstrous in this description—not only in its details but in the undiscriminating desire her son attributes to it ('Would she care?')" (47). In exposing Naomi thus, Allen also exposes himself and his own indiscriminate sexual responsiveness. Such textual exposés pose challenges for those who would practice a hermeneutic of suspicion by "reading texts against the grain to expose their repressed or hidden meanings" (Felski 215). It appears that there is little that is hidden or repressed in "Kaddish" for a suspicious reader to expose. As Perloff notes, "the Ginsberg of 'Kaddish' is writing somewhat against the grain" (213). In writing against the grain, Ginsberg inhibits reading against the grain. A hermeneutic of suspicion holds "that manifest content shrouds darker, more unpalatable truths" (Felski 216). "Kaddish," however, parades its unpalatable truths. Although Ginsberg as a Beat poet is not technically included among the group of poets known as the "confessionals," "Kaddish" is typical of a "confessional poem" in that it "dwells on experiences generally prohibited expression by social convention: mental illness, intra-familial conflicts and resentments, childhood traumas, sexual transgressions and intimate feelings about one's body" (Gregory 34). There is a sense in which "we do not need to be suspicious" of such subversive texts because they are "already doing the work of suspicion for us" (Felski 217). It is also difficult to read "Kaddish" suspiciously because it presents itself as an autobiographical history of Ginsberg's relationship with his mother. "Kaddish" once again accords with Gregory's definition of "confessional poetry" as that which "draws on the poet's autobiography and is usually set in the first person. It makes a claim to forego personae and to represent an account of the poet's own feelings and circumstances" (34). These defining features of "Kaddish" make it not particularly conducive to a "suspicious hermeneutic [that] often professes a lack of interest in the category of authorship as a means of explaining the ideological workings of texts" (Felski 222). It requires considerable effort to distinguish Allen, speaker and character in "Kaddish," from Ginsberg, celebrity Beat poet and author of "Kaddish," and to suspend knowledge of Ginsberg's public-private life in order to pry ideologies from the text. This difficulty of resisting biographical interpretation of "Kaddish" translates to a difficulty of reading the poem suspiciously. In his psychoanalytic reading, Breslin's lack of suspicion for the poem's confession of autobiography dilutes his practice of an inherently suspicious mode of interpretation—that of psychoanalysis. His psychoanalysis of Ginsberg shows that he trusts "Kaddish" to confess its author's intimate feelings—"'It's my fault,' he must have felt, 'if I had loved my mother more, this wouldn't have happened to her—and to me'" (Breslin 422)—whereas a hermeneutic of suspicion "adopts a distrustful attitude toward texts" (Felski 216). That said, Breslin's differentiation between the conscious and unconscious, or surface and underlying levels of meaning in "Kaddish" is more clearly characteristic of a hermeneutic of suspicion's theory that texts withhold "meanings or implications that are not intended and that remain inaccessible to their authors as well as to ordinary readers" (Felski 216). Hence, Breslin speculates that, "on an unconscious level the writing of the poem may have been an act of private communication between the poet" and his mother (430). His response to the previously quoted passage of the poem suggests that while a cursory glance will restore its conscious meaning, a more attentive or suspicious gaze will uncover its unconscious: At first glance this passage seems a daring revelation of an incest wish and a shockingly realistic description of the mother's body. But what we really see here is how one post-Freudian writer, pretending to be open and at ease about incestuous desire, affects sophisticated awareness as a defense [sic] against intense longings and anxieties. The lines are charged with feelings that the poet, far from "confessing out," appears eager to deny. (Breslin 422; my emphasis)Breslin's temporary suspicious gaze in an otherwise trusting and sympathetic reading accuses the poet of revealing incestuous desire paradoxically in order to conceal incestuous desire. It exposes the exposé as an ironic guise, an attempt at subterfuge that the poet fails to conceal from the suspicious reader, evoking a hermeneutic of suspicion's conviction that in spite of itself "the text is not fully in control of its own discourse" (Felski 223). Breslin's view of Ginsberg's denial through the veil of his confession illuminates two possible ways of sustaining a suspicious reading of "Kaddish." One is to distrust its claim to confess Ginsberg, to recognise that "confession's reality claim is an extremely artful manipulation of the materials of poetry, not a departure from them" (Gregory 34). It is worth mentioning that in response to his interviewer's perception of the "absolute honesty" in his poem "Ego Confession," Ginsberg commented: "they're all poems, ultimately" (Spontaneous 404–05). Another way is to resist the double seduction operative in the text: Naomi's attempted seduction of Allen, and, in narrating it, Allen's attempted seduction of the psychoanalytic critic.Sarah Macfarlane's effort to unmask the gender politics that psychoanalytic