Journal articles on the topic '1926-1984 Political and social views'

The analysis and evaluation of the 17 December 1926 coup d’état in Lithuanian historical scholarship to a large extent remain a relevant and controversial problem. The authoritarian regime formed after the coup has received various, yet not always well-grounded, descriptions and evaluations in historical writings. The aim of this article is (without attempting to answer at once all the questions pertaining to this issue) to tackle this problem from a different angle and as if from a distance, namely to analyse the political-diplomatic reaction to the coup d’état in Lithuania of the parties, which were not directly interested (foreign states). On the one hand, the majority of democratic governments in Europe and the US administration had at least reserved and unopposed, if not favourable, view of the events of the 17 December 1926 in Lithuania. On the other hand, public, labour professional organisations and a part of the media in a number of foreign democracies were critical about the unconstitutional change of the government in Lithuania and the dictatorial domestic policy of the government formed on authoritarian grounds. Thirdly, in the eyes of liberal and democratic citizens or societies of the Western Europe the 1926 coup impaired the international prestige of Lithuania since it prompted doubts over the democratic traditions of the young state, the maturity of its social and political culture as well as prospects of maintaining its statehood.

It is ironic that it should have been the leader of the church with the greatest proportion of working-class members who took up the most hostile stance to the General Strike of 1926. While Francis Bourne (1862–1935), Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, won the plaudits of the Establishment for his unambiguous denunciation of the strike, that cautious septuagenarian Randall Davidson, Archbishop of Canterbury, found himself cast in the unlikely role of the workers’ friend after his illstarred attempt to conciliate the two sides. Sheridan Gilley has highlighted another contrast: while in 1926 Bourne found himself sharply opposed to labour, in a 1918 pastoral letter he had been insistent that the Church should reach an accommodation with the ‘modern labour unrest’. While Gilley implies that his General Strike condemnation was uncharacteristic, Buchanan suggests that this was closer to expressing his ‘real political views’ than his 1918 statement. This article aims to provide a closer examination of the shift in Bourne’s attitude, and to consider the broader episcopal response to social and political questions during these fraught years.

The literary expression of the socio-political views of the English writer Edith Nesbit (1958-1926) in the children’s adventure novel “The Railway Children “ (1906) is studied. Nesbit was an active member of the social democratic Fabian society, and her political activities could not but be reflected in her work. Being, on the one hand, the author of children’s literature, and on the other hand, representing the “new woman”, the writer used the images of children to realize the idea of a possible break with traditional gender and social roles. At the same time, the author notes the compromise position of the author in relation to the women’s issue. The artistic implication is analyzed: the poetics of the name, costume and space.

AbstractThis essay adopts an international relations perspective in understanding Southeast Asia as a region and stresses regionalism as the chief agent in regional construction. It argues that the modern, post-Second World War concept of Southeast Asia resulted from a deliberate effort by a group of governments in the region to develop a regional identity based on political and strategic considerations. Regionalism and regional identity were seen by these governments as an important way of furthering nationalism and national interests. This, in effect represented a shift from the colonial, orientalist and geopolitical views of Southeast Asia's regionness to a more indigenous and essential political idea of Southeast Asia emerging out of the evolution of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). "Nations come and go - why shouldn't regions?" Don Emmerson (Emmerson, 1984:20)

The paper focuses on the analyses of the socio-political concepts presented in the Catholic social weekly “Ład” in the years 1981–1984. In the period under question, the periodical was a media platform which enabled the expression of views by lay Catholics who perceived opportunities for increasing their socio-political activity in the political reality of Poland at that time. The model of community proposed by them, as well as the way of defining the common good, were for the most part consistent with the concepts of the social teaching of the Catholic Church and conformed to the guidelines of the hierarchs of the Catholic Church in Poland – especially Primate Stefan Wyszyński. The calls to action for the common good were combined with the idea of reconciliation, dialogue, and cooperation. Accordingly, the national community was thus considered the most important community of all. It should be emphasized that these concepts were supposed to enhance the power and importance of this particualt community of Catholics in public life and to contribute to establishing their position as the most important representative of the Catholics on the political scene of the period.

The 1984 election emphasized the public role of religion in both parties; much uneasiness about the proper place of religion in politics was revealed. The United States was originally envisioned by some religious groups as a voluntary Christian commonwealth. Although that dream is less persuasive today, religion supplies a continuing definition and critique of the public good. Growing religious diversity produces conflicting views, necessitating rethinking by mainline Protestants. A major difference is between those who nourish nationalism and an individualistic religion and those with a world-encompassing vision and a communal faith. Religion provides sustaining hope and a commitment to wholeness, and it contributes politically, often through coalitions. The role of the religious convictions of politicians was heatedly debated with modest resolution in the 1984 campaign. American democratic ideals are being tested, and religion, in dialogue with science, is challenged to help shape the nation's future.

Music elicits emotions and acts as a cultural definer of class values, political beliefs, and economic life. Students are intrinsically drawn to and possess an innate ability for interpreting music. Music, moreover, activates learning in ways other content sources cannot; yet, it is utilized infrequently in social studies classrooms as a historical inquiry tool. Harnessing its emotive and seductive power, music as a primary source naturally scaffolds understanding of the zeitgeist through sensory engagement and lyrical analyses. Focusing on Born in the U.S.A. (Springsteen, 1984), authors demonstrate how examining music can impart views often absent from mass media portrayal of historical events and eras. A music listening and analysis tool is employed as a heuristic for critically interpreting music to explore the past. The historical thinking processes presented offer an inquiry-oriented curricular model for integrating music and social studies.

For anyone who studies modern Chinese political thought, the revival of interest in federalism is one of the most striking features of the current scene. It has been particularly visible abroad in the wake of the Tiananmen massacre, and its most conspicuous spokesman has been the former director of the Institute of Political Science of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Yan Jiaqi. In remarks delivered to the First Congress of Chinese Students and Scholars in the United States, held in Chicago in July 1989, Yan proposed a Chinese “federation” (lianbang guojia) having a democratic system as the best hope both for reforming China's internal politics and ultimately for resolving the problems of Hong Hong, Taiwan and Tibet. He made similar remarks in other speeches in America and at the founding meeting of the Federation for Chinese Democracy, of which he was elected president, held in Paris in September 1989. Some other mainland Chinese intellectuals, among them Ge Yang, former editor-in-chief of Xin guancha, have supported such views, as have members of the China Spring movement. A recent official denunciation of such views is testimony to their growing influence.These are surprising developments. Federalist programmes for China have long been seen as little more than relics of an era which ended in the 1920s. As the Cihai entry for liansheng zizhi (one of the phrases for the idea in Chinese) puts it, while certain warlord politicians of the 1920s believed that federalism was the appropriate political system for China, “after the Guangdong revolutionary government launched the Northern Expedition in 1926, no one advocated federalism again.”

Children’s drawings hold a contested place in archives of war. Often portrayed as unfiltered records of psychological impact on innocent young civilians, the same drawings are also sophisticated testimonies of agency. With child-artists creating their work within classrooms, families, and communities, this article offers an alternative reading of their historical significance. Children’s art offers not simply a firsthand view of conflict but also a critical view onto the alliances and ideologies of the adults who guided their creation. Before and after the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), after which Spain entered into several decades of National-Catholic dictatorship, psychologists and teachers used children’s drawings to further educational projects toward both progressive and conservative ends. Across key nodes of conflict and postwar quietude, I ask how advocacy of children’s art allowed teachers to practice what I call a form of pedagogical postmemory. Centering on Francoist-era education and the artists who created new openings for individual expression, the essay focuses on two educators, namely the artist Ángel Ferrant (1890–1961) and the novelist Josefina Aldecoa (1926–2011). Contrasting their paired views of children’s art as a liberating, imaginative activity with that of the Francoist pedagogue Josefina Álvarez de Cánovas (1898–?), this study exposes how the same fundamental rhetoric of imagination and freedom could result in vastly different archives of children’s drawings under dictatorship. Understanding children’s art as bound up in wider social and political processes, it posits the seemingly neutral sphere of postwar art education as a key vehicle for pedagogical memory and historical recovery.

AbstractIt is no coincidence that IAU and Saha’s ionization formula are about the same age. Both events are related to World War 1 and connected with Germany though in entirely different ways.Once sufficiently large number of stellar spectra had been obtained and empirically classified according to the Harvard scheme, it was inevitable that theoretical explanation would be forthcoming. The only surprise was that the breakthrough came from the far-off Calcutta which was nowhere on the world research map.History chose the hour; the hour produced an unlikely hero: Meghnad Saha. Calcutta University had just become a research centre under Indian auspices. By a fortuitous combination of circumstances immediately after the war, the latest German language physics publications arrived in Calcutta as a personal library. While Europe needed time to resume scientific exchanges and activity, India seized the opportunity and produced two outstanding pieces of theoretical work: Saha’s ionization formula (1920), and Bose statistics (1926). It is to the credit of The Royal Society that it elected Saha as a member (1927) in spite of the government’s objections arising from Saha’s anti-British stance. Saha however was unable to carry out further observational and experimental work suggested by the theory.Saha was a multi-faceted personality with strong views on political ideology, the role of science in a new nation and other topics. India’s charismatic Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, during 1947-1964 had a soft corner for sophisticated, suave, upper-crust people. Impatient and angry, confrontational rather than persuasive, Saha did not qualify.Saha is justly regarded as one of the founders of theoretical astrophysics. Examination of his life and work is a rewarding exercise from various points of view: development of modern astronomy; Western science and the non-West; and political and social activism of a leading scientist and educator.

