Relevant bibliographies by topics / 1926-1984 Political and social views

Academic literature on the topic '1926-1984 Political and social views'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "1926-1984 Political and social views"

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Kasparavičius, Algimantas. "Views of Western countries on the 1926 coup d’état in Lithuania." Lithuanian Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (December 28, 2007): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01201006.

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The analysis and evaluation of the 17 December 1926 coup d’état in Lithuanian historical scholarship to a large extent remain a relevant and controversial problem. The authoritarian regime formed after the coup has received various, yet not always well-grounded, descriptions and evaluations in historical writings. The aim of this article is (without attempting to answer at once all the questions pertaining to this issue) to tackle this problem from a different angle and as if from a distance, namely to analyse the political-diplomatic reaction to the coup d’état in Lithuania of the parties, which were not directly interested (foreign states). On the one hand, the majority of democratic governments in Europe and the US administration had at least reserved and unopposed, if not favourable, view of the events of the 17 December 1926 in Lithuania. On the other hand, public, labour professional organisations and a part of the media in a number of foreign democracies were critical about the unconstitutional change of the government in Lithuania and the dictatorial domestic policy of the government formed on authoritarian grounds. Thirdly, in the eyes of liberal and democratic citizens or societies of the Western Europe the 1926 coup impaired the international prestige of Lithuania since it prompted doubts over the democratic traditions of the young state, the maturity of its social and political culture as well as prospects of maintaining its statehood.
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Aspden, Kester. "The English Roman Catholic Bishops and The Social Order, 1918–26." Recusant History 25, no. 3 (May 2001): 543–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030351.

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It is ironic that it should have been the leader of the church with the greatest proportion of working-class members who took up the most hostile stance to the General Strike of 1926. While Francis Bourne (1862–1935), Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, won the plaudits of the Establishment for his unambiguous denunciation of the strike, that cautious septuagenarian Randall Davidson, Archbishop of Canterbury, found himself cast in the unlikely role of the workers’ friend after his illstarred attempt to conciliate the two sides. Sheridan Gilley has highlighted another contrast: while in 1926 Bourne found himself sharply opposed to labour, in a 1918 pastoral letter he had been insistent that the Church should reach an accommodation with the ‘modern labour unrest’. While Gilley implies that his General Strike condemnation was uncharacteristic, Buchanan suggests that this was closer to expressing his ‘real political views’ than his 1918 statement. This article aims to provide a closer examination of the shift in Bourne’s attitude, and to consider the broader episcopal response to social and political questions during these fraught years.
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Kriukova, Vera G. "“THE RAILWAY CHILDREN”: LITERARY EMBODIMENT OF THE FABIANS IN THE POETICS BY EDITH NESBIT." Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 26, no. 1 (March 20, 2022): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2022-1-147-156.

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The literary expression of the socio-political views of the English writer Edith Nesbit (1958-1926) in the children’s adventure novel “The Railway Children “ (1906) is studied. Nesbit was an active member of the social democratic Fabian society, and her political activities could not but be reflected in her work. Being, on the one hand, the author of children’s literature, and on the other hand, representing the “new woman”, the writer used the images of children to realize the idea of a possible break with traditional gender and social roles. At the same time, the author notes the compromise position of the author in relation to the women’s issue. The artistic implication is analyzed: the poetics of the name, costume and space.
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Acharya, Amitav. "Imagined Proximities: The Making and Unmaking of Southeast Asia as a Region." Asian Journal of Social Science 27, no. 1 (1999): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382499x00192.

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AbstractThis essay adopts an international relations perspective in understanding Southeast Asia as a region and stresses regionalism as the chief agent in regional construction. It argues that the modern, post-Second World War concept of Southeast Asia resulted from a deliberate effort by a group of governments in the region to develop a regional identity based on political and strategic considerations. Regionalism and regional identity were seen by these governments as an important way of furthering nationalism and national interests. This, in effect represented a shift from the colonial, orientalist and geopolitical views of Southeast Asia's regionness to a more indigenous and essential political idea of Southeast Asia emerging out of the evolution of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). "Nations come and go - why shouldn't regions?" Don Emmerson (Emmerson, 1984:20)
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Tasak, Agata. "Postulowany model wspólnoty oraz dobra wspólnego w publikacjach katolickiego tygodnika społecznego „Ład” w latach 1981–1984." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no. 1 (2020): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.1.5.