critics arguably protect characterises her "socio-cultural analysis" (5) of "Kaddish" as unmistakably suspicious. While psychoanalytic critics "identify a 'psychic' context for the literary work, at the expense of social or historical context" (Barry 105), Macfarlane in her thesis "Masculinity and the Politics of Gender Construction in Allen Ginsberg" locates Allen's "perception of Naomi as the 'Monster of the Beginning Womb'" in the social and historical context of the 1950s "concept of the overbearing, dominating wife and mother who, although confined to the domestic space, looms large and threatening within that space" (48). In so doing, she draws attention to the Cold War discourse of "momism," which "envisioned American society as a matriarchy in which dominant mothers disrupted the Oedipal structure of the middle-class nuclear family" (Macfarlane 33). In other words, momism engaged Freudian explanations of male homosexuality as arising from a son's failure to resolve unconscious sexual desire for his mother, and blamed mothers for this failure and its socio-political ramifications, which, via the Cold War cultural association of homosexuality with communism, included "the weakening of masculine resolve against Communism" (Edelman 567). Since psychoanalysis effectively colludes with momism, psychoanalytic criticism on "Kaddish" is unable to expose its perpetuation in the poem. Macfarlane's suspicious reading of "Kaddish" as perpetuating momism radically departs from the dominant restorative criticism on the poem. Trigilio, for example, argues that "Kaddish" revises the Cold War "discourse of containment—'momism'—in which the exposure of communists was equated to the exposure of homosexuals" (781). "Kaddish," he claims, (which exposes both Allen's homosexuality and Naomi's communism), "does not portray internal collapse—as nationalist equations of homosexual and communist 'threats' would predict—but instead produces […] a 'Blessed' poet who 'builds Heaven in Darkness'" (782). Nonetheless, this blessed poet wails, "I am unmarried, I'm hymnless, I'm Heavenless" ("Kaddish" 212), and confesses his homosexuality as an overwhelming burden: "a mortal avalanche, whole mountains of homosexuality, Matterhorns of cock, Grand Canyons of asshole—weight on my melancholy head"("Kaddish" 214). In "Confessing the Body," Gregory asks whether confessional poetry "disclose[s] secrets in order to repent of them, thus reinforcing the initial negative judgement that kept them secret," or "to decathect that judgement" (35). While Allen's confession of homosexuality exudes exhilaration and depression, not guilt—Ginsberg critic Anne Hartman is surely right that "in the context of [the 1950s] public rituals of confession and repentance engendered by McCarthyism, […] poetic confession would carry a very different set of implications for a gay poet" (47)—it is pertinent to question his confession of Naomi. Does he expose Naomi in order to applaud or condemn her maternal transgressions? According to the logic of the Cold War "urge to unveil, [which] produces greater containment" (Trigilio 794), Allen's unveiling of Naomi veils his desire to contain her, unable as she is "to be contained within the 1950's [sic] domestic ideal of womanhood" (Macfarlane 44). "Ginsberg has become such a public issue that it's difficult now to read him naturally; you ask yourself after every line, am I for him or against him. And by and large that's the criticism he has gotten—votes on a public issue. (I see this has been one of those reviews.)" (Shapiro 90). Harvey Shapiro's review of Kaddish and Other Poems (1961) in which "Kaddish" first appeared illuminates the polarising effect of Ginsberg's celebrity on interpretations of his poetry. While sympathetic readings and romantic portrayals are themselves reactions to the "hostility to Ginsberg" that prevails (Perloff 223), often they do not sprout the intellectual vigour and fresh perspectives that a hermeneutic of suspicion has the capacity to sow. Yet it is difficult to read confessional texts such as "Kaddish" suspiciously; they appear to expose themselves without need of a suspicious reader. Readers of "Kaddish" such as Breslin are seduced into sympathetic biographical-psychoanalytical interpretations due to the poem's purported confession of Ginsberg's autobiography. As John Osborne argues, "the canon of Beat literature has been falsely founded on biographical rather than literary criteria" (4). The result is that "we are for the immediate future obliged to adopt adversarial reading strategies if we are to avoid entrenching an already stale orthodoxy" (Osborne 4). Macfarlane obliges in her thesis; she succeeds in reading "Kaddish" suspiciously by resisting its self-inscribed psychoanalysis to expose the gender politics of Allen's exposés. While Allen's confession of his homosexuality suggests that "Kaddish" subverts a heterosexist model of masculinity, a suspicious reading of his exposure of Naomi's maternal transgressions suggests that the poem contributes to momism and perpetuates a sexist model of femininity. Even so, a suspicious reading of a text such as "Kaddish" "contains a tacit tribute to its object, an admission that it contains more than meets the eye" (Felski 230). Ginsberg's own prophetic words bespeak as much:The worst I fear, considering the shallowness of opinion, is that some of the poetry and prose may be taken too familiarly, […] and be given the same shallow treatment, this time sympathetic, as, until recently, they were given shallow unsympathy. That would be the very we of fame. (Ginsberg, Deliberate 252)ReferencesBarry, Peter. Beginning Theory: An Introduction to Literary and Cultural Theory. 