The prototype of the central character in Inga Ābele’s (1972) award winning novel “Klūgu mūks” (Wicker Monk, 2014) is Francis Trasuns (1864–1926), a well-known Latgalian patriot, catholic priest, politician, cultural and social figure and writer. The novel is set at the end of 19th century and early 20th century, during the time of the National Awakening. F. Trasuns was one of the most significant personalities in the history of the first Latgalian awakening in St Petersburg. He contributed greatly to the creation and promotion of Latgalian self-confidence, spiritual and cultural development and political growth. He was the first Latgalian ever to be elected to the national parliament – State Duma of the Russian Empire. The private life of F. Trasuns was dramatic, difficult and marked by conflicts. On September 20, 1925, he was officially excommunicated – banished from the Catholic Church. He was accused of arrogance, defiance of his religious authorities, wearing civilian clothes and concubinage. The myth about F. Trasuns enjoying undivided social support in the last years of his life emerged soon after his death, when he became a symbol of struggle against ignorance and blind devotion to clerical dogmas. The educational and literary heritage of F. Trasuns (sketches, literary portraits, poems, a play, translations and feuilletons) should be understood as commentaries to his views, convictions and activities. The cultural philosophy of Richard Rorty and Euclid’s five geometrical axioms were used in the analysis of the novel to prove the symmetry of relationship between men and women characters. The symmetry of characters is revealed through the metaphor of wicker weaving (for example, a basket) that expresses many meanings including a parallel, cross, circle etc. Wicker weaving in the novel symbolises the product of a natural material and human work – interaction of nature and culture – the main condition for the existence of a small nation.

Conflict is an integral part of human relationships. As defined by The University English Dictionary conflict denotes a struggle, a clashing of views or statements, a meeting in opposition or antagonism. The position taken in the present study is that a conflict consists of an opposition between two individuals “when one person does something to which a second person objects” (Hay, 1984, p.2). This particular outlook is consistent with that adopted by Kagan, Knight & Martinez-Romero (1982) in their study of children's conflict resolution styles.Paradoxically, while conflict may be an important aspect of human relations, conflict as evidenced in children's relations has received scant attention. Research has identified possible sex differences in children's conflict with boys engaging in more direct conflict than girls (Miller, Danaher & Forbes, 1986; Shantz, 1986). Boys do appear to use different conflict resolution strategies (namely more threats and physical force as opposed to negotiation) than girls (Miller et al, 1981). Some evidence also exists that there are developmental changes in children's conflict resolution strategies such that from 5 to 9 years there is an increasing use of a reconciliation conflict resolution style (Aboud, 1981).

This thoroughly researched history of sugar in Qing China (1644–1911) was published at a fortuitous time. After nearly two decades of “China-centered” history, scholars are again situating China within a global context. In the early 1980s, when Sucheta Mazumdar began her research, many scholars were turning away from questions relating to China's contact with the outside world in order to concentrate on developments within China. Reacting against an established body of scholarship that portrayed late imperial China as technologically stagnant, isolated, and impervious to change, historians set out to document the myriad social, political, and economic transformations underway in China prior to the “Western impact” (Paul Cohen. Discovering History in China. New York: Columbia University Press, 1984). The new comparativists build upon these insights. With a wealth of local and regional histories to draw upon, they are now returning to the old question of why China failed to experience its own self-induced industrial revolution (See, for example, the recent exchange of views in the Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 2 [May 2002]: 501–662). Published on the upstroke of this reinvigorated debate, this book combines “China-centered” and comparative approaches to analyze why China, “universally acknowledged to be one of the most developed economies up through the mid-eighteenth century, paused in this development in the nineteenth” (p. 10).

The meaning of individualism has shifted over the decades in Canada. Canada was founded as a bilingual country, where individuals were supposedly strongly aligned with the principal and views of their groups and religions. Merriam Webster dictionary defines it as “A theory maintaining the political and economic independence of the individuals and stressing individual initiative action and interests also: conduct on paretic guided by such a theory.” According to Laurence, “To had to deprive them, but if a person does not look after herself in this world. No one else is likely to” (The Stone Angel, 173). Women were not permitted much individualism of any kind. Their economic and social roles were preset. They were not to express their views. They could not wish marriage of her own choice. They had no right regarding children. They were considered less in the matter of employment and payment. They were not open sexually. Indigenous Canadians were certainly not permitted much individualism. They were forced into reserves or back into the bush. They are not capable of being an individual in the way a male like Britishers, or French Canadians are. One of Canadian’s most accomplished writers, Margaret Laurence (1926-87) received many awards, including Canada’s prestigious Governor General’s Literary Award for The Diviners and A Jest of God. The Diviners (1974) was Laurence’s final novel and is considered one of the Classics in Canadian Literature. In her novel, she searches herself when she stands because this last novel is considered her autobiography. She goes through an identity crisis in her life. She explores her routes and identity where she stands. Many of the incidents in her life, her agony, and curiosity to know her routes are well expressed in this novel. In The Diviners, the story of writer, Morag Gunn is true in its spirit to Laurence’s own maturing, is the climate work of the Manawaka cycle. A complex and profound novel, it brings the Scottish pioneers and the metis outcasts of Manawaka together and climates is the joining of the past and present and the affirming of the future person in the person of Pique, the daughter of Morag and Jules Tonnere.

The recent influx to the United States of a new large wave of immigrants from Hispanic America and Asia has reinvigorated immigration and ethnic studies, including those devoted to the analysis of the origins and process of international migrations. The accumulation of research in this field in the last fifteen years has brought about a shift in the theoretical paradigm designed to interpret these movements. The classical approach explains the mass flow into North America of immigrants (from Southern and Eastern Europe, in the period 1880 to 1914), as an international migration interpreted in terms of push and pull forces. Demographic and economic conditions prompted individuals to move from places with a surplus of population, little capital, and underemployment, to areas where labor was scarce and wages were higher (Jerome, 1926; Thomas, 1973; Piore, 1979; Gould, 1979). This interpretation views individual decisions and actions as the outcome of a rational economic calculation of the costs and benefits of migration. Recent studies of international population movements have reconceptualized this problem, recasting the unit(s) of analysis from separate nation-states, linked by one-way transfer of migrants between two unequally developed economies, to a comprehensive economic system composed of a dominant core and a dependent periphery— a world system that forms a complex network of supranational exchanges of technology, capital, and labor (Castells, 1975; Cardoso and Faletto, 1979; Kritz, 1983; Sassen-Koob, 1980; Portes, 1978; Portes and Walton, 1981; Wood, 1982). In this conceptualization, the development of the core and the underdevelopment of the peripheral societies are seen not as two distinct phenomena, but as two aspects of the same process—the expanding capitalist world system, explained in terms of each other. Generated by the economic imbalances and social dislocations resulting from the incorporation of the peripheries into the orbit of the core, international labor migrations between the developing and industrialized regions are viewed as part of a global circulation of resources within a single system of world economy. This interpretation shifts the central emphasis from the individual (and his/her decisions) to the broad structural determinants of human migrations within a global economic system.

The publication of Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s play Der Müll, die Stadt und der Tod (Garbage, the City, and Death; 1976) constitutes one of the major scandals in German cultural history. The play was accused of being anti-Semitic, because one of its key characters, a real estate speculator, was merely called the Rich Jew. Furthermore, some (negative) dramatis personae in the play openly express anti-Semitic views. When asked to respond, Fassbinder retorted that philo-Semites (in the West Germany of the time) are in fact anti-Semites, because they refuse to see how the victims of oppression can at times assume the roles and positions assigned to them by pernicious social structures. Fassbinder’s vilification on the part of the right-wing press prevented the play’s staging; subsequently, in 1984 and 1985–86 two Frankfurt productions were banned due to the reaction on the part of the local Jewish community. A similar controversy sparked off by the film adaptation of the play Shadow of Angels by Daniel Schmid. During the film’s screening at the Cannes Film Festival the Israeli delegation walked out, while there was also rumor of censorship in France. Gilles Deleuze wrote an article for Le Monde titled “The Rich Jew” defending the film and the director. Deleuze’s article triggered a furious reaction from Shoah (1985) director, Claude Lanzmann, who responded in Le Monde and attacked the cultural snobbery and “endemic terrorism” of the left-wing cinephile community. Lanzmann saw the film as wholly anti-Semitic and suggested that it identifies the Jew—all Jews—with money. While the author acknowledges the complexity of the subject, he revisits the debate and the film to unpack its ethical/aesthetic intricacy and propose a pathway that can potentially enable us to think of ways that political incorrectness can function as a means of exposing the persistence of historical and ethical questions that are ostentatiously resolved. He does this by drawing on Alain Badiou’s idea of militant ethics and Jacques Rancière’s redefinition of critical art as one that produces dissensus.