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The paper focuses on the analyses of the socio-political concepts presented in the Catholic social weekly “Ład” in the years 1981–1984. In the period under question, the periodical was a media platform which enabled the expression of views by lay Catholics who perceived opportunities for increasing their socio-political activity in the political reality of Poland at that time. The model of community proposed by them, as well as the way of defining the common good, were for the most part consistent with the concepts of the social teaching of the Catholic Church and conformed to the guidelines of the hierarchs of the Catholic Church in Poland – especially Primate Stefan Wyszyński. The calls to action for the common good were combined with the idea of reconciliation, dialogue, and cooperation. Accordingly, the national community was thus considered the most important community of all. It should be emphasized that these concepts were supposed to enhance the power and importance of this particualt community of Catholics in public life and to contribute to establishing their position as the most important representative of the Catholics on the political scene of the period.
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SHRIVER, PEGGY L. "Religion's Very Public Presence." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 480, no. 1 (July 1985): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285480001012.

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The 1984 election emphasized the public role of religion in both parties; much uneasiness about the proper place of religion in politics was revealed. The United States was originally envisioned by some religious groups as a voluntary Christian commonwealth. Although that dream is less persuasive today, religion supplies a continuing definition and critique of the public good. Growing religious diversity produces conflicting views, necessitating rethinking by mainline Protestants. A major difference is between those who nourish nationalism and an individualistic religion and those with a world-encompassing vision and a communal faith. Religion provides sustaining hope and a commitment to wholeness, and it contributes politically, often through coalitions. The role of the religious convictions of politicians was heatedly debated with modest resolution in the 1984 campaign. American democratic ideals are being tested, and religion, in dialogue with science, is challenged to help shape the nation's future.
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Heafner, Tina L., Eric Groce, and Alicia Finnell. "Springsteen’s Born in the U.S.A.: Promoting Historical Inquiry through Music." Social Studies Research and Practice 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2014): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-03-2014-b0009.

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Music elicits emotions and acts as a cultural definer of class values, political beliefs, and economic life. Students are intrinsically drawn to and possess an innate ability for interpreting music. Music, moreover, activates learning in ways other content sources cannot; yet, it is utilized infrequently in social studies classrooms as a historical inquiry tool. Harnessing its emotive and seductive power, music as a primary source naturally scaffolds understanding of the zeitgeist through sensory engagement and lyrical analyses. Focusing on Born in the U.S.A. (Springsteen, 1984), authors demonstrate how examining music can impart views often absent from mass media portrayal of historical events and eras. A music listening and analysis tool is employed as a heuristic for critically interpreting music to explore the past. The historical thinking processes presented offer an inquiry-oriented curricular model for integrating music and social studies.
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Waldron, Arthur. "Warlordism Versus Federalism: The Revival of a Debate?" China Quarterly 121 (March 1990): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013539.

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For anyone who studies modern Chinese political thought, the revival of interest in federalism is one of the most striking features of the current scene. It has been particularly visible abroad in the wake of the Tiananmen massacre, and its most conspicuous spokesman has been the former director of the Institute of Political Science of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Yan Jiaqi. In remarks delivered to the First Congress of Chinese Students and Scholars in the United States, held in Chicago in July 1989, Yan proposed a Chinese “federation” (lianbang guojia) having a democratic system as the best hope both for reforming China's internal politics and ultimately for resolving the problems of Hong Hong, Taiwan and Tibet. He made similar remarks in other speeches in America and at the founding meeting of the Federation for Chinese Democracy, of which he was elected president, held in Paris in September 1989. Some other mainland Chinese intellectuals, among them Ge Yang, former editor-in-chief of Xin guancha, have supported such views, as have members of the China Spring movement. A recent official denunciation of such views is testimony to their growing influence.These are surprising developments. Federalist programmes for China have long been seen as little more than relics of an era which ended in the 1920s. As the Cihai entry for liansheng zizhi (one of the phrases for the idea in Chinese) puts it, while certain warlord politicians of the 1920s believed that federalism was the appropriate political system for China, “after the Guangdong revolutionary government launched the Northern Expedition in 1926, no one advocated federalism again.”
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Ratinen, Teemu. "Is It a Sin? The Therapeutic Turn and Changing Views on Homosexuality in the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Church, 1952–1984." Pastoral Psychology 66, no. 5 (June 19, 2017): 641–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11089-017-0778-9.