2nd ed. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2002. Breslin, James. "The Origins of 'Howl' and 'Kaddish.'" On the Poetry of Allen Ginsberg. Ed. Lewis Hyde. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1984. 401–33.Edelman, Lee. "Tearooms and Sympathy, or, The Epistemology of the Water Closet." The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader. Ed. Henry Abelove, Michèle Aina Barale, and David M. Halperin. New York: Routledge, 1993. 553–74.Felski, Rita. "Suspicious Minds." Poetics Today 32.2 (2011): 215–34. Ginsberg, Allen. Deliberate Prose: Selected Essays 1952-1995. Ed. Bill Morgan. London: Penguin, 2000.---. "Kaddish." Collected Poems 1947–1980. New York: Harper and Row, 1984. 209–27. ---. Spontaneous Mind: Selected Interviews 1958–1996. Ed. David Carter. New York: Harper Collins, 2001. Grace, Nancy M. "Seeking the Spirit of Beat: The Call for Interdisciplinary Scholarship." Rev. of Kerouac, the Word and the Way: Prose Artist as Spiritual Quester, by Ben Giamo, and The Bop Apocalypse: The Religious Visions of Kerouac, Ginsberg, and Burroughs, by John Lardas. Contemporary Literature 43.4 (2002): 811–21.Gregory, Elizabeth. "Confessing the Body: Plath, Sexton, Berryman, Lowell, Ginsberg and the Gendered Poetics of the 'Real.'" Modern Confessional Writing: New Critical Essays. Ed. Jo Gill. London: Routledge, 2006. 22–49. Hartman, Anne. "Confessional Counterpublics in Frank O'Hara and Allen Ginsberg." Journal of Modern Literature 28.4 (2005): 40–56. Howl. Dir. Rob Epstein and Jeffrey Friedman. Perf. James Franco. Oscilloscope Pictures, 2010.Macfarlane, Sarah. "Masculinity and the Politics of Gender Construction in Allen Ginsberg." MA thesis. Brown U, 1999.Nicol, Bran. "Reading Paranoia: Paranoia, Epistemophilia and the Postmodern Crisis of Interpretation." Literature and Psychology 45.1/2 (1999): 44–62.Osborne, John. "The Beats." A Companion to Twentieth Century Poetry. Blackwell Reference Online. Ed. Neil Roberts. 2003. 16 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.blackwellreference.com/subscriber/uid=1205/tocnode?id=g9781405113618_chunk_g978140511361815&authstatuscode=202›.Perloff, Marjorie. "A Lion in Our Living Room: Reading Allen Ginsberg in the Eighties." Poetic License: Essays on Modernist and Postmodernist Lyric. Evanston: Northwestern UP, 1990. 199–230.Ricoeur, Paul. Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation. Trans. Denis Savage. New Haven: Yale UP, 1970. Shapiro, Harvey. "Exalted Lament." Rev. of Kaddish and Other Poems 1958-1960, by Allen Ginsberg. On the Poetry of Allen Ginsberg. Ed. Lewis Hyde. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1984. 86–91. Shreiber, Maeera Y. "'You Still Haven't Finished with Your Mother': The Gendered Poetics of Charles Reznikoff and Allen Ginsberg." Singing in a Strange Land: A Jewish American Poetics. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2007. 46–97.Trigilio, Tony. "'Strange Prophecies Anew': Rethinking the Politics of Matter and Spirit in Ginsberg's Kaddish." American Literature 71.4 (1999): 773–95.

Este artigo é um recorte de uma dissertação em andamento e tem como objetivo principal verificar em que medida a leitura e atividades relacionadas à estória Goldilocks and the three bears,1 pode contribuir para a emergência de momentos de criticidade em uma aula de Língua Inglesa para crianças. Para tal, nos baseamos nas leituras de autores relevantes na área, como Monte Mór (2013), Rojo (2005), Jordão (2013), Menezes de Souza (2011), entre outros. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa interpretativa com característica etnográfica que se deu em uma turma de 22 alunos do 3º ano do Ensino Fundamental de uma escola pública de Terenos – MS. A coleta dos dados foi feita por meio de diário escrito pela professora e pesquisadora deste estudo; produções dos alunos; bem como, gravações de áudio.

Stylistics can be defined as analysing literary texts by employing some linguistic tools. Thus, there is a powerful relationship between stylistics and literary criticism and combining them while doing literary analysis helps literary critics to be more aware of the process of the interpretating literary texts. In this context, this study sets out to examine two significant works in 20th-century English literature within the framework of concepts and theories introduced in the studies of stylistics. The study first analyses Ambulances (1961) by Philip Larkin, a prominent author in post-war England and a nationally favourite poet. While doing so, it focuses on Larkin’s repeating themes and subjects, involving pessimism, death, and fatalism. Then, the present study examines Harold Pinter's Victoria Station (1982). An English playwright and eminent British dramatist who has won many awards, Pinter has written a lot of plays and dramatic sketches. In his plays, one can mostly see complex ambiguities, elegiac mysteries, and comic uncertainties. Therefore, this study is centred on Pinter's authorial and textual styles in Victoria Station by often referring to his explicitly political critiques. In both cases, the study employs Mick Short's stylistics toolkit, a methodology provided as an online course at Lancaster University (2005).