*Full article is in FrenchFrench abstract: En dépit de l’ostracisme de Durkheim à leur égard, les représentants de la science sociale issue de Le Play n’ont pas ignoré son oeuvre et l’ont commentée – même si laconiquement – dans leurs périodiques, d’une part, La Réforme sociale, d’autre part, La Science sociale et ses dérivés. Les leplaysiens restés dans l’orthodoxie du maître nourrissent – de la Division du travail social aux Fondements élémentaires de la vie religieuse – les mêmes griefs à l’encontre de Durkheim. Volontiers polémiques, ils refusent sa conception du fait social qui, « supérieur et antérieur à l’individu … s’impose à lui avec une force coercitive prépondérante » (Clément, 1915). Leurs critiques perdent cependant de leur virulence après la mort de Durkheim, au fur et à mesure que la sociologie s’avère une science durable dont le projet devient irréfutable. Du côté des partisans de la science sociale renouvelée par Henri de Tourville, l’appréciation de Durkheim est différente. Plus tardive, elle porte sur l’objet de la sociologie et sur la méthode prônée par l’auteur des Règles. Aux yeux des tourvilliens, celui-ci n’emprunte pas, à tort, la « voie royale » de la science sociale : l’enquête par observation directe, et néglige l’outil de coordination des faits sociaux qu’est la nomenclature mise au point par Tourville. Dès lors, les résultats auxquels aboutit Durkheim, par exemple dans les Fondements, sont sujets à caution (Descamps, 1912). La critique des tourvilliens est d’autant plus vive qu’elle se nourrit d’un dépit : Durkheim ne fait aucun cas de leurs travaux (Périer, 1913). Le débat qu’ils auraient souhaité engager n’aura lieu que post mortem, grâce à Bouglé et ses élèves du Centre de documentation sociale (Aron, Polin) qui joueront le jeu, dans les années trente, de la confrontation entre sociologie et science sociale.English abstract: Despite the ostracism he maintained towards them, Le Play’s social science continuers did not ignore Durkheim’s work and commented on it – even if laconically – in their journals. The LePlayists loyal to the master’s orthodoxy raised the same grievances against Durkheim throughout his academic life. They refused to accept his conception of the social fact as superior and prior to the individual, imposing itself on him with a coercive force. Their criticisms, however, were less virulent after Durkheim’s death, as sociology proved a sustainable science whose project had become irrefutable. With the dissident LePlayists, the view is different. Emerging later, it dealt with the object of sociology and the method advocated by the author of the Règles. From the Tourvillians’ point of view, Durkheim’s sociology does not adopt the best path for social science (investigation by direct observation), and neglects its process of coordination of social facts (the nomenclature developed by Tourville). Consequently, Durkheim’s results are questionable. The debate the Tourvillians wanted to have with Durkheim took place post mortem, thanks to Bouglé and his students from the Centre de documentation sociale, and their engagement, in the 1930s, with Durkheimian sociology and social science.

Latin America and the Caribbean countries of a total of 33 countries spread over the southern longitude are great example of diversity. These countries are witness to many and many types of experience socially, economically and politically. Politically, these countries have gained many experiences from the historical point of view. It also includes the existence of violent and non-violent fight for political democracy. In some countries a fight also fought for social and economic justice in democracies. In the present article, the study of non-violent fighting in the mass movement in Latin America has been done. Apart from this, a special study has been done on the technology of landless workers’ movement of Brazil’s 1984, important in Latin American countries.in this article, this important and comprehensive mass movement has been studied from the perspective of Gandhi’s technic of movement.

This article presents an analysis of the support given to Great War invalids in Lithuania: how did veterans of the Imperial Russian army, injured during the First World War, act in order to procure social security (pensions), and how did Lithuanian legalislation change in reaction to their justified expectations. The social welfare situation of Great War invalids who became citizens of the Republic of Lithuania changed in three different stages: a) the period up to 1926; b) 1926 to 1929; and c) following the passing of a separate law on pensions for former Imperial Russian army war invalids in 1930. It was found that support for these First World War invalids in Lithuania was constantly compared to compensation for those who were injured in the Wars of Independence (1918–1920). The size of pensions for these two groups was never equal. Regardless of the fact that attempts were made to make the two types of pensions equal in 1925–1926, barely six months later, Great War invalids started receiving smaller pensions, until they were eventually suspended altogether before a separate law came into effect in 1930. In the article, the reasons for this are explained as a lack of money and political will, and the view of part of society that those injured in the First World War were ‘not fighting for Lithuania’.

This paper introduces some significant developments in the history of the Portuguese accounting profession. It does so with a view to providing a facilitative foundation of knowledge upon which further analysis and critique can be undertaken. Five developmental periods since 1755 are identified: (i) Corporatist Absolute Monarchy (1755–1820) (ii) Liberal Monarchy (1820–1890) (iii) Waning Liberalism and Rising Corporatism (1891–1926) (iv) Corporatist Dictatorship (1926–1974) and (v) Emerging Liberal Democracy and Neocorporatism (1974 until the present). The accounting profession's chequered history is analysed through episodes of regulation and deregulation. These episodes are associated with Portugal's pervading social, economic and political context and are dichotomised broadly as either “corporatist” or “liberal”. Relationships between episodes of regulation and periods of “corporatism” are highlighted, together with associations between episodes of de-regulation and periods of “liberalism”. A better understanding emerges of factors instrumental in the emergence of a well respected and rapidly growing accounting profession in Portugal.

Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy. Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India

Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy. Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India

Background: This article is the first to explore the emergence and evolution of social marketing as a professional practice in Aotearoa New Zealand [1] (NZ). Focus of the Article: The article identifies key political factors enabling the emergence, and causing the decline, of social marketing in NZ. Research Question: What are the factors that practitioners of social marketing identify as most influential on its development in NZ? Importance to the Social Marketing Field: The article makes a unique contribution to the growing literature on the history of social marketing in different jurisdictions by providing the first account of how social marketing evolved in NZ and by identifying the crucial role of political factors. Methods: The research is based on appreciative inquiry-based interviews with 20 experienced social marketers and a review of key documents. Because the field in NZ is small, it was possible to interview almost all of the leading figures. Results: This study constructs a timeline of significant political impacts on social marketing in NZ and identifies neoliberal approaches as key. Initially, neoliberalism enabled the growth of social marketing due to its emphasis on individual responsibility for health. Later, a neoliberal agenda helped disestablish the discipline due to social marketing shifting focus from downstream to upstream economic, political and social factors. Recommendations for Research or Practice: This research concludes that to sustain the legitimacy of their field, social marketers need to produce ongoing evidence-based communication of their effectiveness and responsibility and be less dependent on government funding. It also suggests the continuing enlargement of specifically situated studies of the different evolutions of social marketing in different places to better map commonalities and contrasts. Limitations: The study is limited to social marketing in NZ and would be strengthened by comparative studies of social marketing within other cultures and political systems during particular historical periods. While mainly exploring NZ social marketers’ experience from their own point of view, it could be broadened to include other perspectives.

This article provides the first systematic historical study of volunteer strike-breaking across a relatively broad time frame, focusing specifically on the period between 1911 and 1926. These years bore witness to the largest industrial conflict in British history, encompassing the Great Labour Unrest of 1911-14, the post-war strike wave of 1919-23, and the General Strike of 1926. The sheer size and scale of these strikes, which involved millions of workers and engulfed entire cities, towns, and communities, instigated a shift away from traditional strikebreaking agencies and actors and towards civilian volunteers. This article challenges prevailing interpretations of the General Strike, interwar political culture, and the implications of voluntary activism in early twentieth-century Britain. It sheds light on the hitherto unexplored role of volunteers during the Great Labour Unrest and highlights how this activity often provoked considerable violence on the part of strikers. Contrary to dominant interpretations centred on the General Strike, which often highlight the good spirits of the volunteers, this article pays more attention to the hostility, arrogance, and sense of social hierarchy that underpinned the volunteer world view.

ABSTRACT In this paper, we aim to shed light on the theoretical-analytical contributions obtained from the articulation of the dialogical perspective of language (BAKHTIN, 2000) and its performative view (BUTLER, 2003; BAUMAN; BRIGGS, 2008). The investigation is informed by a socioconstructionist epistemology of discourse and social identities (MOITA LOPES; 2006), and guided by the applied studies of language in situated contexts (RAMPTON, 2006) with a view to establishing a dialogue between local interaction and translocal/transhistorical dimensions. We begin by problematising the constructs of language, subject, reality and knowledge, key to any politically engaged research aimed at inventing alternatives for issues of contemporary life. We then present an analysis of the corporeal-discursive identitary performance of a teacher giving her demonstration class in a public selection as a way of illustrating our theoretical framework.

This article tries to track genealogy of the Islamic revolutionary paradigm of thought in NU and its various possibilities have arisen. Based on the library studies using the analytical discourse approach, the result revealed that the genealogy of the Islamic paradigm of NU was born due to the internal and external dialectics bridged by multi-epistemology. Based on the 'political reconciliation' event which is called 'returning to khittah 1926' in Situbondo in 1984, NU experienced a shift orientation, not only in the political sphere but also paradigmatically. Hereby, there was social-intellectual mobility marked by the proliferation of social and intellectual discourse among NU’s young generation. The dominance of this activity leading to revolutionary movement in the field of NU’s Islamic paradigm: Aswaja's theology which was originally understood as a doctrine became a thinking methodology (manhaj alfikr); expansion of the legal institution's methodology, from qauly to manhajy; and shifting political struggle, from structural political arena to cultural politics. This discourse became massive among Nu’s young generation caused by the support of Abdurrahman Wahid, the ideal figure known as a locomotive of the NU cultural movement.

The philosophy of nature is at least as old as the presocratics, but has undergone comparative neglect in philosophical circles this century until recently, at least in English-speaking lands. The philosophy of science concentrates on scientific concepts and methods and the interpretation of scientific theories, rather than on the concept of nature itself, while, with significant exceptions (e.g., Hepburn, 1984), aesthetics focuses on the experience of art rather than on that of nature. Meanwhile moral, political and social philosophy has focused on the social environment, but the natural environment has often been lost to view. Indeed it has been argued, with some cogency, that mainstream Western metaphysics, epistemology and ethics have historically been inhospitable to conservation, to environmentalism and to their values (see Hargrove, 1989; Attfield, 1994a).