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Kendrick, Anna Kathryn. "Miraculous, mutilated, mundane: Redrawing children’s art in Francoist Spain." Global Studies of Childhood 11, no. 2 (June 2021): 142–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20436106211023510.

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Children’s drawings hold a contested place in archives of war. Often portrayed as unfiltered records of psychological impact on innocent young civilians, the same drawings are also sophisticated testimonies of agency. With child-artists creating their work within classrooms, families, and communities, this article offers an alternative reading of their historical significance. Children’s art offers not simply a firsthand view of conflict but also a critical view onto the alliances and ideologies of the adults who guided their creation. Before and after the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), after which Spain entered into several decades of National-Catholic dictatorship, psychologists and teachers used children’s drawings to further educational projects toward both progressive and conservative ends. Across key nodes of conflict and postwar quietude, I ask how advocacy of children’s art allowed teachers to practice what I call a form of pedagogical postmemory. Centering on Francoist-era education and the artists who created new openings for individual expression, the essay focuses on two educators, namely the artist Ángel Ferrant (1890–1961) and the novelist Josefina Aldecoa (1926–2011). Contrasting their paired views of children’s art as a liberating, imaginative activity with that of the Francoist pedagogue Josefina Álvarez de Cánovas (1898–?), this study exposes how the same fundamental rhetoric of imagination and freedom could result in vastly different archives of children’s drawings under dictatorship. Understanding children’s art as bound up in wider social and political processes, it posits the seemingly neutral sphere of postwar art education as a key vehicle for pedagogical memory and historical recovery.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "1926-1984 Political and social views"

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Richardson-Tench, Marilyn 1947. "Unmasked! : the discursive practice of the operating room nurse : a Foucauldian feminist analysis." Monash University, Faculty of Education, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8900.

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Pelegrini, Mauricio Aparecido 1977. "Michel Foucault e a revolução iraniana." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279681.

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Orientador: Luzia Margareth Rago
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Em 1978, Michel Foucault escreveu uma série de artigos jornalísticos para o periódico italiano "Corriere della Sera". Intituladas "reportagens de ideias", tinham como objetivo acompanhar o nascimento das ideias no cruzamento com os acontecimentos do tempo presente. No âmbito deste projeto, realizou duas viagens ao Irã (em setembro e novembro), onde acompanhou de perto a movimentação popular durante os eventos da Revolução Islâmica. Para compreender as raízes da oposição ao governo do xá Reza Pahlavi em seus diversos locais de manifestação, Foucault não se restringiu a conversar com os líderes revolucionários, mas entrevistou diferentes categorias de manifestantes, desde os trabalhadores organizados até os profissionais liberais e intelectualizados, passando pelos diversos níveis de organizações religiosas espalhadas pelo país, dos mulás líderes tribais aos aiatolás das grandes cidades de Qom e Teerã. O que lhe interessava era assistir ao nascimento de uma nova forma de pensar entre os iranianos, e isto só seria possível se ele estivesse lá, em meio ao fervilhar revolucionário. O conjunto de textos, que compreende também artigos, manifestos e entrevistas publicados na imprensa francesa, foi objeto de enorme polêmica, principalmente devido aos desdobramentos posteriores à revolução, com a instauração de uma ditadura teocrática de caráter persecutório às minorias e aos direitos humanos, e permaneceram até hoje pouco explorados teoricamente. Esta dissertação pretende analisar as reportagens iranianas de Foucault a partir de sua construção textual, dos conceitos introduzidos e das diversas interpretações que as cercam. Estrutura-se, assim, em três eixos: o primeiro tem o objetivo de recuperar a trama conceitual interna às reportagens; o segundo, analisar as críticas recebidas e seu contexto teórico; o terceiro, apresentar a espiritualidade política como principal inovação introduzida no corpus teórico foucaultiano. Pretende-se destacar, ainda, ressonâncias dos textos iranianos em outras questões elaboradas por Foucault
Abstract: In 1978 Michel Foucault wrote a series of news articles for the Italian newspaper "Corriere della Sera". Called "journalism of ideas", the articles had the purpose of following the birth of ideas upon its crossing with present times¿ events. Within the scope of this project, he made two trips to Iran (in September and November), where he followed up close the popular movement during the events of the Islamic Revolution. In order to grasp the roots of the opposition to the Shah Reza Pahlavi government in its several places of manifestation, Foucault did not restrain himself to talking to revolutionary leaders but rather also interviewed different categories of protestors, from organized workers to independent and intellectualized professionals, going through the several level of religious organizations spread out through the country, from mullah tribal leaders to Ayatollahs of the large cities of Qom and Tehran. Foucault was interested in witnessing the birth of a new form of thinking among Iranians and it would only be possible if he would be there present, amidst the revolutionary effervescence. The set of texts, which comprises also articles, manifestos and interviews published by the French press was object of great polemic, mainly due to the unfolding of events following the revolution, with the instauration of a theocratic dictatorship having a persecutory nature against minorities and human rights, and remaining until nowadays not much theoretically explored. This dissertation has the purpose of analyzing the Iranian reportages by Foucault from its textual construction, of concepts introduced and several interpretations surrounding them. Therefore, this paper is structured in three axis, the first having the purpose of retrieving the internal conceptual scheme of the reportages; the second being the analysis of criticism received and its theoretical context; the third being to present the political spirituality as the main innovation introduced to Foucault¿s theoretical framework. It is intended to emphasize yet the resonances of the Iranian texts in other issues elaborated by Foucault
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História
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Castelfranchi, Juri 1969. "As serpentes e o bastão : tecnociencia, neoliberalismo e inexorabilidade." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280500.