Since World WarⅡ, many social scientists in the West have proposed numerous theories to examine various issues of national development(Adelman and Morris, 1973; Amsden, 1984; Evans, Rueschemeyer and Skocpol, 1984; Higgott and Robinson, 1985; Zysman, 1983). These theories differ a great deal over the exact role which political factor plays in the process of economic development and industrialization. Pluralist theories, for example, argue that government plays no major role. These theorists assume that society as a whole is organized by interdependent institutional elements, and politics by competitive interest groups which vie for each other for maximizing their own interests. According to them, the polity and the economy are relatively autonomous so that the role of government is not significant in economic change. However, since they are interdependent in nature, certain associations are expected. On the other hand, the statists, particularly those with marxist perspectives, view that politics is essentially a matter of class politics where a hegemonic class rules over the state which in turn facilitates economic change to the benefit of the hegemonic class.

This article explores manifestations of class from a combined aesthetical and political point of view, focusing on a selection of Swedish children’s picture books from 2009 to 2018, in which class differences are made prominent. In this sense, they can be regarded as radical. This study examines how political aspects are intertwined with literary, visual, and multimodal means. The main purpose is to examine how the political and aesthetical merge in the manifestations of class. The publishing of radical picture books during the 2000s and 2010s coincided with a rise of norm-criti-cal discourse, including a strong emphasis on diversity rather than on social transformation. The books, I argue, do not depict radical change on a collective level, but uses various aesthetic means in their manifestations of class and inequality. Theoretically, the anal-ysis mainly draws on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of capital (1984), and Beverley Skeggs’s (1997) reasoning on class by adding the con-cept of respectability, as well as picturebook theory, and scholarly writing on radical picturebooks.

Several recent reconstructions of the social and economic development of non-Mediterranean Gaul afterc. 200 BC have argued for the development of complex societies, characterized by the appearance of centralized political entities with urban – or at least urbanizing – communities. The emergence of such ‘Archaic States’ is often considered as having been restricted to a broad zone running eastward from the Atlantic façade through the northern Massif Central to the Swiss plateau. Five certain such states are usually claimed: Bituriges cubi, Aedui, Arverni, Sequani, Helvetii; and three probable: Pictones, Lemovices and Lingones. The constitutents of this zone were originally recognized by Dr Daphne Nash (1976; 1978a; 1978b; 1981), and her view has since been adopted in Britain by Champion and his collaborators (1984), Bintliff (1984) and, most recently, Cunliffe (1988: figure 38). Essential to the formulation of this hypothesis was a wide-ranging consideration of three domains of protohistoric evidence on Gaul: literary, most conspicuously Julius Caesar’s deBello Gallico; numismatics; and the settlement record of the late La Tène and its more shadowy antecedents. Among more recent commentators, a primary interest in the ‘core–periphery’ relationship (Cunliffe 1988; Rowlands et al. 1987) which existed between the Mediterranean world and Central Gaul is manifest. In a minimal view, this interaction may be envisaged in terms of the consequences of long-distance trade and subsequent military conquest spurring socio-political change. The unspoken by-product of this perspective is that differential development within non-Mediterranean Gaul is simplistically presented in terms of distance-decay from the Mediterranean littoral, with little attention being paid to the effects of physiographic diversity across this landmass.

There is a lively debate about the relationship between a nation’s natural resource abundance and economic growth. Some view natural resource abundance as a curse, whereas others view it as a blessing. This study examines the economic, social, and political effects of resource abundance in an oil-rich country, Kuwait, using data from 1984 to 2014. This study analyzes the short- and long-run impacts of resource rents on per capita gross domestic product (GDP), productivity, human capital, and institutional quality. The study reveals through autoregressive distributed lag modeling and error correction modeling that resource rents increase per capita GDP merely in the short-run; however, resource rents deteriorate productivity, human capital, and institutional quality in both the short and the long-run. These results indicate that, for Kuwait, the overreliance on its natural resources has been detrimental over the long-run. The study suggests that there is a need to improve the quality of institutions and enhance the level of human capital to get economic sustainability and development over time.

The view that class occupied a central place in the lives of nineteenth-century English workers has recently come under increasing criticism within the fields of labour and social history. Joyce (1980), Stedman Jones (1982 and 1983), Calhoun (1982) and Glen (1984) are prominent examples of scholars who have proclaimed, albeit to varying degrees and with different points of emphasis, that at various times during the nineteenth century workers were far less motivated by class than claimed by Edward and Dorothy Thompson, Hobsbawm and likeminded historians. Criticisms of this latter group of historians are, of course, not new. Nevertheless it may be suggested that the recent criticisms of class do possess two distinguishing characteristics. Firstly, they have surely gathered a momentum and a degree of influence within labour and social history which the criticisms of the 1960's (especially the positivist-based critiques of Edward Thompson's view of class) failed to achieve. (This change is, in part, related to the defeats and retreats suffered by the labour movement under Thatcherism, and the current intellectual and political re-assessment of the historical strength of class-consciousness within the British working class.) Secondly, the criticisms of the 1980's issue from a much wider range of theoretical perspectives than was the case during the 1960's.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to investigate how phronesis manifests itself in moral judgment based on the experience of public managers in situations of ethical decisions in the area of emergency management (risk and disaster management). We conducted a literature review on phronesis as a virtue of “acting well.” As methodological procedures guided by a phenomenological epistemology and qualitative approach, an in-depth interview, non-participant observation, and document analysis were conducted. The discussion of data was organized into three sections: context and circumstances in the area of emergency management, experience and tacit knowledge of managers, and cognitive, affective, and reflexive composition of phronesis . Some elements of phronesis are perceptible and contribute to the ethical decision-making process in view of the possibilities of limiting moral judgment, such as the context and contingency circumstances of emergencies, the affective dimension such as empathy, the need for mediation between instrumental aspects and the will to act with compassion, counseling as a reflective element, and memory and learning from past experiences. The conclusion is that, when conditions for moral judgment are not favorable and/or there are limiting factors - such as excess of technical and/or bureaucratic issues, a context of insecurity, and a purpose of protecting human life -, phronesis may help to develop an enlightened knowledge for the individual exposed to reviews, education and clarification about the social, political, and organizational context to which she or he belongs.

A number of social scientists (see for example, Allen et al., 1986; Brown, 1984; Purcell, 1985; Purcell et al., 1986; Roberts et al., 1985) have drawn attention to the way in which patterns of working have changed radically in recent years suggesting that we need to rethink and reconceptualise with regard to work, employment and unemployment. This paper examines these issues in Sweden where recession in the early eighties and economic restructuring, similar to the experience in other Western countries, have affected individuals' relation to the labour market. It is our view that the effects of these developments (have) affect(ed) women and immigrants differently. It is furthermore our contention that welfare state policies related to the functioning of the labour market (inadvertently) play a role in the maintenance of inequality.

In this article I reflect on a particular Inuit use of the social networking site Facebook: the group called Inuit Hunting Stories of the Day. I focus on two main issues. First, I discuss the logic behind current technologies as conceptualized by Albert Borgmann (e.g., 1984), who states that rather than being neutral tools, modern devices foster a particular “taking-up” with the world that leads to disengagement from community and meaningful practices. Arguing against this view, I discuss how Inuit Hunting Stories of the Day is an example of how the internet and Facebook are appropriated and provide meaningful engagement. Second, I follow anthropologist Claudio Aporta’s (2013) notion of ecology of technology and argue that the relationship between technology and Inuit has to be understood within an ecological framework that encompasses the broader context of political, economic, and social change, which are intertwined with the use, appropriation, adoption, and adaptation of technology. Drawing from the ecology of technology perspective, it is my central argument that technology and computer-mediated communication bring proximity to cultural practices, activities, and the land rather than provoking distance and alienation from reality, as commonly expressed in dystopian notions.

In recent years social and life skills curriculum has emerged to occupy an important place in new training initiatives, particularly those associated with YTS and pre-vocational courses such as TVEI, CPVE and City and Guids 365. one level the attraction of ‘life skills’ training is that it is relevant and address, in ways that traditional Liberal and General Studies could not, the practical problems likely to affect young people as adults, as parents and as employees. another, ambiguity surrounds the criteria upon which such skills for living are constructed and appraised, not least because of their close behavioural connection with altering young peoples’ attitudes toward authority, industry and society. Despite recent concern about the dangers of bias and indoctrination elsewhere in mainstream education, this controversial aspect of government intervention in vocational training (DEP 1981; MSC 1981; DEP 1984) has escaped the critical attention of those who currently express concern about standards in education (Scrution et al 1985). For this reason the paper seeks to examine the kind of ‘official’ thinking which lies behind life skills training, and the skills which are thought necessary to enhance the ‘personal effectiveness’ of young people. This would seem all the more important in view of the government's contention that technical and vocational education (14–18) now constitutes a viable alternative for those who fail to succeed in mainstream education. (DEP 1981, 1984; MSC 1981, 1982a).