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Orientador: Laymert Garcia dos Santos
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Neste trabalho são analisadas as práticas e o discurso da tecnociência contemporânea, definida não apenas como fusão entre ciência e tecnologia mas como acontecimento que funciona no interior de uma específica economia de poder e que é caracterizado pela interação e a retroalimentação mútua do capitalismo, da ciência e da tecnologia. São mapeados movimentos e rupturas no funcionamento da tecnociência, examinando a fonte dos financiamentos para a pesquisa, o ethos dos cientistas, as fomlas de apropriação do conhecimento e as políticas de C&T à luz dos conceitos foucaultianos de govemamentalidade e dispositivo. O discurso tecnocientífico atual é analisado a partir do monitoramento de documentos oficiais e declarações públicas de cientistas-empreendedores, policy-makers, ONGs etc. O cruzamento de tais elementos mostra que ciências, técnicas e capitalismo funcionam entrelaçados. Em alguns casos, impulsionando-se mutuamente: cada parte se apoia nos sucessos, na autoridade, nos efeitos de verdade e na potência das outras. Noutros casos, há dissonâncias e atritos. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que a tecnociência atual é, ao mesmo tempo, piramidal e reticular, inexorável e modulável. De um lado, retrata si mesma como fundamentada num saber a-político, neutral, objetivo, universal, que "cai" na sociedade quando aplicado, divulgado, transformado em objeto técnico e em mercadoria. A tecnociência aparece como o bonde que não podemos perder, cuja marcha é automática e cuja regulação deve ser deixada com os especialistas. Por outro lado, no neoliberalismo a tecnociência precisa receber inúmerosfeedbacks, escutar as demandas do mercado e as preocupações do cidadão. Conclui se que a tecnociência atual é um dispositivo qe geometria variável modulado por parâmetros que nem sempre podem ser estabelecidos' nG, il1terior de uma tecnocracia. Funciona ativando mecanismos de despolitização e de inv.isibilização dos conflitos; e constitui-se como implacável politicamente através de repetidas performances voltadas para a mobilização da população e a afirmação de inevitabilidade. No entanto, sua configuração atual é um acontecimento apoiado em terrenos (epistêmicos, econômicos e sociais) movediços
Abstract: ln this work practices and discourse of contemporary technoscience are analyzed. Technoscience is defined not only as the merging between science and technology, but as an event, functioning inside a certain economy of power and characterized by the interaction and reciprocal feedback of capitalism, science and technology. Movements and ruptures in technoscience are mapped by means of the examination of the sources of funding for research, the ethos of scientists, the forms of appropriation of knowledge and S&T policies, using concepts by Michel Foucault, such as govemmentality and apparatus (dispositif). The contemporary technoscientific discourse is analyzed by monitoring official documents and public declarations by entrepreneurs-scientists, policy-makers, NGOs, etc. By crossing such elements, it is shown that sciences, techniques and capitalism function today inside an entanglement. ln some cases, they boost each other: every part is supported by the successes, the authority, the truth effects of the other ones. In other cases, dissonance and friction exist. The results of this research show that contemporary technoscience is, at the same time, pyramidal and reticular; it may seem inexorable, but it may also be modulated. Technoscience depicts itself as grounded on an a-political, neutral, objective, universal knowledge, "falling" down into society when applied, popularized and transformed in a technical object or a product. Its progress is told to be semi-automatic, and its regulation should be left with the experts. On the other side, in neoliberalism, technoscience needs also to receive feedback, to listen to the demands of the market and to the worries of the citizens. It can be concluded that contemporary technoscience is a dispositlf of.variable geometry, modulates by parameters that cannot be always established by a technocracy. It functions by acting mechanisms of depolitization and invisibilization of conflict; it constitutes itself as politically implacable by means of continuous performances of inevitability and mobilization of population. However, its configuration is an event grounded on shifting epistemic, economic and social lands
Doutorado
Sociologia da Cultura
Doutor em Sociologia
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Sanna, Maria Eleonora. "Pratiques de Soi et Performance de Genre : la construction des sujets politiques entre Pouvoir et Autonomie. Une lecture croisée de Michel Foucault et Judith Butler." Phd thesis, Université Paris VIII Vincennes-Saint Denis, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00358609.

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On ne naît pas un sujet autonome, on le devient. Et, selon Foucault, on le devient à partir de l'invention d'une « éthique du souci de soi » sur la base de laquelle le soi s'engage dans la résistance aux formes de l'assujettissement et dans la production de formes originales de relations de pouvoir. Mais qui, quand, comment et à quelles conditions devient un sujet autonome ? Mobiliser la « performance de genre » pour répondre à cette question signifie problématiser la conceptualisation binaire et «occidentale» du genre, ainsi que mettre en cause les usages de cette conceptualisation. Mais si, comme l'écrit Butler, « l'acte de discours » opposé à la norme de genre est un acte « individuel » et « localisé » , comment peut-on politiser la parodie subjective du genre de manière à produire une action collective, subversive et inédite?
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Doron, Claude-Olivier. "Races et dégénérescence : l'émergence des savoirs sur l'homme anormal." Phd thesis, Université Paris-Diderot - Paris VII, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00876157.