- The Biotypologic Orthogenetic Institute of the University of Genoa, was created, in 1926, by the Italian endocrinologist Nicola Pende (1880 -1970). Pende's biotypology follows the Italian medical tradition, fruit of two different trains of thought: Cesare Lombroso's medical approach and Achille De Giovanni and Giacinto Viola's constitutionalist theory. This dual line of thought brings medical scholars to focus on public health, early diagnosis and prevention, all topics comprising a political interest in society, nation and race. Moreover, this approach involves a reductionist view of the body/mind relationship - enclosing mental and relational life in the body - and consequently allows morphological and endocrinologic measurements. Pende's orthogenetics originates from the same premises as Eugenetics and adopts the same aims, but differs when it advocates the importance of acting after birth, so as not to infringe the tenets of the catholic church on the right of every person to live. Pende's medical theory - outlined before the fascist era - proposes a "total" and reductive approach to the complexity of the human being, in line with the fascists' endeavour to put each person in the right place (hence the usefulness of early diagnosis), and thus build, once and for ever, a perfect and stable social organisation. Pende's biotypology considers public health as a priority, followed by individual health. The past debate in the media - set off by the experience of Pende's Institute - addressed some issues discussed today : the relationship between individual and public health interests, and the bioethical features of early diagnosis in medicine and psychology. Keywords: biotypology, orthogenetics, biopolitics, constitutionalism, fascism, bioethics.

Abstract This article is a synthesis of the major elements of a sociolinguistic theory presented by Jean Le Dû and Yves Le Berre in their recent book, Métamorphoses, Trente ans de sociolinguistique à Brest (1984–2014). Given that both authors come from native Breton-speaking families in Western Brittany and have experienced the language shift to French first-hand, they provide a unique, inside view of the process as well as the reasons Breton speakers opted in favour of French. The sociolinguistic concepts they have imagined provide highly useful tools that highlight the inseparable bond between language and the social, political and economic forces that govern our choices. More specifically, they point out that the “Breton language” is splintered into as many varieties as there are social and geographic entities in western Brittany. For this reason, it should not be viewed as a monolithic entity. Far from “reviving” or “saving” the language, the authors argue that the recent creation of a phonologically, grammatically and lexically unified Breton norm is often so distant from the vernacular language that it has provoked a new form of diglossia which failed to reverse the break in the transmission of the natural language. The book provides tremendous insight into the complex issues which lead people to shift to another language. Language planners and scholars working on similar endangered language situations and who want to understand the mechanisms at work (and thus hopefully have some success in their endeavours) would do well to take heed of their experience.

Cities are relationally produced social spaces and in constant flux due to the ever-changing everyday spatial practices that produce and condition them. At the same time, they can become concepts abstracted into symbolic, monolithic ideas, pawns in political or historiographic narratives. Consequently, their death or survival in states of exception can become a substitute for the victorious or unsuccessful struggle for certain values or political orders. In this article, I explore how such symbolic connotations of death or survival of a city relate to the concrete experience of losing personal urban spaces and communities and how this interrelation can be represented in literature. In two case studies, Lidija Ginzburg’s Notes from the Blockade (1984) and Miron Białoszewski’s A Memoir of the Warsaw Uprising (1970), I show how literary texts have the potential to turn away from an abstracting view on cities and how they show the complexity of urban life in a state of exception. Consequently, I demonstrate how Ginzburg’s and Białoszewski’s texts narrate the death of a city not as the death of a specific concept, but as an irreversible loss of concrete urban spaces and practices, bringing to the fore the relational aspect of urban space and its decay. Implying such a relational understanding of urban space, these texts constitute apt representations of urbicides – a term which also presupposes the Lefebvrean notion of space being a relational product of building fabric, spatial practice and symbolic spatial attributions. The article thus shows how both Ginzburg’s and Białoszewski’s texts, through their specific perspectivization and narrative structure, subvert the institutional, abstracting memory discourses about the events they address by focusing on the concrete, subjective experience of spatial alienation during the Blockade of Leningrad and the Warsaw Uprising.

The Danes and the Origin of the Danish KingdomOn the Research Programme “From Tribe to State in Denmark”Since the 1970’s, the ethnogenesis of the Danes and the origin of the Danish kingdom have attracted increased interest among Danish archaeologists. Marked changes over time observed in a growing source material form a new basis of interpretation. In written sources, the Danish realm does not appear until the Viking Age. The formation of the kingdom is traditionally placed as late as the 10th century (Jelling and all that). But prehistorians have raised the question whether the formation of the kingdom was not a much longer course. Some scholars believe that we have to study the periods preceding the Viking Age to be able to understand the development, at least from the 3rd century. In Scandinavia, this covers the Late Roman Iron Age, the Migration and Merovingian periods, as well as the early Viking Age. In a Continental perspective, it parallels the Late Antiquity (3rd-6th centuries) and the Early Middle Ages (6th-10th centuries).In 1984, the Danish Research Council launched the research programme “From Tribe to State in Denmark” which aimed to understand the formation of the Danish kingdom by studying the interaction between economic, social, and political circumstances from the Roman Period to the Viking Age. This paper presents a short synthesis of my work in the programme.Two themes have been brought into focus:1) The ethnogenesis of the Nordic peoples: the formation of the tribes that appear in the few and problematic written sources of the first millennium AD, in casu the Danes;2) The making of the Nordic kingdoms: in this case Denmark.A problem with this kind of long-term research is the inherent teleological perspective, revealed in the programme title. It is essential for me to emphasise that the early Danish kingdom was not a self-evident formation but the result of a series of concrete historical circumstances. There have been alternative possibilities at several occasions.In Scandinavia, the period is prehistoric. However, in South Scandinavia it deserves to be labelled protohistoric. Scandinavian archaeologists often forget or ignore the fact that in large parts of Europe, the first millennium AD is a historical period. The Scandinavian development is too often evaluated in isolation from the rest of Europe, in spite of the fact that the material culture demonstrates that interaction with continental as well as insular powers was continuously influencing Scandinavia. Necessarily, a relevant approach to Scandinavian late prehistory includes a historical dimension and a European perspective. South Scandinavian societies were over time linked to different realms in Europe. The Danish development was certainly part of a common west European trajectory.The best possibility of interpreting the archaeological record of South Scandinavia is by analogy with historians’ interpretations of other more or less contemporary Germanic peoples, based on descriptions in the written sources. Long-term studies of Scandinavian societies in the first millennium AD has laid new ground on which scholars have to build their image of the making of a Danish kingdom. The paper briefly describes some of the results and focuses on changes in the material that I find significant.Rural settlement: Great progress in the study of Iron Age and Early Mediaeval farming suggests economic growth, a development from subsistence economy to a production of a surplus, from collective forms of farming to individually run farmsteads, from small family farmsteads to large farms and manors. It is the surplus created by this expansion that could carry the late Viking and high medieval Danish kingdom with its administration, military power, church, towns, etc.Trade and exchange: Prestige-goods exchange dominated in the beginning of the period. Goods came from various parts of Europe. The connections to central and east Europe were broken in the sixth century, not to be reopened until the Viking Age. This explains the dominating position held by West European material culture in the development of South Scandinavia. Thus, South Scandinavia became part of the commercial zone of West Europe, certainly an important element in the making of the Danish kingdom. In the Viking Age, the rapid urbanisation demonstrates that Denmark gained great profit from its key position in the North Sea-Baltic trade network.Central places and early towns: Complex settlements appeared already in the Late Roman Iron Age, e.g. Gudme/Lundeborg, Funen. Further central sites appeared, and the number of central places grew rapidly. By the year 700, they are found in virtually every settlement area of South Scandinavia. The sites were not simple trading stations, as most were labelled a few years ago, but many also fulfilled important political, social, and religious functions; some were also manorial residences. The resident elite based their power on the mobilisation of the rural surplus; at the same time, one can say that the stimulus to produce a rural surplus was probably caused by an increasing demand from the elite at the centres.In the Viking Age, urbanisation began, which meant that the old central places lost their position and were replaced by towns like Hedeby, Ribe, and Århus. Excavations show that urbanisation started in the 8th century, a little later than the famous emporia Quentovic, Dorestad, Hamwic, and Ipswic.So today, it must be concluded that at the threshold to the Viking Age, South Scandinavian societies had a more advanced economic system and a more complex social organisation than believed only 20 years ago.Warfare: The dated indications of war cluster in two periods, the 3rd to 5th centuries, and the 10th to 11th centuries. The early period could be characterised as one of tribal warfare, in which many polities were forced to join larger confederations through the pressure of endemic warfare and conquests. In the archaeological record, indicators of war seem to disappear after AD 500, not to reappear in large numbers until the Viking Age. Was this period a Pax Danorum? Indeed, the silent archaeological record could indicate that the Danes had won hegemony in South Scandinavia. This phase can be understood as a period of consolidation between an early phase of tribal warfare and a later phase in which the territorial defence of a Danish kingdom becomes visible in the record.Wars with the Carolingian empire in the 9th century are the first wars in Denmark to be mentioned in the written record. However, archaeology demonstrates the presence of serious military threats in the centuries before, e.g. the first dykes at Danevirke. The strategic localisation of the period’s defence works reveals that threats were met with both navy and army. According to the texts, the 9th century wars are clearly national wars, either wars of conquest on a large scale between kingdoms, or civil wars, which for a large part seem to be triggered by an aggressive Frankish diplomacy.The two phases of warfare mirror two different military political situations: in the Late Roman and Migration Periods they are tribal wars and conflicts over resource control; in the Late Merovingian Period and the Viking Age they concern a Danish kingdom’s territorial defence.Religious changes: The conversion is often considered a major turning point in Scandinavian history; and in a way it was, of course. But the importance of Christianisation is heavily overestimated. The conversion was simply a step in a process that started long before. The paganism of the Scandinavians must not mislead us into believing that they were barbarians.A great change in cult practice took place around AD 500 when the use of bogs and lakes for offerings rapidly decreased. Instead, religious objects are found hoarded in settlement contexts, sometimes in the great halls of the magnates. This indicates that the elite had taken control of religion in a new way. The close link between cult and elite continued uninterrupted after Christianisation; churches were built by the magnates and on their ground. Therefore, we have a kind of cult-site continuity. From the Migration Period, the archaeological material demonstrates a close link between cult and magnates. This is certainly one important element in the formation of a Danish kingdom.Political development: Analyses of material culture reveal that South Scandinavia in the Early Iron Age consisted of many small regions, and based on sources like Tacitus and Ptolemy, one can guess that they correspond to tribal areas. In the Late Roman Iron Age and the Migration Period, the formation of a South Scandinavian super-region can be discerned, but still subdivided into a small number of distinguishable culture zones, and, again, on the basis of written sources (Jordanes and Procopius), one can guess that small tribes had joined into larger confederations precisely as on the Continent. In my opinion, a Danish kingdom appeared not later than the sixth century. Based on the well-studied material culture of the early Merovingian Period, one can assume that it had its core area in Central Denmark - South Jutland, Funen, and Zealand – with a close periphery of North Jutland, South Halland, Scania, Blekinge, and Bornholm. Probably more loosely attached to the Danish hegemony was a more distant periphery in South Sweden.So the Danish kingdom already had a history when it first appeared in the Frankish sources at the end of the 8th century. Danish involvement in European politics is first clearly observable in 777 and again in 782. Obviously, the Danish kingdom was a political and military actor on the North European scene long before the Viking Age.In the light of all these arguments, three phases can be described:– Roman Iron Age: Tribal societies with chieftains or small kings.– Late Roman Iron Age, Migration Period, and early Merovingian Period: A process of amalgamation started and warfare characterises the period. The result is the formation of tribal confederations. Written sources speak in favour of the Danes as the people who eventually won hegemony over South Scandinavia.– Late Merovingian Period and Viking Age: A process began in which royal agents replaced local chieftains. The last area to be integrated under direct Danish royal rule, in the reign of Sven Forkbeard, was probably Scania. Thus Medieval Denmark appeared.Final remarks: As a result of archaeological achievements in the last decades, a number of traditional views about Scandinavian late prehistory appear less likely, or rather erroneous. It is an underestimation that the pagans were unable of organisation and that a formation of a Danish kingdom is unthinkable before the late Viking Age. Unfortunately, the ethnogenesis of the Danes is beyond the reach of study, but a rough hypothesis may be formulated. The Danes were once one of several tribes somewhere in South Scandinavia. Events outside the Scandinavian scene were of fundamental importance for the possibility of the Danish gens to grow in power in the Late Roman and Migration Periods. Already before the Merovingian Period, the Danes won hegemony between the Baltic and the North Sea. A Danish kingdom could probably be based on this key position. Its survival was by no means a matter of course. In their continued efforts to secure the Danish position, capable kings established the borders of high medieval Denmark in the course of the Viking Age.Ulf NäsmanInstitutionen för humaniora och ­samhällsvetenskap Högskolan i Kalmar