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Cette thèse fait l'histoire conjointe des notions de " race " et de " dégénération/ dégénérescence " entre le XVIIe et le XIXe siècle. Elle envisage cette histoire tant du point de vue d'une épistémologie historique - " comment race et dégénérescence sont devenues les concepts de savoirs divers " (histoire naturelle, anthropologie, psychiatrie) - et d'une histoire des pratiques de gouvernement - " comment race et dégénérescence sont devenues des problèmes de gouvernement ". En prenant au sérieux la liaison entre ces deux notions, on vise à rendre compte de la formation, au XIXe siècle, d'un champ de savoirs qui se donnent pour objet ce que nous appelons " l'homme anormal ", c'est-à-dire cette figure bien particulière en laquelle la folie, la criminalité et les races " inférieures " viennent communiquer comme autant de déviations de la norme humaine, à la lisière du normal et du pathologique. Notre thèse décrit les catégories fondamentales qui organisent ce champ de savoirs. Plus profondément, il s'agit ainsi de montrer comment, loin d'être exclusif d'un discours universaliste et humaniste, loin d'être systématiquement corrélé à un dispositif d'exclusion, le discours de la race et de la dégénérescence est intimement lié à un humanisme théorique et pratique, ainsi qu'à des pratiques d'inclusion qui se focalisent non sur la race, la folie et le crime comme altérités radicales, mais comme des altérations qu'il convient de régénérer, de corriger et de perfectionner par des dispositifs de pouvoir particuliers. Ce sont les ambiguïtés et les apories qui logent au cœur de cette volonté d'inclusion et dans cette analyse de réalités hétérogènes en termes d'altérations d'une norme que nous étudions à travers ce parcours historique. Nous démontrons en particulier le lien profond qui existe entre l'entrée de la notion de " race " dans le champ naturaliste et une position monogéniste ; et d'autre part, qu'on ne saurait comprendre l'entrée de la même notion dans le champ politique et - plus généralement - le développement de tout un ensemble de savoirs sur l'homme anormal, sans les resituer dans la logique du libéralisme politique du début du XIXe siècle.
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Philippou, Lambros. "Foucault and Derrida in search of a new economy : ethics and politics." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148785.

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Mills, Catherine J. "The politics of mere life : Foucault, Butler and Agamben on biopolitics, subjectivation and violence." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/138683.

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Donkers, Ando Petron. "O.R. Tambo se houding ten opsigte van 'n rewolusionêre strategie : 'n inhoudsontleding (1976-1984)." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13370.

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"Power and resistance in dystopian literature: a Foucauldian reading of three novels." 1997. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896261.

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by Wing Chi Ki.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-182).
Abstract --- p.i
Acknowledgements --- p.i v
Table of Contents --- p.v
Abbreviations used for Foucault's Works --- p.vi
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Power and Resistance in Foucault --- p.1
Chapter Chapter 2 --- 1984-The Axis of Power --- p.29
Chapter Chapter 3 --- Brave New World--The Axis of Sexuality --- p.70
Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Handmaid's Tale-The Axis of Knowledge --- p.117
Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion: Resistant Topos´ؤFrom Dystopia to Heterotopia --- p.167
Works Cited --- p.177
Bibliography --- p.182
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McIntyre, Katharine Mangano. "Freedom From Domination: A Foucauldian Account of Power, Subject Formation, and the Need for Recognition." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8JW8DRT.

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This dissertation seeks a concept of freedom that is compatible with Michel Foucault’s descriptions of power and its role in the constitution of the subject. Discovering the concept of freedom that properly opposes the Foucauldian concept of domination reveals the possibilities and limitations of the usefulness of Foucault’s account of power for social criticism. The first step in this endeavor is therefore to distinguish between Foucault's own use of the terms 'power' and 'domination' – the conflation of which is a source of criticism of his social theory. With this distinction in hand, I argue that Foucault’s genealogical period with its diagnosis of subjection is wholly compatible with, and indeed inseparable from, his ethical period with its emphasis on self-transformation. Read as two sides of a coin, these periods of Foucault’s work establish the terms in which we must understand the ethico-political struggle in which we constantly find ourselves as subjects of self-transformation embedded in identity-constituting relations of power. I then explore Foucault’s criticism of the modern concept of autonomy, which he believes to be inherited from the Enlightenment and, more specifically, Kant. In spite of these criticisms, Foucault does not dispense with the concept of freedom as autonomy altogether, but instead must embrace a concept of social freedom, similar to that which is found in contemporary recognition theory. Therefore, we should characterize Foucault’s normative stance as that of a coupling of a general concept of social freedom with what I call a "metaethico-political openness principle" committing us to acts of resistance that would attempt to push the boundaries of recognition so that we may affirm previously unimagined ways of life.
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Books on the topic "1926-1984 Political and social views"

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The political philosophy of Michel Foucault. New York: Routledge, 2009.