Robotic problems are one of the most relevant in contemporary socio-cultural space. Mechanical man appeared in the cultural traditions of our civilization repeatedly. Its invariance is found even in the Upanishads, Kabbalah, the myths of Ancient Greece.However, the theme of an artificial man in his modern work-engineering interpretation made the first step in the world from the easy hand of Karel Chapek, in his play «R.U.R.» (1920). It is the Czech writer introducing the term «robot» (in English translation). In essence, Karel Chapek in the early twentieth century. has defined the main philosophical aspects of modern robotics. In this aspect, one should also mention the film by F. Lang «Metropolis» (1926), which dumped the work of technical topics to the general public.The scientific and technological revolution that began after the Second World War expanded the imaginary possibilities of traditional science, determined the new technical perspectives of modern civilization, and at the same time meant the so-called related or negative trends of its development.In1941, A. Azimov in the story «The Liar!» postulates the main laws-tables of work equipment, starting a series of short stories called «I’m a robot». At the same time there is the term «work engineering».In the 1960s, collections of Stories by S. Lemah «Sum of Technologies», «Fairy Tales of Robots», «Kyberiada» were published. In these works the main character becomes a robot. Like an English writer, S. Lem is trying to reproduce, so to speak, a formula not only purely human, but also artificial intelligence.At the end of the 1950s, US engineers M. E. Klynse and N. S. Clin were working on the problem of human adaptation to the conditions of space and other planets. In the study, they concluded that the best way to solve this problem could be to combine man and work. Thus came the term «cyborg». From then on the robotic topic will be directly related to the space.On this wave appeared a feature film by S. Kubrick «2001: Space Odyssey» (1968), filmed in the scenario of the science fiction writer A. Clark, in which the confrontation between man and machine goes to survival.Even more gloomy coloring, the work-related problem is acquired in the film by R. Scott «Running on the razor blade» (1982). Apocalyptic motifs are more and more popular. Cyborgs become not just opponents of man, but fierce enemies of all mankind, threatening to destroy the civilization of their creators, about which, in particular, eloquently told the film D. Cameron «Terminator» (1984), etc.And finally, today, perhaps the most painful question was the probable cyberhization of the person himself, as evidenced by the onset of transhumanism. So where are the boundaries of the anthropic existence of man, which is merged with artificial technology, and therefore – what is the prospect of the development of modern civilization?Today it is impossible to deny that the working-engineering perspective acquires new aspects. The robot gradually creates more and more competition to a person. This is the economic sphere, the types of labor in which the robot is increasingly replacing a person. This is the intellectual and biological plane in which the robot can give the forefront a human species. From here, the sphere of social life, in which the robot should occupy its place, so to speak its «social cell», is actualized. And the main thing is the sphere of morality. And if robots are quite likely to lack understanding of human morality, then they will probably shape their ideas about the system of views and ideas, norms and evaluations that govern behavior. And what forms the co-evolution of man and machines can be guessed.

The paper presents the issue of language use and identity among Muslim Roma youth from Bulgaria, living in Berlin, Germany. Interviews with a structured questionnaire on language use and identity was conducted with Bulgarian Muslim Roma living in Berlin, Germany. The results showed that, in order to be accepted by the German Turks, Bulgarian Muslim Roma youth change their language use and identity from Muslim Roma to a new identity - Bulgarian “Osmanli” Turks. The findings showed that the change of language and identity among young Roma in this study served as strategies for integration and acceptance in the German society. References Bailey, B. (2001). The language of multiple identities among Dominican Americans. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 10(2), 190-223. Berry, J. (1997). Immigration, acculturation and adaptation. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 46, 5-36. Bleich, E. (2009). Where do Muslims Stand on Ethno-Racial Hierarchies in Britain and France? Evidence from Public Opinion Surveys, 1998-2008; 43, 379-400. Brizic, K. (2006). The secret life of a languages. Origin-specific differences in L1/L2 acquisition by immigrant children. International Journal of Applied Linguistics, 16(3), 339-362. Broeder, P. & Extra, G. (1995). Ethnic identity and community languages in the Netherlands In: Sociolinguistica – International Yearbook of European Sociolinguistics/ Internationales Jahrbuch für europäische Soziolinguistik, 9, 96-112. Dimitrova, R., Ferrer-Wreder, L. (2017). Positive Youth Development of Roma Ethnic minority Across Europe. In: Handbook on positive development of minority children and youth (pp. 307-320). N. Cabrera & B. Leyendeker, (Eds.). New York: Springer Erikson, E. (1964). Childhood and Society. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Fishman, J. (1998). Language and ethnicity: The view from within. In: The Handbook of Sociolinguistics. (pp. 327-343). F. Coulmas (Ed.). Oxford: Blackwell. Fought, C. (2006). Language and ethnicity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Giles, H. (ed.) (1984). The Dynamics of speech accommodation. International Journal of Socio­logy of Language, 46, 1-155 Giray, B. (2015). Code-switching among Bulgarian Muslim Roma in Berlin. In: Ankara Papers in Turkish and Turkic Linguistics. (pp. 420-430). D. Zeyrek, C.S. Șimșek, U. Ataș and J. Rehbein (Eds.). Wiessbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Kivisto, P. (2013). (Mis)Reading Muslims and multiculturalism. Social Inclusion, 1, 126-135. Kyuchukov, H. (2016). The Turkish in Berlin spoken by Bulgarian Muslim Roma. Ural-Altaic Studies, 22, 7-12. Kyuchukov, H. (2007). Turkish and Roma children learning Bulgarian. Veliko Tarnovo: Faber. Larson, R. W. (2000). Toward a psychology of positive youth development. American Psycho­logist, 55, 170-183. Lerner, R. Et al. (2005) Positive youth development. A view of the issues. Journal of Early Adolescence, 25(1), 10-16. Lerner, R., Dowling, E., Anderson, P. (2003) Positive youth development: Thriving as the basis of personhood and civil society. Applied Developmental Science, 7(3), 172-180. Marushiakova, E. & Popov, V. (2004). Muslim Minorities in Bulgaria. In: Migration and Political Intervention: Diasporas in Transition Countries. (pp. 18-32). Blaschke, J. (Ed.). Berlin: Parabolis. Merton, R. (1968). The Matthew effect in Science. Science, 159(3810), 56-63. Ochs, E. (1993). Constructing social identity: a language socialization perspective. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 26, 287-306. Organista, P. B, Marin, G., Chun, K. M. (2010). The psychology of ethnic groups in United States. London: SAGE Publication. Padilla, A., Perez, W. (2003). Acculturation, social identity and social cognition: A new Per­spective. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 25, 35-55. Peoples, J., Bailey, G. (2010). Humanity: An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology (9th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage learning. Rovira, L. (2008). The relationship between language and identity. The use of the home language as a human right of the immigrant. Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana, XVI (31), 63-81. Tajfel, H. Turner, J.C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In: Psychology of Intergroup Relations (pp. 7-24). Worchel, S. & Austin, W. G. (Eds.). Chicago: Nelson-Hall. Tabouret-Keller, A. (1998). Language and identity. In: The Handbook of Sociolinguistics. (pp. 315-326). F. Coulmas (Ed.). Oxford: Blackwell. Trudgill, P. (1992). Ausbau sociolinguistics and the perception of language status in contemporary Europe. International Journal of Applied Linguistics, 2, 167-178.