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Kasenda, Peter. Sukarno muda: Biografi pemikiran, 1926-1933. Beji Timur, Depok: Komunitas Bambu, 2010.

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Foucault and the politics of hearing. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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1948-, Anderson Kevin, and Foucault Michel, eds. Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the seductions of Islamism. Chicago, USA: University of Chicago Press, 2005.

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Djojoprajitno, Sudijono. Tan Malaka menolak blanquisme: Pemberontakan PKI 1926. Jakarta: LPPM Tan Malaka, 2010.

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Moutote, Daniel. André Gide: L'engagement (1926-1939). Paris: SEDES, 1991.

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Moutote, Daniel. André Gide: L'engagement (1926-1939). Paris: Sedes, 1991.

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Jeremy, Moss, ed. The later Foucault: Politics and philosophy. London: Sage Publications, 1998.

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Lévesque, René. René Lévesque par lui-même: 1963-1984. [Montréal]: Guérin, 1988.

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Mahmood, Khurram. Iqbal and the politics of Punjab, 1926-1938: A comparative study. Islamabad: National Book Foundation, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "1926-1984 Political and social views"

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Hall, Martin. "The Burden of Tribalism: The Social Context of Southern African Iron Age Studies (1984)." In Histories of Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199550074.003.0008.

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The study of the archaeology of farming communities in southern Africa is an inherently political activity but there has been little critical analysis of the role of social context in forming problems and in shaping answers. It is argued in this chapter that the history of Iron Age research south of the Zambezi shows the prevalent influence of colonial ideologies, both in the earliest speculations about the nature of the African past and in the adaptations that have been made to contemporary archaeological methodologies in their application to the subcontinent. Concepts such as ethnicity have acquired specific meanings in southern Africa that contrast with the use of similar ideas in other contexts such as Australasia. Such relativity reinforces the view that specific, detailed critiques of archaeological practice in differing social environments are necessary for an understanding of the manner in which the present shapes the past. In those countries where descendants of the colonizers mostly practise the archaeology of those colonized, the study of the past must have a political dimension. This has become overt in Australasia where, as one Aboriginal representative has put it, the colonizers ‘have tried to destroy our culture, you have built your fortunes upon the lands and bodies of our people and now, having said sorry, want a share in picking out the bones of what you regard as a dead past’ (Langford 1983: 2). In African countries, such opinions have been less explicit and consequently archaeologists have not frequently been faced with political accountability. Schmidt (1983) points out that there is some awareness that the intellectual constructs of Western archaeologists may have little meaning to African communities, but current literature describing research south of the Zambezi River of precolonial farming societies (by convention, termed the Iron Age) shows little acknowledgement that the social environment of the investigator may play a part in defining issues and colouring interpretations, or indeed, that the results themselves may have diverse political implications.
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Forrest, David, and Sue Vice. "Thatcherism and South Yorkshire." In Barry Hines. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992620.003.0004.

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This chapter traces the effects of Thatcherism on Hines’s work, and on the region and communities he depicts. His screenplay for the 1981 film Looks and Smiles takes an art-cinematic form to explore the pressures of the era’s unemployment on young people, in his fourth and final collaboration with Ken Loach, while the unproduced play Fun City offers a blackly comic view of the era’s schooling. Unfinished Business (1983) examines the possibilities of social freedom for women, while 1984’s Threads is an exceptionally bleak documentary drama about the effects of nuclear war. Tracing the screenplay’s archival history reveals the detail of Hines’s aesthetic and political practice.
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Farber, Paul M. "Midnight Crossings." In A Wall of Our Own, 129–61. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469655086.003.0005.

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In 1984, poet Audra Lorde came to West Berlin with questions about U.S. geopolitics in an era of reaccelerated Cold War tensions and antagonisms as well as growing frustration with U.S. military incursions abroad and social divides at home. Lorde established divided Berlin as a place of return as she built on previously uncharted diasporic solidarities and created forms of poetry that transcended borders between women writers. Her book, Our Dead Behind Us (1986), as well as other poetry, journal entries, and prose marked her first of many attempts to render the divided city as a space of critical connection that was ripe for intervention. This chapter reads her publicly circulating work in order to view how multiple layers of revision and editorial selection inform her geopolitical views—for example, how, when, and if Lorde depicts the Berlin Wall in order to reflect on broader themes and moments she encounters in her time in divided Berlin. Lorde’s poetry can be understood in conversation with broader discourses on memory and border politics.
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"was seen (as he often still is) as characteristically ‘heavy’, boring and lacking in a sense of humour, or at least irony – in fact the kind of playwright he himself deplored in his own, rational theatre. Furthermore, he was a Marxist and thus his ideas were (and are) unlikely to be suited to the mainly bourgeois institution of British theatre and theatregoers. Since Brecht’s ideology has so often been a barrier to a full appreciation of his work in Britain, and consequently appears regularly in this book, it is worth briefly spelling out here the basis and implications of his political beliefs. Brecht’s commitment to the classic Marxist tradition of ‘dialectical materialism’ (the idea that the individual is created by socio-political and economic factors and is, therefore, able to change his circumstances and environment) provided a ‘legitimacy’ (in his view at least) for an interventionist form of theatre. Brecht’s ‘discovery’ of Marxism (in 1928/9) confirmed his already well-developed idea that theatre should have a social function. As he said, he ‘had written a whole pile of Marxist plays without knowing it’ (Völker, 1979, p. 110). His ‘epic theatre’ was based on the concept of the primary importance of production in social life and it was intended to demonstrate socialism as the constant revolutionising of the forces and relations within the processes of production. Brecht often spoke of his form of theatre as one designed to make a contribution to ‘the full unfettering of everybody’s productivity’ (Suvin, 1984, p.20). He would admit, however, that in order for epic theatre to work fully, the actors involved in the production needed to share a Marxist view of the world. Certainly many theatre critics and historians would agree that without a knowledge of Marxist philosophy and aesthetics, it is virtually impossible to grasp the full meaning of Brecht’s plays. For example, Marxist philosophy is fundamental to Brecht’s dramaturgical exploration of the relationship between the individual and society. As a playwright, he builds up a complex framework of social, political, economic, historical and personal factors, which determine the character as an individual; his phrase for this is ‘statistical causality’. This approach to characterisation enables Brecht to demonstrate through his plays a wider range of possibilities for human behaviour than is the case with more ‘naturalistic’, psychologically-based drama. Brecht’s politics have, of course, been used frequently against him – as a reason for rejecting his artistic achievements, and as a ‘stick’ with which to beat him and expose the apparent hypocrisy in his personal behaviour. His detractors often draw attention to the fact that he never actually joined the Communist Party and that, after returning to East Berlin in 1949, he obtained an Austrian passport (1950), gave exclusive publishing rights to his writing to a West German publisher, and maintained a Swiss bank account. Equally notably, Brecht even refused to sign a binding contract with his own company, the Berliner Ensemble, until 1953, when he signed a form of ‘open’ agreement. In extenuation, it might be claimed that after his years in exile, when his artistic ambitions and activities had been inevitably limited,." In Performing Brecht, 12. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203129838-8.

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Conference papers on the topic "1926-1984 Political and social views"

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Herta, Adrian-Alexandru. "INSIDE THE COBWEB OF CALCULATIONS, COEFFICIENTS, HIDDEN PURPOSES AND FEARS: ROMANIAN ELECTORAL LAW FROM MARCH 1926 IN THE VIEW OF THE MAIN POLITICAL PARTIES." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s01.013.

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Reports on the topic "1926-1984 Political and social views"

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Country profile of women's health and development in Indonesia. Population Council, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh1998.1048.

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The “Country Profile of Women’s Health and Development in Indonesia” contains a thorough review of the following: Geographical, Political, Socio-Demographic, and Economic Profile of Indonesia; Status of Women; and Women’s Health Status. In view of the complexity of the problems facing women, the document concludes that Indonesia needs a plan for the future with a gender perspective that prioritizes increased life expectancy, legal protection, and empowerment for women. To reach this goal, Indonesia started by ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and set it into law in 1984. This convention, together with the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) that was ratified in 1990, directly addresses various issues facing women, children, and families.
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