Background. Today, analyzing the Ukrainian theatrical movement of the first half of XX century, we can’t bypass V. Morskoy’s critical legacy. Volodimir Saveliyovich Morskoy (the real name – Vulf Mordkovich) is one of the providing Ukrainian theatrical and film critics of the first half of the XX century. He left us his always argumentative, but sometimes contradictious evaluations of dramatic art masters: the directors of Kharkiv Ukrainian drama theatre “Berezil” (from 1935 it named after T. Shevchenko) L. Kurbas, B. Tyagno, L. Dubovik, Yu. Bortnik, V. Inkizhinov, M. Krushelnitsky, M. Osherovsky; the producers of Kharkiv Russian drama theatre named after A. Pushkin – O. Kramov, V. Aristov, V. Nelli-Vlad and many others. Due to the critic’s persecution by the repressive machine of USSR, his evaluations of theatrical process were not quoted in soviet time researches. They still were not entered to the professional usage, were not published and commented in the whole capacity. Methods and novelty of the research. The research methodology joints the historical, typological, comparative, textual, biographical methods. The first researcher, who made up incomplete description of the bibliography of dramatic criticism by V. Morskoy, became Kharkiv’s bibliographer Tetyana Bakhmet. She gave maximally full list of critic articles (more than eighty positions) for the 1924, 1926–1929, 1937, 1948–1949 years. Kharkiv’s theater scientist Ya. Partola [16] in the first encyclopedic edition, that contains the article about V. Morskiy, gave the description of the only publication by critic known for today, in Moscow newspaper “Izvestiya”. Forty six critical articles, half of which didn’t note in bibliographies of both scientists, were collected and analyzed in periodical funds of Kharkiv V. Korolenko Central Scientific Library by the author of this article. Objectives. V. Morskoy was writing the reviews about the new films; the programs of popular and philharmonic performers; was researching the musical theater. This article has the purpose to characterize the features of V. Morskoy’ critical reviews on the dramatic theater performances. Results. It was managed to find out the articles by V. Morskoy hidden for the cryptonym “Vl. M.”, which dedicated to the performances of the “Berezil” theater of the second half of 1920th: “Jacquery”, “Yoot”, “Sedi“. The critic wrote about the setting “Jacquery ” by director V. Tyahno : “Berezil in setting of ‘Jacquery’ emphases it’s ideology, approaching ‘Jacquery’ to nowadays viewer” [2]. Perceiving critically some objective features of avant-garde stylistic, such as cinema techniques, V. Morskoy remarks: “The pictures are discrete, too short, some of them are lasting for 2–3 minutes, they made cinematographically” [2]. In the same time, the young critic already demonstrates the feeling and flair to the understanding of acting art. So, he accurately pointed out the first magnitude actors from the “Berezil” ensemble: A. Buchma, Yo. Ghirnyak, M. Krushelnitsky, B. Balaban [2]. V. Morskoy connected his view to “Jacquery” with the tendency of the second half of the 1920th: “For recently the left theaters became notably more right, and the right one – more left”[2], that reveals his theatrical experience. His contemporaries due to the author’s sense of humor easily recognized the style of V. Morsky’s reviews. Critical irony passes through the his essay about the setting by director V. Sukhodolskiy “Ustim Karmelyuk” in the Working Youth Theatre: “Focusing attention to Karmelyuk, V. Sukhodolskiy left the peoples in shade. Often they keep silence – and not in the Pushkin sense “[14]. Despite on the “alive” style, one of the features of V. Morskoy journalism was adherence to principles. His human courage deserves a high evaluation. In 1940, after the three years after the exile of Les Kurbas, the leader director of “Berezil” Theater, to Solovki, the critic published in the professional magazine the creative portrait of this disgraced director’s wife – the actress Valentina Chistyakova [15]. V. Morskoy arguments on the relationship between the modern works and the tradition of prominent predecessors has always been ably dissolved in an analysis of a performance. Each time V. Morskoy was paying attention to the distinctions of principals of playwriting, stage direction and even creative schools, in the second half of 1930th – 1940th, when the words “stage direction”, “currents”, in condition of predomination the so-called “social realism” method, in the soviet newspapers practically were not mentioning. For example, the critic saw of realistically-psychological directions in the O. Kramov’s performance “Year 1919”[9]. In 1940, V. Morskoy made a review of the performance of the then Zaporizhhya theater named after M. Zankovetska “In the steppes of Ukraine”, insisting on the continuity of the comedies of O. Korniychuk in relation to the works of Gogol and others of playwrights-coryphaeuses: “The play of O. Korniychuk is characterized by profound national form...” [7]. However, in the fact that in the Soviet Union at that time reigned as the doctrine the methodology of the “socialist realism”, the tragedy of honest criticism comprised. In controversy with the critic O. Harkivianin, V. Morskoy expressed the credo about the ethics and fighting qualities of the reviewer: “Apparently, Ol. Kharkivianin belongs to the category of peoples, who see the task of critic in order to give only the positive assessments. The vulgar sociological approach to the phenomena of art could be remaining the personal mistake of Ol. Kharkivianin. But when he presents him as the most important argument, everyone becomes uncomfortable”[8]. In 1949, the political regime fabricated the case of a “bourgeois cosmopolitan” against the honest theatrical critic and accused him in betraying of public interests adjudged V. Morskoy to untimed death at a concentration camp (Ivdellag, 1952). However, the time arbitrated this long discussion in favor of V. Morskoy. Conclusions. For the objective analysis of theater life of the city and the country as a whole, it is imperative to draw from the historical facts contained in the reviews of V. Morskoy, and the methodology of the review while investigating studies of theatrical art and theatrical thought of 1920–1940th. Thus, the gathering of the full kit of the critical observations of the famous Kharkov theater expert of the first half of the XX century is the important task for further researchers.

El uso de murallas desde los primeros momentos de la sedentarización ha buscado el cierre de asentamientos y, aunque generalmente estas construcciones procuraban la protección de sus habitantes, pudieron jugar también un papel importante en aspectos como la demostración de fuerza o de independencia política, jurídica e incluso como ornamento. En el presente trabajo realizamos una visión diacrónica de las estructuras en piedra, con especial interés de aquellas estudiadas en el marco de los proyectos de investigación desarrollados por el Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, mostrándose nuevos datos procedentes de nuestros archivos recientemente digitalizados y que permiten observar de una manera más detallada la fábrica de algunas de ellas, lo que demuestra los cambios de hábitos constructivos y su adaptación a los cambios culturales. Palabras Clave: Estructuras defensivas, Edad del Cobre, Edad del Bronce, Bronce FinalTopónimos: Península IbéricaPeriodo: Edad del Cobre, Edad del Bronce ABSTRACTThe use of walls from the earliest moments of sedentarisation has sought to enclose settlements and, although the goal of these constructions has generally been the protection of their inhabitants, they may have played an important role in aspects such as the demonstration of strength or political and legal independence, and even as ornamentation. This paper presents a diachronic view of stone wall structures, with particular focus on those studied within the framework of the research projects carried out by the Department of Prehistory and Archaeology of the University of Granada. New data from our recently digitalised archives are included, enabling us to observe in greater detail the construction of some of these structures, evidencing changes in building habits and their adaptation to cultural changes. Keywords: Defensive structures, Copper Age, Bronze Age, Argar Culture, Late Bronze Age.Place names: Iberian PeninsulaPeriod: Chalcolithic, Bronze Age REFERENCIASAguayo de Hoyos, P. (1977), “Construcciones defensivas de la Edad Del Cobre peninsular. El Cerro de los Castellones (Laborcillas, Granada)”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, 2, pp. 87-104. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v2i0.722.Altamirano García, M. (2014), “Not only bones. Hard animal tissues as a source of raw material in 3rd millenium BC south-eastern Iberia”, Menga: Revista de prehistoria de Andalucía, 5, pp. 43-67.Aranda Jiménez, G. (2001), El análisis de la relación forma-contenido de los conjuntos cerámicos del yacimiento arqueológico del Cerro de la Encina (Granada, España), BAR International Series 957, Oxford, Archaeopress.Aranda Jiménez, G., Montón-Subías, S. y Sánchez Romero, M. (2015), The Archaeology of Bronze Age Iberia. Argaric Societies, New York, Routleadge.Arribas Palau, A. (1977), “El Ídolo de El Malagón (Cullar Baza, Granada)”. Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, 2, pp. 63-86. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v2i0.721Arribas Palau, A. (2011), “El ídolo de El Malagón (Cúllar-Baza, Granada)”, Péndulo. Papeles de Bastitania, 12, pp. 33-48.Arribas, A., Molina, F., Saez, L., De La Torre, F., Aguayo, P. y Nájera, T. (1981), “Excavaciones en Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondújar, Almería). Campana de 1981”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Granada, 6, pp. 91-121. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v6i0.1182— (1979), “Excavaciones en Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondújar, Almería)”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Granada, 4, pp. 61-109. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v6i0.1182Arribas, A., Pareja, E., Molina González, F., Arteaga, O. y Molina Fajardo, F. (1974), Excavaciones en el poblado de la Edad del Bronce del Cerro de la Encina (Monachil, Granada). El corte estratigráfico nº 3, Excavaciones Arqueológicas en España 81, Madrid, Ministerio de Educación.Arribas, A., Molina, F., Carrión, F., Contreras, F., Martínez, G., Ramos, A., Sáez, L., De la Torre, F., Blanco, I. y Martínez, J. (1987), “Informe preliminar de los resultados obtenidos durante la VI Campaña de excavaciones en el poblado de Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondújar, Almería, 1985)”, Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 1985, II, Sevilla, Junta de Andalucía, pp. 245-262.Arteaga, O. (1987), “Excavaciones arqueológicas sistemáticas en El Cerro de los Alcores (Porcuna, Jaén). Informe preliminar sobre la campaña de 1985”, Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 1985, II, Sevilla, Junta de Andalucía, pp. 279-288.Becker, H. y Brandherm, D. (2010), “Eine Testmessung zur magnetischen Prospektion am Cerro de la Virgen 1998 (Prov. Granada, Spanien)”, en T. Armbruster y M. Hegewish (eds.), Beiträger zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte der Iberischen Halbinsel und Mittleleuropas: Studien in honorem Philine Kalb. Studienzur Archäologie Europas 11, Bonn, pp. 267-272Benítez De Lugo, L., Mejías Moreno, M., López Gutiérrez, J., Álvarez García, H. J., Palomares Zumajo, N., Mata Trujillo, E. Moraleda Sierra, J., Menchén Herreros, G., Fernández Martín, S. Salazar García, D. C., Odriozola Lloret, C., Benito Sánchez, M. y López Sáez, J. A. (2014), “Aportaciones hidrogeológicas al estudio arqueológico de los orígenes del Bronce de La Mancha: la cueva monumentalizada de Castillejo del Bonete (Terrinches, Ciudad Real, España)”, Trabajos de Prehistoria, 71 (1), pp. 76-94. https://doi.org/10.3989/tp.2014.12125Caballero Cobos, A. (2014), Vías de comunicación en las comarcas de Baza y Huéscar: una aproximación histórico-arqueológica desde la prehistoria reciente a la Edad Media. Granada, Universidad de Granada. http://hdl.handle.net/10481/38469Cabré, J. (1922), “Una necrópolis de la Primera Edad de los metales en Monachil, Granada”, Memorias de la Sociedad Española de Antropología, Etnología y Prehistoria I, Madrid.Cámara, J. A. y Molina, F. (2009), “El análisis de la ideología de emulación: el caso de El Argar”, Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, 19, pp. 163-194. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v19i0.188— (2013), “Indicadores de conflicto bélico en la Prehistoria Reciente del cuadrante sudeste de la Península Ibérica: el caso del Calcolítico”. Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, 23, pp. 99-132. https://doi.org/10.30827/cpag.v23i0.3104Cámara, J. A., Molina, F., Pérez, C. y Spanedda, L. (2018), “Una nueva lectura de las fortificaciones calcolíticas del Cerro de la Virgen (Orce, Granada, España)”, Ophiussa. Revista do Centro de Arqueologia da Universidade de Lisboa, 2, pp. 25-37.Castro, P. V., Lull, V. y Micó, R. 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O artigo situa a cidade como território de produção e disseminação de práticas artísticas organizada pelas múltiplas e plurais formas de resistência, ativismo e contestação utilizadas nas lutas culturais, sociais, políticas e identitárias. Destacamos, como característica da arte ativista contemporânea, as narrativas e estratégias tem estetizado os pólos de conflito e presenças a partir das dimensões macro e micropolíticas de territórios e corpos-políticos de enunciação. Entre essas performances visuais chamamos atenção para as estratégias de visibilidade e exposição a partir de práticas artísticas e poéticas contra-coloniais. Por fim, relatamos um percurso de organização de olhares cruzados sobre arte, imagem e resistências urbanas tema da edição número 56 da Revista Iluminuras (PPGAS/UFRGS).Palavras-chave: Arte. Cidades. Resistências. Subjetividades. Imagem. CROSSED LOOKS ABOUT ART, IMAGES AND URBAN RESISTANCES Abstract: The article locates the city as a territory for the production and dissemination of artistic practices organized by the multiple and plural forms of resistance, activism and contestation used in cultural, social, political and identity struggles. We highlight narratives and strategies as a characteristic of contemporary art activist have aestheticized the poles of conflict and presence from the macro and micro-political dimensions of territories and political-bodies of enunciation. Among these visual performances, we call attention to the strategies of visibility and exposure based on counter-colonial artistic and poetic practices. Finally, we report a path of organization of crossed views on art, image and urban resistance, theme of issue number 56 of Revista Iluminuras (PPGAS/UFRGS).Keywords: Art. Cities. Resistance. Subjectivities. Image.

Purpose The transformative potential of CSR is a far-reaching question. It has been analysed through the lens of the inclusion of stakeholders concerned by social and environmental issues in political CSR fora such as multi-stakeholder initiatives or, on the contrary, their exclusion from these processes. This paper aims to highlight the transformation or status quo produced by political corporate social responsibility (PCSR) initiatives, the extent of transformation being a function of the degree of inclusiveness, or conversely of exclusion, of these initiatives. From a promise of inclusion to the inability of corporate-society fora to act on the actual levers of marginalisation, PCSR scholars have developed contrasted views on these initiatives. Design/methodology/approach This led us to elaborate a hypothesis that such initiatives intrinsically act as levers in the recurring marginalisation of directly affected stakeholders. Drawing on an empirical study of the CSR discourses of mining industry stakeholders – both corporations and civil society – involved in an informal multi-stakeholder initiative, this paper discusses the disconnect between its representatives and the needs of the directly affected stakeholders. Findings To explore this disconnect, the authors draw on the voices and causes framework developed by Boltanski et al. (1984), which provided us with a relational system involving victims, guilty parties, complainants and judges. Originality/value Accordingly, the authors highlight a set of three interrelated marginalisation mechanisms (i.e. the capture of the role of the judge by PCSR initiatives, the side-lining of victims’ needs by complainants, the intertwining of the guilty party and the judge), which empirically support the lack-of-inclusiveness hypothesis.

The article raises the problems of the Mennonite community's reflection on the reforms in Russian Empire as well as the modernization of social, political and economic environment in 1861–1914, during the First World War, the recurring power changes and political anarchy in Ukraine during the Civil War. The author examines the Mennonites' attempts to adjust the changes in reality, the cause-and-effect relationships of arising social crisis which ultimately led to the destruction of the ethnoreligious community's canonical foundations. The research bases on the testimonies of the eyewitnesses (given in their diaries), memoirs and other published materials. The author examines the gradual deviation processes among the Mennonite society that were transforming the fundamental statements of the congregations’ doctrine and their moral norms and traditions. It is analyzed whether the Russian-Ukrainian Mennonites remained an ethno-religious conglomerate or lost their inherent values. As a result it has been proved the following: the Mennonites in Russia in a short period from the beginning of the reforms of the 1860s – 1870s to the beginning of the 20th century, went from a close-knit religious community to an opened and spiritually weakened unification. During the period of “challenges and reactions” of the First World War and the Civil War, the leaders of the community were unable to maintain the unity and cohesion, a complex of moral and ethical markers, pacifist views, social institutions, which led to a deformation of values and disorientation in further actions. Only a small part of the Mennonites society was able to organize itself and, thanks to the support of the Canadian Mennonites communities, it emigrated in 1923–1926 and thus avoided the Bolshevik regime repressions. Key words: the Mennonites, World War I, Civil War, Makhno, identity.

Abstract For decades anti-pornography sentiment and campaigns were driven largely by religious conservatives citing pornography’s “contaminating” moral effects. More recently, however, anti-porn campaigns have sought to support their arguments by appealing to social and cognitive science. This raises the question of whether anti-pornography sentiment is undergoing an “internal secularization,” reflected in a growing connection to scientific authority and weakening connection to religious authority, or conversely, whether the use of “science” reflects a more symbolic and tactical framing used by religious conservatives who already oppose pornography. Using the General Social Surveys (1984–2018), I examine how trust in scientific authority and traditional measures of religious conservatism are associated with anti-pornography sentiment and how these associations have changed since the mid-1980s. The positive association between religious conservatism and support for anti-pornography legislation has either remained the same or, in the case of biblical literalism, grown stronger. In contrast, Americans with greater confidence in science or scientists are less likely to support outlawing pornography, and this pattern has not reversed. Indeed, in recent decades, Americans across all levels of confidence in science have declined in their support for banning porn and now differ only minimally. Together these patterns suggest anti-porn sentiment is actually desecularizing, growing more connected to religious conservatism than views about scientific authority. Findings suggest current anti-pornography sentiment does not stem from scientific authority gaining ground among Americans who oppose pornography. Rather, citing scientific research likely reflects efforts to leverage its cultural authority among those already morally inclined to restrict porn’s availability.